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there is nobody now who can be deluded into believing that peace means anything but humiliation, disgrace, degradation, national dissolution, the end of the Republic, the beginning of the scorn and contempt of the world. [Great applause.] Ye men of Maryland who will crawl to the altar of peace, crawl there; but ye men of Maryland who remember that your forefathers thought seven years of war better than peace with submission and uegradation, I appeal to you here this night to revive the recollection of those great days, and act upon their inspiration. [Great applause.] And Maryland, too, is she disloyal? [No, no.] There are those who say so. There are those who say so in our State; there are those who say so abroad; there are those in power who believe it, and there are those who are not in power, but who skalk about in the darkness of the alleys of this great city, and carry whispering to the ear of power their slanders on their fellow-citizens, or spread them broadeast by the press all over the country, until Maryland stands almost in as ill-repute as if she had lifted her hand in arms against the Government that she adores and will maintain; and because of one deplorable and humiliating event, the result of weakness in some of our rulers and of treachery in others, there are those in one great region of this country who treat the State of Maryland as the whole South lately treated the whole North. The time was when one fanatic inflamed by hatred started out to make war upon the State of Virginia and set its negroes free, with twenty men at his back. [Laughter.] He was seized and bung. All the South with one acclaim laid that dastardly and crazy deed at the door of every man throughout the great regions of the civilized and christian North; and there was no voice from the South in the House of Representatives but one, and that one ventured it at the peril of his political existence, to defend the North from that imputation. [Applause. And now the city in which he lives has yet to find one defender in all the region of that North, from complicity with the equally dastardly crime of the 19th of April. [Applause.] Great masses of men, when their passions are aroused, and when the judgment is asleep, when great events are transpiring, forget the rules of justice and of discrimination, and one portion of the country is just as liberal and just as illiberal as the other under analagous circumstances. I have defended my fellow-citizens of the North. I can venture now to defend my fellow-citizens of Maryland, and demand to be heard else where than here. [Applause.]

Is Maryland, then, disloyal? Has she ever, for a moment, hesitated even? It is more than can be said for any other State south of Mason and Dixon's line, but Delaware. Have the people of Maryland ever hesitated as to the side they should take in this great struggle? ["No," "no."] Did she hesitate when the Commissioners from Alabama and from Mississippi sought to associate her to the plotting of their treason? Did she hesitate when

her Governor resolutely for three decisive months refused to convene her traitorous Legislature, (applause,) lest they might plunge her into the vortex of rebellion? Did she ever hesitate when cunning politicians pestered him with their importunities, when committees swarmed from every disloyal quarter of the State, when men of the first position sought him and attempted to browbeat him in his mansion? Did she swerve when they, failing to compel him to call the Legislature, attempted the vain formality of a mock vote throughout the State to call a sovereign Convention by the spontaneous voice of the traitors of Maryland? Did they hesitate when in almost every county, even in those counties which were strongly secession, at the election for that Convention, the disloyal candidates were either defeated or got votes so insignificant as to create nothing but disgust and laughter throughout the State? Did they hesitate when that wretched remnant of a Convention met here amid the jeers and the scoffs of the people of Baltimore, at the Maryland Institute-to do nothing and go home? What was it that enabled the Governor to resist the pressing applications for the convocation of the Legislature? Are we to suppose that he had courage and resolution to face down and overbear the will of the great majority of the people of Maryland? Or was it not because, knowing the people who had elected him, their temper and their purposes, he felt that however severe the pressure might be on him, where one person sought the meeting of the Legislature, there were thousands who stood by him in his refusal to convoke them. [Applause.]

