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And all officers of the navy of the United States will, at all times, render to the agents appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury all such aid as may be necessary to enable them to take possession of any abandoned, or captured, or seized property aforesaid, and in transporting the same, so far as can be done without manifest injury to the public service.

All expenses of transporting property herein referred to will be reported by the officers who furnish the transportation to the agent of the Treasury Department, and also, through the proper channels, to the Navy Department at Washington, in order that the expenses may be reimbursed from the proceeds of sales of such transported property.

III.

All naval officers in command of squadrons, vessels, or stations will, upon receipt of this order, revoke all existing orders throughout their respective commands conflicting or inconsistent herewith, or which permit, or prohibit, or in any manner interfere with any trade or transportation conducted under the regulations of the Secretary of the Treasury not understood as applying to any lawful maritime prize by the naval forces of the United States ; and their attention is particularly directed to said regulations, prescribed March 31, 1863, and they will respectively make such orders as will insure strict observ. ance of this order throughout their respective commands.

GIDEON WELLES,

Secretary of the Navy.

NAVY DEPARTMENT,

September 11, 1863. The attention of all officers, sailors and marines of the Navy of the United States, is especially directed to the Revised Regulations of the Secretary of the Treasury, approved by the President, dated September 11, 1863, and superseding the Regulation of March 31, 1863; and they will in all respects observe the order of this Department, dated March 31, 1863, with regard to said Revised Regulations, as if the same had been originally promulgated with reference to them.

GIDEON WELLES,

Secretary of the Navy.

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ALBANY:
WEED, PARSONS & COMPANY, PRINTERS.

1863.

233.m. 99.(0)

)

SPEECH.

MR. CHAIRMAN:

I have no other purpose to-night than to attempt a review of so much of the Governor's Message as relates to National affairs. The time which this will necessarily consume, study brevity as I may, will leave me no opportunity for a formal reply to the Honorable Senator from the third. I must confine myself strictly to this parpose, or become wearisome beyond endurance.

I listened to the reading of this message, sir, with a sincere desire that I might be able to acquiesce in all its statements and conclusions. Divided counsels had already produced their inevitable results upon the country. A loyal people who, eighteen months ago, stood united and therefore invincible, had become discordant, uncertain of purpose and therefore brought to the brink of ruin. I was prepared to follow ady leader, Democrat or Republican, who would sink the partizan in the patriot, and unite all loyal men in the great work of putting down this rebellion. I was disposed to avoid all irritating and useless discussion, to sacrifice my own views where principle was not involved, and adopt any plan which promised success. I hoped to find in this message a clear, distinct policy enunciated. I hoped also to find such appeals as would allay discontent, animate drooping courage, and establish public confidence in

the government. A large section is in arms for its destruction. This rebellion will succeed unless put down by force. Force can only be used through the constituted authorities at Washington. These authorities are powerless without the support of the people.

I think these propositions self-evident. And it follows from them, that unless the people do sustain the Administration in the prosecution of the war, the rebellion will succeed and the country be destroyed. It is manifestly then the duty of every loyal citizen, high and low, to be found beneath the standard of his country, and to leave the conduct of the war to those whom the the constitution has made our leaders. It is not the part of exalted patriotism to stand afar off and rail at the generalship, while the smoke of battle enshrouds the contending hosts, and that standard is being torn and riven by the missiles of the enemy. Nor when we have taken the field is it wise to spend our time in quarreling with our fellow soldiers instead of fighting the common foe. In short, it is madness for us, as a people, to imitate the factions in Jerusalem when the Romans were thundering at its gates, by weakening and destroying each other in every lall of the storm which threatens to overwhelm

us.

our cause

It is, therefore, with profound sorrow that I am compelled to say that there is much in this message of an exactly opposite tendency. If I did not think so, I should take no part in this debate. A mere difference of opinion as to the cause of this war and the proper mode of condac'ing it, is inevitable and harmless in itself. But when these differences are so discussed as to weaken and perhaps paralyze the Administration, through which al ne the country can be saved and peace r-stored, the effect is only mischievous, however patriotic the motive may be.

The business of the hour is the salvation of

And it is not necessary to ignore the errors and faults of our rulers in order to support the government. I concede the propriety and usefulness of free discussion of every act of the Administration. What I condemp is the exercise of this right in a way calculated to distract the people, and lead them, if possible, to believe that it is more important to crush the Adminis. tration than the rebellion

The part of the message we are considering contains much that we all approve. His faith that the country may yet be saved-his condemnation of disobedience to constituted authori. ties—the call he makes for economy and into grity in public affairs—his veneration for the

constitution—his declaration that the people of violent deposition of Mr. Linooln, even if it this State will never willingly assent to disunion would have prevented the rebellion ? -are the sentiments of each one of us.

