the committees kept the picture off the screen entirely. "Uncle Tom's Cabin," containing a truth with cartoon exaggeration, has accomplished its large share of good along with its not small share of evil. Its day and mission are done and, except as a part of the impassioned literature of a period of ordeal, it perhaps should be allowed to

rest.

A Thought For The Week

BETWEEN the heavy broadsides of information that have been fired at the Institute of Politics in Williamstown this summer there has been heard occasionally the sharp ping of a thought.

In the address, for instance, of Graham Wallas, English political philosopher. Said he, referring to the contributions which the United States is making to the world:

"When the annual balance sheet of the Nation is written off, it may be that American inventions will be forgotten; that American treaties will be disregarded. It may be that in some small village, or perhaps in a city slum, a little boy has been permitted to grow up who has thought with such intensity and purpose that he has added to the world's standard of values and affected permanently the thought of humanity on the kind of life which it is good for men to live.

"I believe that the shaping of civilization, perhaps for the next thousand years, depends very largely on the intensity and passion with which we, in this generation, answer the question:

Wide World

WHAT do we mean when we say that the newspapers are full of crime? A novel attempt to get the answer has been made by students of the University of Wisconsin's school of journalism.

First they asked a number of bankers, lawyers, business men, doctors, dentists, engineers and college professors to guess at the percentage of their newspapers devoted to sensational newsthat is, crime, divorce, and scandal in which the interest is personal rather than public. The answers ranged from fifty to five per cent-the average was twenty-eight and a half per cent.

Then the inquirers measured the space used for crime and scandal in twenty-five representative papers in various parts of the country-mostly fairly conservative, but including one "tabloid". The conclusion reached was that "the modern newspaper devotes only 1.4 per cent of its total space, or 3.5 per cent of its news space, to crime, divorce and scandal."

Why this discrepancy between the general impression and the cold test of the column rule? One answer is that the crime reports make an undue impression on the reader because he is hunting for sensations. Another made by the "Christian Science Monitor" is that, it is not the extent of crime news which burdens public thought and which complicates the problems of the social

worker; it is the sensational display and glorifying treatment accorded to many incidents of crime against which so much protest is being made."

Confusion In Manchuria

INNER Mongolia striking for independence from China and union with the Outer Mongolian Soviet Republic in central Asia; Mongolian cavalry raiding the Chinese Eastern Railway and cutting communications near Khailar in northwestern Manchuria; Chinese regiments moving against the Mongolians; Japanese officials protesting that unless Japan's special interests are secure, the one first-class power in the Far East may have to act; Russian Soviet agents inciting the Mongolians -that is the confused picture from the most troubled area in the Far East. What it means no one can say as yet. Outer Mongolia has been under the influence of Moscow for several years. Obviously, western Communism has as much meaning for these primitive tribesmen as a calico dress has for a South Sea Islander. But they have been an essential means of Bolshevik policy in eastern Asia. ther, the rivalry of China, Japan, and Russia for ascendancy in Manchuria and Mongolia is commonplace knowlOut of such a situation anyedge. thing can come.

Fur

Fate of Col. Fawcett THREE years ago, an Englishman, Col. P. H. Fawcett, his son, and a small party of Indians plunged into unexplored regions of Brazil west of the headwaters of the Para River. It was not the ancient legend of gold mines in the jungle of Matto Grosso, not altogether the belief that, a long-forgotten city of a departed civilization might be found there, but rather Fawcett's urgent desire to map and explore the region. He was a field-geographer of high attainments.

Now comes the news that Col. Fawcett and his party were killed by hostile Indians. Particulars are wanting, but Colonel Dyott, who has conducted a search expedition, is very positive of the fact.

Brazil's enormous territory includes not a little of wild, impassable country that is hardly better known now to the world than it was in the time of Columbus. It is the part of explorers like Col. Fawcett to study the possibilities of the future in what is left of the world's wilderness.

E

VERY one abroad seems to agree

that Secretary Kellogg set one precedent at least in Paris by accomplishing a diplomatic gathering without any speeches except the one delivered by M. Briand, as host for France. Nations have signed treaties against war before-but never, it has been repeated everywhere, have leading statesmen of fifteen nations assembled and parted without an oratorical contest. Word that this was to be the case, it is suggested, is the reason that Mussolini stayed away. What an event Bryan would have made of it!