Gentlemen, if the country will only go back to that critical period, the period of the opening of the electoral votes in the House of Representatives, in February, and the inauguration of the President on the 4th of March, they who know most about that period will know best that the destiny of the Capital of the United States lay in the hollow of the hand of Maryland? And had Maryland been then as people now presumptuously assert that she is, Abraham Lincoln might have taken the oath before a magistrate in the corner of some magistrate's office in Pennsylvania, but he would not have been then inaugurated where his predecessors were inaugurated, in the august presence of the Capitol of the country. I pray gentlemen to reflect when they think of subsequent events, that if disloyalty bad lain as a cankering worm at the heart of Maryland, then was her time. She could have made something by being false then. She could have presented herself before her Southern sisters dowering them with the Capital of the country; and there was no power that could have prevented that gift, however the returning tide of events might have shown it to be as unwise as it was treacherous.

Then, fellow-citizens, what next? The bombardment of Fort Sumter, the uprising of the North, the call for troops which Marylanders stood ready to respond to, [applause] when their ardor was damped by the proclamation

of the Governor, and the disloyal Mayor of Baltimore-not the disloyal Governor, but the Governor and the disloyal Mayor of Baltimore ["that is it"]-informing the people that no troops should be sent out of the State of Maryland for any other purpose than the defence of the Capital. That was the equivalent of telling the traitors of Maryland that the loyal men of Maryland were afraid to do their duty, and they acted upon it instantly. That proclamation appeared upon the 18th of April, and on the very evening of that day was held the meeting at which Parkin Scott, and Mr. Carr, and Mr. Burns, and other men of that stamp, prepared the hearts of the mob for the 19th of April. ["True."] And then, gentlemen, came that eternal stain upon the memory of those engaged in it-not a stain upon the memory of Baltimore, not a stain upon the memory of her loyal Governor,-not a stain upon the memory of her disarmed loyal citizens, a stain upon those who vilely and perfidiously perverted the trust given to them by the people of Maryland for the preservation of the peace of this city, into an instrument of revolution, treacherously begun, treacherously carried on until it fell before the scorn and wrath of the people of Maryland.

Then, gentlemen, the Governor with the commissions already signed lying upon his table, with the officers standing around him waiting to receive their commissions-the Governor, suddenly smitten by an inexplicable terror, forgetting that the majority of the people of Baltimore, were loyal and were around him and if summoned could support and would support him; forgetting that on Federal Hill the very night before, even after his damaging proclamation of the 18th, when some traitors attempted to raise a secession flag there, the loyal workingmen pulled it down and tore it to tatters, [great applause;) forgetting that these men were within five minutes walk of where he sat and that their breasts were such a protection as all the secessionists of Baltimore could not have marched over to assail him; forgetting that the voice of authority can paralyze in its incipient stages civil outbreak; forgetting the great example of which history gives us so many, more especially forgetting the great example of Cardinal Richelieu when the enemy was almost at the gates of Paris and the populace of Paris thought it was there through his neglect and were calling for his blood, the old Cardinal unarmed and without guards went to the Hotel de Ville in the midst of the excited and infuriated multitude and besought them to come to his aid and not to his overthrow, and every rebellious arm sank before his patriotic appeal; forgetting great examples like these, the Governor, failing to rise to the height of the occasion, went to the Hotel de Ville, and tbrew himself into the arms of his enemies and became from that time but their instrument, graced by his presence their disloyal and degrading meeting, stood in their midst whilst they uttered disloyal sentiments, uttered no word of disapprobation when they, the Mayor at their lead,

falsified events that had occurred under t own eyes that day, and allowed them to t as an assault on the people of Baltimore act of self defence of our fellow citizens of] sachusetts against the traitorous assassins assailed them without warning as they mar peacefully on their way for the defence of Capitol. Then came the calling out of military, two thirds of them secessionists, u officers many of whom were known then 1 traitors, have since signalized their treac by leaving Maryland in pursuit of mili service in the Confederate States. Then it that here in Baltimore, even strong # hearts failed them for fear. Then it was we saw the Chief of Police, and the Con sioners of Police, and Trimble, the "Ge commanding," [derisive laughter, and aids innumerable and his adjutant ge [continued laughter,] disporting thems through the streets in gaudy colors, arra armed men in Monument Square, first trained volunteers and then the rabble an mob not to do their behests, and then arre the commerce of the port, and then seizing the military stores of the United States then forbidding the display of the Nat flag, and then arresting people for spies, ting off the transit of troops to the Capit breaking up the railway communicat arming steamers to ply in the port to a the free transit of Maryland commere these things done by the Chief of Police the members of the police of Baltimore an organized mob-the loyal men informed their lives were not safe-men insol warned to leave the city if they would b