No Sir, this assertion that the war might bave But this is not all he says-indeed it is a very been averted, so constantly repeated of late, and small part of what he says. The greater portion which is doing its work of evil amongst us, is a of the message is devoted to the discussion of

mere gratuitous assumption. It has not a partthe causes of the war, and in attacks upon the icle of proof to rest upon. It utterly ignores the administration.

whole rebel programme as stated over and over During the early period of this struggle, the again by themselves. It refuses to see, what is discussion of the causes of the war was dropped apparent to the whole world, that this rebellion by common consent. Every good citizen felt had been determined for over thirty years—that that such a discussion could do no good, but its plans were forming during that whole period would inevitably lead co strife and bitterness. —and that their complaints of Northern aggresThe unanimity which resulted from this course, sion was a mere cloak to conceal their actual proved its wisdom, while the discord now per- purpose, and a means employed to drag their vading the North is, to a great extent, attribut- own people into the conspiracy. able to the persistent efforts of politicians to No Sir, it was ambition, a thirst for power that revive the contest. I regret, therefore, that the made these men rebels, not any real or imaginary Governor has thought it necessary to renew the injustice on the part of the North, they themdiscussion of the causes of the war. But since selves being witnesses. he has done it-since he has forced the question Says the Governor again : “ Afrighted at the upon us—I cannot consent by silence, to seem ruin they have wrought, the authors of our cato acquiesce in statements which I deem incor- lamities at the North and South insist that this rect in fact, and evil in tendency. I am not war was caused by an unavoidable contest about willing that the discussion, if there must be one, slavery." shall be all on one side.

This is a remarkable sentence. Let us analyze His Excellency commences with the proposi- it. It asserts tion that “ there are now no causes for discord

1st. That a portion of the people at the North are that have not always existed in our country, and "authors" of this war. which were not felt by our fathers in forming

2d. That they are equally guilty with the actual rebels

for the ruin wrought. the Union."

3d. That these "authors" North and South slike His subsequent argument shows that he here insist “that this war was caused by an unavoidable con refers principally, if not entirely, to slavery. It

test about slavery." is true, Sir, that this institution then existed and Sir, I affirm that each and every of these prothat it now exists. But it is not true that it was positions is untrue as matter of fact, and that then the same as now, in position,-in spirit, in

the first two are monstrous. ambition or in power, even relatively. It was First, as to the assertion that a portion of the then a mere industrial institution. It has since people at the North are authors of this rebellion. asurped a position entirely different. It has Who are the persons against whom this charge become a great political power overshadowing is made ? He cannot, does not mean that little the land and demanding the control of the Go- squad of fanatics heretofore known as abolitionvernment as the condition of its loyalty. Our ists? They were so insignificant in numbers fathers had no such monstrous demands to com- and so totally without political influence, that promise and adjust. This imperium in imperio his Excellency would not attribute to them such did not then exist.

tremendous powers for evil. No, sir, he does The Governor continues—"If the North and not mean them. He brings this accusation the South had understood the power and pur- against the republicans of the North, so recently poses of each other, our contentions would have largely in the majority in the loyal States, and been adjusted."

who would now be in the majority, as I verily Had the South understood the power of the believe, if our armies were at home. loyal States, and their determination to maintain And what is the charge ? That they are authe Union at any cost, it is possible that the re- thors, not the sole authors, to be sure, but still bellion might have been postponed, but that is authors, of this rebellion. In other words, that all. The North could not have prevented the they did something, or omitted to do something, rebellion by any concessions which even Gover- which not only occasioned the war, but which nor Seymour would make. I say by any con- justified it also. For unless they made the cessions, for it must be remembered that when war necessary and right, they cannot be called compromise and adjustment is spoken of, it authors of it. To say that they are, by reason always means demands on the part of the South, of anything short of this, is to pervert language, and concessions on the part of the North.

confound the most obvious distinctions, and The offense alleged by the rebels at the time talk nonsense. It is like saying that the vicof the outbreak, was the election and inaugura- tims of the St. Bartholomew massacre, because tion of Mr. Lincoln, an event secured by them- they were hated by the assassins, were the auselves as certainly as if they had directly voted thors of that massacre. Or it is like that logio for him. They determined that he should be which declares that the majority of the Assembly elected, and for the very purpose of precipitating

were the authors of the recent disorders there, the rebellion. And is there a respectable man at because they would not permit the minority to

orth who would have consented to the control the House.

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