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What Will We Do With It?

(Continued from Page 927) kind, of the protests that lie before me. Among them are many suggestions of what should be done about it.

"We must allow liquor to be sold at least in one place in every county under government regulation at a price a little above actual cost. This itself will stop moonshining and bootlegging, as nobody will work at anything there is no profit in."

"The only remedy is the outright rereal of the Eighteenth Amendment. Then we could adopt the Canadian

system where the whole thing is left to the provinces."

There is hardly a system which some one does not prefer to the one we are actually experimenting with. And two subscribers, one from Maine, the other from Massachusetts, deplore the law because it diminishes the opportunity of the weak to destroy themselves. As a balance to the rather unreasoning protests let me give a new carefully thought out suggestion which came from New Haven.

"I should like to see the whole matter placed on a wholly new legislative and executive basis. I would have Congress pass a general law giving very broad powers to a highly paid permanent Commission appointed by the President in conference with the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and with the advice and consent of the Senate. I would pay the commissioners so highly that the best men would be interested. I would provide life tenure, or at least tenure up to a certain age with large pensions. I would make the head of the commission

an executive officer with powers equal to or exceeding those of a cabinet officer. The other members would assist the chief, and the whole body would be given very broad legislative or rather regulative powers like those of the Interstate Commerce Commission, but broader. The commission would be liberally supplied with funds and would have many powers of a semi-judicial nature, so that the whole responsibility would rest on it. It would operate under a liberalized Volstead Act which would permit it to maintain dispensaries under its own immediate jurisdiction if the people of a given district so desired, but the alcoholic drinks there sold would have to be mild and pure, there would be no drinking on the premises and the commission would be at liberty to remove its dispensaries if their privileges. were abused. The commission would have its own judiciary which would deal with all ordinary cases, but there would still be the right of appeal to the higher Federal Courts."

The saloon deserves

consideration

by itself. There is no question that the evils of the saloon were the strongest ammunition the prohibition forces had. Some of the other offspring of alcohol might have redeeming traits. Did not a drink or so increase gaiety and comradeship and reduce sorrow? For many, these balance the evil of the father who drank the shoes off his baby, and beat his wife. But the saloon was a different case. No form of regulation for the liquor traffic had been able either to control or destroy it. It is

The Outlook evident from the letters that man Outlook readers consider its destruction the chief object of the Amendment evident further that people wer not expecting the rise of the bootlegge and the speakeasy and that they ar startled and surprised at the strong resemblance these young dragons bear to their deceased parent.

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I

r is an interesting revelation, thi questionnaire. It shows beyond doubt that although the Outlook readers are, as a class for the Amendment, they react in practical accord with thei communities. In the dry Great Valley they are largely content with the work ing of the Amendment, in the wet cos mopolitan industrial cities, they are in creasingly dissatisfied. If they belong to the traditionally dry occupationshouse-wives, the professions-they see the faults of it large and black and write what they see, but in general they do not want to change. If, however they are clerical workers or in business they are more impatient with the evils of the situation and more willing to try something else. It appears also that the professions which are 82% in favor of the Amendment the country over are far less enthusiastic in its support in New York, Philadelphia, Boston and Chicago than they are in Portland, Topeka and Los Angeles. Also that the older they grow the less likely they are to change. The students when they send letters are imbued with the certainty of youth; the middle-aged are learning from their experience; the old stand by the convictions of their prime.

On this checker board of answers two things stand out. A still substantial majority in favor of this great social experiment of ours and a growing conviction that it is chiefly official corruption which has made it work so imperfectly.

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Jctober 10, 1928

What The Republicans Did To Picked at Random

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Mexico

(Continued from Page 953)

of charges. Emigration again assumed gigantic proportions.

Then followed the formalities of an electoral campaign. The leaders, now two, allowed General Angel Flores to become a candidate and to start a political campaign; but his meetings were mobbed by gangs and his sympathizers persecuted and in many instances assassinated. Finally he retired to his home in Sinaloa, where he died under mysterious circumstances.

Calles was "elected" and took office on December 1, 1924. He had promised to carry on the reforms which both Carranza and Obregon had held in abeyance since 1917.

"Excelsior," the leading Mexican newspaper gave a true picture of political conditions in its editorial on July 28, 1924, just after Calles' "election":

"Never before have Mexican politics shown such a well defined character of incoherence, nor the politicians been so incompetent and immoral. It is impossible to find among them a dozen sensible men having the same principles. The only fact that everybody admits is that the last election was a sham, perhaps the most shameful trick plotted in our country."

ever

At the inauguration of Calles, prominent among many hundreds of radicals was Samuel Gompers, President of the American Federation of Labor. He had come to witness the crowning triumph of his patient labor in behalf of the establishment of what was in intent the first communist government in the American hemisphere, and he received and entertained in a manner to confirm his claim of having been the strongest factor in its establishment.