men thinking that it was "too good ne be true" that the Virginians were co down to aid us; communication opened; f embassies sent up to Harper's Ferry to i John Letcher's 6,000 men to come dow help the Marylanders to be free, [laug and empty cars mysteriously gliding, in of the President, for a whole day to Harper's Ferry-a peace offering to our S ern brethren ["that's so,"] which migh vent their destroying the road and coul embarrass their march to Baltimore-th respondence opened with John Letcher muskets to be put into the hand of our “ citizens"-quarreling between General St and certain members of the Police Boar Mr. Trimble for the possession of the pre deposit of 2,000 arms sent down here Harper's Ferry to keep the peace-Br Johnson, with an "invincible legion" of t men, rushing to defend Baltimore against Northern hordes," [laughter,]-Marshal making the mountains and the valleys of ginia and Maryland hideous with his cr help, which did not come, [great laught the Vansville Rangers scattered all alon way, forty men full, [renewed laughter,) Washington to Baltimore to guard the r "loyal men" from Harford county, in eq overwhelming masses rushing in to Baltimore against "Lincoln's hireli [laughter,]-all these things are repres

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by the intelligent Northern press as the doings of the people of Maryland!

Bradley Johnson was seen almost immediately after that election, having accomplished And on Wednesday an election was called the purpose of his visit to return to Frederick; [great laughter] and it was supposed that the and on the 9th of May, "the defenders of Maryunanimous voice of "an oppressed people" land," "the defenders of Baltimore," the canwould signalize this day of their deliverance,didates for immortality in the coming revoluand lift Mr. Wallis to those pinnacles of tion, the men who were to fill the places in the glory that he has all his life sighed for in vain! niche of history corresponding to those filled The day of his advent was come. [Laughter.] by Williams and Smallwood of the Revolution; His heart beat high upon his bosom. Had he those men had tramped way-worn and weary not on the 19th "assured the meeting that his to Frederick, and in that loyal town were heart was with the South, and that he was guarded by the police through the town on ready to defend Baltimore." Had he not said their way to Dixie's land, without any music that "he hoped the blood of the citizens shed accompanying. [Laughter.] And Bradley by an invading foe would obliterate all past Johnson, with his thirty heroes, not one fallen differences and seal the covenant of brother- in conflict with the "Northern invaders," hood among the people?" And had they not joined them and marched to defend Harper's taken every possible pains to "obliterate all Ferry! past differences" by the organizing of 3,000 sharp bayonets to argue with the refractory? Was there not therefore every reason to suppose that there would be entire unanimity; nay, that these people trodden down to the earth, trembling before the advent of "fresh hordes," wishing to place the mild and peaceful government of Jefferson Davis between their threatened bosoms and the Northern onslaught, would rush as one man to elect these gentlemen, the symbols of Southern sympathy, as their protectors in the day of their distress? The morning of election came, and one third of the people of Baltimore, under the influence of pressure, and persuasion, and delusion, and a little coercion [laughter] signified at an illegal election that they thought S. Teackle Wallis and his colleagues fit associates for the rest of the majority of the House of Delegates. [Laughter.]

