PROGRAMME OF PROCEEDINGS.

STAND No. 1.

SALUTES OF ARTILLERY, by the ANTHON LIGHT BATTERY, and by the WORKMEN employed by HENRY BREWSTER & Co. 1. GRAND MARCH by Mendelssohn, by Helmsmuller's Grand Band. 2. JONATHAN STURGES will call the meeting to order, read the CALL FOR THE MEETING, and conduct to the Chair, HON. GEORGE OPDYKE, Mayor of the City.

3. DENNING DUER will read the list of Vice-Presidents and Secretaries.

4. Hon. GEORGE OPDYKE, Chairman, will address the meeting.

5. DAVID DUDLEY FIELD will read the ADDRESS adopted by the Convention of Committees.

6. JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS, Jr., will read the RESOLUTIONS adopted by the Convention of Committees.

7. Song on our Country and our Flag, by FRANCIS LIEBER; sung by Grand Chorus with band accompaniment.

8. CHARLES KING will address the meeting.

9. WILLIAM ROSS WALLACE will read an Ode, composed for the occasion "Keep Step to the Music of Union."

10. MUSIC-Star-Spangled Banner.

11. HIRAM WALBRIDGE will address the meeting.

12. MUSIC-Hail Columbia.

13. SENATOR SPINOLA will address the meeting.

14. MUSIC-Hail to the Chief.

Mr. JONATHAN STURGES called the meeting to order, read the call of the meeting, and conducted to the chair Hon. GEORGE OPDYKE, Mayor of the city, amid the cheers of the people.

In the absence of Mr. DENNING DUER, JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS, Jr., read the list of Vice-Presidents and Secretaries, which was adopted.

SPEECH OF THE HON. GEORGE OPDYKE.

FELLOW-CITIZENS-We have assembled for a high and holy purpose. We come to renew our vows at the altar of patriotism; and at what place so fitting as in the presence of a monument erected to the memory of Washington? [Cheers.] We come to reaffirm our earnest devotion to our country; to pledge our lives and all that we possess in defence of the Constitution and Union which our fathers bequeathed to us, and to declare our unalterable determination to defend them to the last, not merely against the assaults of traitors, but if need be against a world in arms. [Cheers.] Come what may, whether disaster or success, we are determined to "fight on, and fight ever," until a glorious and enduring triumph shall crown our efforts. [Cheers.]

We are here, too, to denounce treason and to disown political fellowship with all who sympathize with it. We have no toleration for those who, without provocation, have drenched our country in blood, in a fiendish attempt to overthrow a Government at once the mildest and most beneficent that human wisdom ever devised. History records no blacker crime against society. In a contest with such a foe there can be no middle or neutral ground. All who are not earnestly opposed to these enemies of their country and of the human race, must be regarded as participators in their guilt; all who apologize for their crime must share in the infamy that awaits them. Nor are there any grounds of compromise with such an enemy. Unconditional submission to the Constitution and laws they have contemned, is the only basis of reconciliation that honor or safety will permit us to offer them. [Cheers.]

We are here to stimulate and encourage the President, and all others charged with the duty of suppressing this infamous rebellion; to declare to the Administration our confidence in its honesty, ability and singleness of purpose; to bid it be of good cheer, for the people, regardless of all party affinities, have resolved that the Union must and shall be preserved, loud cheers;] and that to this end, and the speedy suppression of the rebellion, they are prepared to stand as one man in support of the Administration in every advancing step it may take in earnestness of effort, and in the employment of every means justified by the usages of war. [Cheers.]

But, above all, we are here to rekindle the half-slumbering patriotism of our countrymen, and to urge them to respond with alacrity to the call of the Government for additional volunteers. A bitter and relentless foe is striking at its vitals, and appealing to the enemies of free government everywhere to aid in the unholy work. Their efforts will fail utterly and hopelessly. But to make that failure quick, sure, and overwhelming, let

there be a general uprising and arming throughout the loyal States; and let this be followed by a prompt forward movement of the armies of the Union, so strong and irresistible that the armed traitors will be quickly driven to choose between flight and unconditional submission. [Enthusiastic cheering.]

D. D. FIELD, being called upon by the Chair, read the following ADDRESS,

ADOPTED AND RECOMMENDED BY THE CONVENTION OF COMMITTEES.

The war in which the United States are engaged is not a war of conquest, but purely of defence. We are fighting for that which we received from our fathers: for the Union, which was freely entered into by all the parties to it; for the Constitution, which is older than this generation, which was made, in part, by the rebel States, and which every rebel leader has oftentimes sworn to support. We did not resist till our forbearance was imputed to pusillanimity; we did not strike till we had been struck; and when we took up arms, we sought only to retake that which had been taken from us by force, or surrendered by an imbecile or traitorous President and Cabinet.

The Rebellion had no cause or pretext which was even plausible. Misgovernment by the Federal power was not even pretended, nor any just apprehension of misgovernment, for, though a Presi dent had been chosen whose opinions were hostile to the extension of Slavery, the other departments of the Government were so constituted that no legislation hostile to the South could have been perfected. The Rebels revolted, therefore, against a Government which themselves or their fathers had, of their free choice, created for them, whose powers they had generally wielded, and whose offices they had for the greater part filled.

What this rebellion was for is declared by the Constitution which the rebels immediately adopted for themselves, and to which they invited the adhesion of the loyal States. That instrument may be regarded as their manifesto. It is for the most part a copy of the Constitution of the United States, with these two important additions-the perpetual servitude of the African race, and the inalienable right of each State to secede from the rest at will. Slavery and secession are the two corner-stones of the

rebel constitution, the differences between that and our own, and, of course, the only causes and objects of the rebellion.

Whoever, therefore, either in this country, or in Europe, sympathizes with the rebels, or abets them, must justify the taking up of arms and filling the land with distress and slaughter, for the establishment of the perpetual right of slavery, and the perpetual right of secession. The bare statement of the proposition, so far as slavery is concerned, should seem to be a sufficient argument. In this age of the world, under the influence of our Christian civilization, it seems incredible that any set of men should dare to proclaim perpetual human servitude as a fundamental article of their social compact, or that any other man should be found on the face of the world to justify or even to tolerate them. In respect to the assumed right of secession, the argument is short and conclusive. Our Constitution established a Government and not a league; that was its purpose; the aim of its founders to make it a Government indissoluble and immortal, was as clearly expressed in the language of the instrument, and of contempora neous writings, as it was possible to express it.

That man must be most ignorant of American history and law, who does not know that the idea of a league or partnership is wholly foreign to our constitutional system. The union between England and Scotland is as much a league or partnership, as the union between New-York and Virginia, and when Englishmen talk of the right of Virginia to self-government, let them ask themselves if they think Scotland has a right to secede from England at will.

So much for the legal right-now for the political necessity. The secession of Louisiana and Florida from Pennsylvania and Ohio can no more be admitted, considered as a question of policy alone, than could the secession of Wales from England, or Burgundy from France: nay, more, it would be possible for France to exist as a powerful empire, without a foot of the old domain of the Burgundian princes; and England might be powerful and respected, though the Welsh in their mountains still maintained their independence. But such is the shape of this continent, and the net-work of waters which flow through the Delta of the Missis