I

was

N review: the Republican Administration of President Harding, deceived by the promises of the Mexican radicals after the assassination of Carranza, did not fulfill its election pledges of a change in Mexican policy, but it did withhold recognition to the last day of President Harding's rule. The Mexican radicals, by means of intensive propaganda and by using the influence of "the interests," induced President Coolidge to grant recognition on the basis of false promises made by Obregon. Once diplomatic relations were reestablished, President Coolidge was forced into a practical alliance with Obregon and Calles.

Next week the writer will bring his account down to the Calles Administration in Mexico and present relations with the United States.

By WALTER R. BROOKS

H. B. Drake's The Shadowy Thing Macy-Masius

Mr. Drake has put a number of shudders in this book, but he has so muffled

and swathed them in verbiage that they lack the authentic chill. Our hair got ready to rise several times, but each time curled up and went to sleep again before the author could make up his mind to be really ghastly. Avery Booth was wicked all right, and he could charm people's souls out of their bodies in order to lend said bodies to fiendish tenants from the other world, but he is probably the slowest moving villain in fiction. Which is possibly why Dick and Olave and the psychic Blanche No, managed to foil him each time. this book is not "akin to Dracula," as the blurb states. Or if it is, it is a very distant and shabby relative.

Philip Littell's This Way Out Coward McCann

Interest in our primal ancestors must be on the increase: here is another novel-the third or fourth, we are sure-whose scene is the Garden. The story is that of the oldest of all triangles, the only one that requires but two actors: Adam and Eve and the Tree of Knowledge. Eden is intolerably dull; the escape from it is accomplished in spite of Apollyon, Beelzebub and Lucifer, who wish to keep Adam and Eve from eating of the tree. "We once thought we could cross Jovah by assisting man to fall," says Apollyon. But since Jovah is omniscient and omnipotent, his enemies see that he must know of and wish for the Fall. "We now hope to double-cross him by keeping both of them innocent." There is much irony and wit in this volumeand, we regret to say, a few wise-cracks. Jovah appears occasionally Elderly Gentleman reclining complacently on a bolster of cloud a hundred feet or so above the earth. In referring to him: "We are all fathers of one great child," says Lucifer in the course of a lecture which he delivers to the inhabitants of Eden. There is It a good bit of wisdom in the book.

as an

will shock you perhaps. It will certainly entertain you. Possibly it may

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Used with detachable metal legs for Reading in Bed by sick, invalid or crippled patient in home, hospital or sanitarium. Used on beach or in the camp for eating, cards, etc.

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NEW YORK CITY

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Where to Buy or Sell-Where to Travel-How to Travel

Use this Section to Fill Your Wants

Real Estate

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Page 960

The Outlo

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THE OUTLOOK, October 17, 1928. Volume 150, Number 7, Published weekly by The Outlook Company at 120 East 16th Street, New York, N. Y. Subscription price $5.00 a year. Single copies 15 cents each. Foreign subscription to countries in the Postal Union, $6.56. Entered as second-class matter, July 21, 1893, at the Post Office at New York, N. Y., and July 20, 1928, at the Post Office at Springfield, Mass., under the Act of March 3, 1879. Copyright, 1928, by The Outlook Company.

SUCCESSFUL politicians, we suppose, have always been pretty well skilled in playing upon the emotions of the electorate. In fact, it is probably fair to say that the most successful man in politics, in the end, is the one who is best versed in the psychology of emotion; whether his ability to use his knowledge be conscious or unconscious -whether he be a demagogue or a statesman.

WHEREFORE we are much interested in Harvey O'Higgins's article in this issue on "Election by Emotion"both in applying the interesting theories in it to ourselves and to our friends and enemies, and in speculating on the many questions which it raises.

CERTAINLY, the present election has roused emotions which seem far more powerful than any of the reasoned attempts to deal with them. Many of our correspondents write us telling us of old friendships and tried affections. that are being broken and dimmed by the campaign. And yet, if our observation is worth anything, most people have not changed much in so far as the original feelings which they entertained are concerned. in They have, great measure, merely translated these feelings into what appear to be intellectual reasons for voting now as they wanted to, in the beginning.

SINCE this seems to be true of conservatives as well as liberals, it is hard to escape the conclusion that Mr. O'Higgins is probably right in thinking that the election will go to the Republicans. Liberal-minded people, as distinguished from conservative-minded people, are perhaps always in a minority in any country at any given time. To win elections then, they must have issues which do not affect too strongly the emotional fears of the conservatives. If they have precisely the issues which affect most strongly those fears, they must lose. Such issues, it seems to us, the Democrats have this year.

AT THE beginning of the campaign we said that in our opinion Mr. Smith's chance of election lay in his ability to rouse waves of emotion in men's hearts. Mr. Hoover, we thought, wouldn't have to. According to Mr. O'Higgins, however, Mr. Smith is rousing waves in both directions.

Francis Profus Bellamy

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