On Thursday morning, when men woke and walked down the streets, they found that a revolution had occurred, although they did not know it. Gone was the elastic step, gone was the uplifted eye of insolence, gone was the jeering scoff with which Secessionist met Union man, gone was the half menace with which loyal men were met, gone was the nod of fate that told them that their hour was coming. They fell by their victory; they died of their vote; the silence of two thirds of Baltimore stript the revolutionists of their power, and consigned them to ignomy. [Applause.] Half the votes of a people do not make a revolution. One-third may make a rebellion; but two-thirds on the spot can put it down; and they felt it. ["That's so."] Gradually, troops disappeared from Monument square; gradually, the arms were placed in their armories; gradually, there were fewer and fewer "orders from headquarters," "Trimble commanding," [laughter;] gradually, the steam tug which constituted the navy of the incipient republic [laughter] ceased to send forth its black smoke, and vessels could venture to leave Baltimore without having a pop gun fired at them, [laughter;] and even the Union men that had been frightened awoke to the consciousness that where they thought they were slaves they were masters, and from that day to this there has been nothing in Baltimore to make any man afraid, except one who has violated the laws of the land.

Now, upon the simple statement of that series of facts, is there any man who needs anything else to be told him to convince him that the outbreak of April was a mob and not a revolution; that it received importance from the fact that the traitorous authorities attempted to use it for traitorous purposes; and without the firing of a gun, without the approach of a Northern soldier, without the menace of force, without the necessity even of a count of noses, without even the advent of an election in the State, they recognized that their time was come and gone, that they were powerless and in the hands of the civil authorities, that they must gain immunity by good behavior, that Maryland was so loyal that they could not make her even appear to be disloyal; and the arms dropped from their hands, and they began to seek mercy of their traitorous confederates at Frederick, by begging and accepting a bill of indemnity for their criminal acts. Look at the counties. Was there any one of them that met to pass resolutions approving of what proceeded in Baltimore, or poured forth their thousands to support the revolution? If there was, let some one better versed in the history of the State than I am, name it. If not, how came the whole State, being filled with traitors, (!) to be silent when Richmond was ringing with the joyous acclamations that saluted the narrative of Mr. Henry M. Warfield? How is it that Virginia appreciates our "deliverance" more than we do ourselves? How is it that we can find no tongue to celebrate the glories that they are rejoicing over? Why, gentlemen, not only was there no county that expressed any such approval, but even in St. Mary's, where there are only two hundred and fifty men in the whole county, they were not so deluded as to suppose that they had Maryland in their grasp; and in Cecil on the 23d of April the people met aud passed resolutions such as Cecil has always acted upon, professing not neutrality as Kentuckians did, not a desire for the removal of "the northern hordes," not that our soil should not be polluted by any individuals crossing it in arms, but declaring their determination to stand by and maintain the Government of the United States, [applause,] branding as traitors the men who had attempted to gain the reputation of patriots, and themselves leading off in the chorus that swept all round the State in one unbroken

jubilee over the failure of the attempted revolution. [Great applause.] And immediately following were the resolutions of Alleghany county consigning to the halter their representatives in the Legislature, if they should dare to vote for an ordinance of secession; and then followed the resolutions of Washington County, just preceding their great electionitself held, I believe, on the second or third of May-declaring their unalterable devotion to the Constitution and, the Union, and their determination to abide by it always, followed up two or three days afterwards, by casting 2,300 out of the 3,800 votes of the county for the Union candidate without opposition. And then followed the great meeting in Frederick; and intermediate here in our midst, all through our wards, when the Legislature ventured to attempt to fix on us a military despotism in the disguise of a bill of public safety, copying the provisions and the spirit of their infernal police law for the city to fix the yoke on the people of the State, as they fixed that on the neck of the people of this city, our people quietly met in their wards and passed their resolutions, which were followed up in so many of the counties of the State that even the Legislature let drop their infernal machine, and did not venture to put it to a vote. [Applause.]

And where were we, fellow-citizens, all this time, for it was dropped on the second or third of May? In whose power was the Capital of the United States at that moment, on the hypothesis of the disloyalty of Maryland? There were six hundred regulars there on the 18th of April; there were one thousand Pennsylvanians, wholly without drilling and ununiformed; and that constituted the protection of the Capital of the United States on the 19th of April. On that day, one Massachusetts regiment marched through, its last company only having been assailed. From that day until the 26th of April there were no more troops in Washington than I have enumerated. Up to the second of May, they could count only about 6,000 troops for the defence of the Capital, and there were at that time six thousand at Harper's Ferry and cars there ready to bring them down, and 3,000 men armed in the city of Baltimore.

Suppose the State of Maryland had been as men now impudently say she is, disloyal. I ack in whose power was the Capital of the United States? On that supposition, there can be no doubt that it was ours,-ours by a march of forty miles,-ours as long as we could hold it, it may be as long as the Southern Confederates have held Bull Run. And here, gentlemen, I desire to say that it is to the fault of the Confederates themselves, the remarkable lack of that quality which Danton said was the essence of revolution, audacity, audacity, AUDACITY,-it is to their failure in that first and indispensable quality of revolutionary leaders, it is to the absence of that quality that we now owe [be Maryland loyal or disloyal] the possession of the Capital of the United States. It was not saved by the promptness of Northern volunteers; it was not

saved by the forecast of the Administration, that during its first month labored under the delusion that peace and not war was before it; it was not by the forecast of that wretched old dotard Buchanan, [hisses] who now mumbles about energy and activity from bis home st Wheatland. It was neither one nor the other; but it was because revolutionists had undertaken the work, without having the quality of revolutionists, that we still hold it and that the glorious emblem of the Republic floati from its dome. [Applause.] Baltimore, so the myth goes by timid creatures in our city, who whisper to people in Washington and tell their fears for facts, and begrim the reputation of their native city, or spread in still more dangerous form their fancies through the columns of the Northern press to poison the minds of our fellow citizens against us-these people would fain repeat that here is the very gate of hell, that its seething and boiling fire bubbles under our feet perpetually, and that nothing keeps it down excepting their sleepless vigilance,-fit guardians for such a post: and "Lincoln's myrmidons." [Great laughter.] Where were these gentlemen that were to keep the peace in Baltimore city, during that awful period from the 19th of April to the 14th of May?-time enough in the city of Paris, where revolutionists understand their work, to have gone through all the phases of a revolution, installed a new power, tried and bebeaded their antagonists, and forgotten the thing as an old event. It was not until the 14th of May that Gen. Butler marched into this "disloyal" city, teeming, as we are now taught to believe, with raging revolutionists, requiring 10,000 men more so say some men of the last generation-to keep them down.Gen. Butler marched one morning into the southern part of Baltimore, marched up to Federal Hill, comfortably encamped his men in the rain, issued a proclamation, in which he (understanding Baltimore better than those in it who delight to malign it,) appealed to and trusted to the loyal men of Baltimore, having come, as he said, with little more than a body guard-less than 1,000 men in a hostile city of 230,000 inhabitants. That was the first appearance of troops here. Now tell me why (if there were the disloyal elements to the extent that is supposed,) during all that period nothing had been done. Why wa there no array to resist his entrance? Why did it have no other effect excepting that Union men walked down the street and said, "well, we are afraid it will have the effect of changing some of our weak-kneed brethren." That was the only doubt expressed about it, except that one despairing individual thought that the hill being in the possession of the troops of the United States would frighten all the market women away, and we should have no lettuce for some time. [Laughter.]

How did the Legislature of Maryland understand the position of affairs in the State! They had prayed and besought to be recalled again into existence. They had died a nataral death in March the year previous, having

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signalized their short power by some events which were to form a remarkable antithesis to events to follow them. They had passed almost unanimously a resolution declaring that I in voting Mr. Pennington into the Speaker's chair of the National House of Representatives in order to prevent the then incipient revolution did not represent the people of Maryland. They had ejected the respectable members from the city of Baltimore in the last hour of their session, in order that they might make room for those who were to follow them and be more fit companions for the majority. They had previously passed a Police Law in which they had been careful to provide that "no Black Republican or approver or endorser of the Helper book" should ever be a policeman under that law in the city of Baltimore. [Laughter.] And such is the poetical justice of time and Providence that within a few months past we have seen a man Bet over the Police of Baltimore by a "Black Republican" General and N. P. Banks' name signed to an order to enforce the law; and some of the gentlemen, who passed that law are now appreciating that, although a Black Republican could not be a policeman under their law, he might be a policeman over its authors and commissioners. [Great laughter.] Thus ends the first act of the Maryland Assembly-more wretched in its character, more ignorant, more unfit for its position, less representing the dignity and the intelligence of the State of Maryland, more begrimed by filthy lucre than any Legislature within my memory. Men supposed that it had been carried to its burial and buried out of our sight forever, and if not out of our memory, at least out of our grateful recollection; and, donbtless, one great element in the pertinacity with which the Governor refused to recall the Assembly was his distinct remembrance of their unfitness for their duty, and his unwillingness that the State should be degraded by their again assembling. [Applause. But in an evil hour he assembled them. For what? According to the unanimous avowal of those who demanded it, to take the sense of the people of Maryland as to whether they wished to remain in the Union or to go out of it. They met, and an elaborate report was prepared and delivered before that body, making great complaints of divers acts of illegality and oppression that had been perpetrated within the territory of Maryland by President Lincoln, but ultimately coming to the conclusion that they were unanimously opposed to the assembling of a Convention at that time.

enough produced great changes of opinion and feeling among our citizens." [Laughter.]"They have no hesitation in expressing their belief now that there is almost unanimous feeling in the State against calling a Conventien at the present time." [Laughter.] Since when? It goes on to assign the reasons.Now judge:

"To the committee, the single fact of the military occupation of our soil by the Northera troops in the service of the government, against the wishes of our people and the solemn protest of the State Executive, is a sufficient and conclusive reason for postponing the subject to a period when the Federal ban shall be no longer upon us."

It goes on to say: "The Constitution is silenced by the bayonets which surround us; and it is not worth while for us to fancy our selves beneath its ægis. It would be criminal as well as foolish to shut our eyes to the fact that we will not be permitted to organize and arm our citizens, let our rights and Constitution be what they may."

That is to say, gentlemen, when there were not troops enough in Washington to defend it; when there were none to be spared from Wash ington, when there was not a single soldier within the limits of Baltimore, when there were not three or four thousand upon the soil of Maryland all told, these patriots who tell us that the Constitution is silenced, that our rights are trampled down, that we are oppressed, think that these are the very reasons why they should not appeal to the people of Maryland for their own protection! They may be the fit representatives of what is called secession; they certainly are the representatives of that prudence which Maryland secessionists have always substituted for audacity; who will neither appeal to arms or the ballot-box against oppression unless the oppressor first stays his hand; but these men are not the representatives of the loyal and free men of Maryland. If affairs were as they represent them, that was the time to appeal to the people of Maryland. It matters not whence oppres sion comes, it matters not in what shape it be presented, it matters not how overwhelming may be its force, when oppression shall unsheathe the sword, I mistake the tone and temper of the people of Maryland if they wonld stop any more than the men of Lexington and Concord stopped to count their antagonista in 1775 (Applause.) I suppose that it was not the presence of the military which overawed the Legislature of Maryland; it was that they, like the Police Commissioners, like Marshal "At the time when the Legislature was Kane, and like "Trimble Commanding," called together," says this singular document, (laughter,) and like all his supporters and fol"there was certainly but little difference of lowers, adjutants and aids, had all found that opinion among its members of all parties as to whilst the people of Maryland were almost the propriety of speedily adopting measures unanimously opposed to calling a convention, to secure the objects referred to. Since that that unanimity resolved itself into these eletime, the rapid and extraordinary developments,-a small minority of the people wanting ment of events, and of the warlike purposes of the Administration, the concentration of large bodies of troops in our midst and upon our borders, and the actual and threatened military occupation of the State, have naturally

the majority to vote with them, but kuowing they would not, and therefore not wanting a convention called which would reveal irrefutably their insignificance of numbers, and the overwhelming majority of the people of Mary

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