Astounded and bewildered French editors have found more to say about Mr. Kellogg's silence than they would have said about the fifteen customary addresses. They seek confusedly for its possible causes. Perhaps he was afraid that some ill-chosen remark might irritate an indispensable group of Senators and endanger the ratification of the treaty at Washington. Perhaps Mr. Coolidge let fall a few words about the advantages of reticence. The Paris "Matin" predicts optimistically: "Henceforth, whichever party is in power in Washington, the of peace Europe is under the moral guarantee of the United States." Others suggest that the American Secretary feared lest fifteen speeches might have indicated fifteen different versions of the meaning of the peace agreement. The sole point on which foreign observers are at

By MALCOLM W. DAVIS

pancy of the Ruhr Valley granted no satisfaction to his visitor from Berlin.

Germany holds that France is unreasonable in staying on the Rhine to guarantee payment of war damages; and France holds that Germany is unreasonable in failing to come forward with a firm offer acceptable to France. Both argue that the United States really holds the balance of power by its negative attitude toward the suggestion of an all-round settlement lumping war damages with war debts. So the semi-official "Temps" of Paris says: "It is to be expected that the German delegates, pushed by their public opinion, will take the initiative in posing the question of early evacuation of the Rhineland in the diplomatic conversations which will take place at Geneva (during the Assembly of the Leage of Nations). . . However, it is scarcely probable that serious conversations can now take place on this important issue. Conditions are not favorable. After hearing the Germans, there must be an agreement among all the Allies before any real negotiations. And we all know that evacuation of the Rhineland is bound up with political and financial problems that can not yet be discussed usefully."

OVIET Russia, after having com

TH

HE most disappointed delegate at the signing of the Pact of Paris was undoubtedly Dr. Stresemann, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Germany. He had come, the first German emissary to be received by a Premier of France since the Franco-Prussian War, hoping to reach some understanding with regard to withdrawal of French and other troops from the Rhine. M. Poincare gave him a ceremonious greeting, in all the formality of French official usage-but apparently the man who won the nickname of "Square Fist" by authorizing the occu

plained at being ignored in the invitations to sign the Briand-Kellogg declaration against war, shows signs of readiness to adhere to it nevertheless. In this connection, recent indications of the international policies of Moscow are significant. The Communist tacticians have showed an interest in undisturbed opportunities to develop their program in central Asia. "Izvestia," the official organ of the Soviet Government, outlined in a leading editorial their scheme for utilization of a new set of alliances between Nationalist Turkey, Persia, and Afghanistan. For this reason, they paid particular attention to the visit of the Afghan ruler to their country and to Turkey. The editorial interpreter argued that Communist purposes had been achieved by

the establishment of a close under standing of friendship between the Turkish dictator, Mustapha Kemal, and the Amir Amanullah, and also between Afghanistan and Persia. In this way the Soviet political experts consider, a continuous buffer has been created along Russia's southern frontier against the extension of British influence from Mesopotamia and India. Back of this program is the slogan of the astute Soviet Commissar for Foreign Affairs. Chicherin: "Asia for the Asiatics." Bolshevik discussion and action on the peace treaty looks very much like a strategic smoke screen flank attack of racial propaganda among the peoples who are colonial subjects of the western Powers.

B

for

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So

оTH Europeans and Asiatics have taken the annual session of the Interparliamentary Union in Berlin as an occasion to tell the American delegates again what they think of the immigration laws of the United States. The chorus was one of general disapAnd the proval and denunciation. spokesmen of Washington made equally plain its displeasure at the resolution which was passed favoring a change in restrictive laws to suit the eastern hemisphere.

Theories of the most extreme type were aired-heatedly. A Japanese orator asserted that no reasons exist for debarring any one from moving to a land inhabited by a different race. A Latvian citizen said that limited migration is working the greatest hardships on the Jews of eastern Europe, and that the world must be taught that no part of it belongs to certain people but that the entire globe must be kept open for emigrants seeking new homes. Other speakers suggested that the Government of a country receiving poor immigrants should afford them, not only a chance for work, but social insurance against unemployment, accidents, and sickness.

The debate moved a representative of the United States to insist with some emphasis that both emigration and immigration are questions of domestic policy and can not be regulated by international groups.

Governor Smith has been welcomed by friend and foe alike as a warrior who enters the clash of a political campaign with the joy of combat. "There stands a man!" cries the Omaha "WorldHerald". "What a man he is!" echoes his adoring supporter, the "St. Louis Post Dispatch". "He dislikes prohibition and says so. He dislikes the way in which the Government has for seven years refused to do anything for the farmer while granting subsidies to manufacturers, voting huge sums of money for a merchant marine, and even taking the Cape Cod Canal off the hands of Wall Street when it failed to make profits. He says what he thinks about that, about our Caribbean policy, Mexico, the growing abuse of the injunction as a weapon against labor, and the outrageous abuses of the power industry, including its nullification of Muscle Shoals. All those things, which are fast making the republic a rallying ground for misguided moralists and a paradise for plutocrats, anger him, and he lays about him with the gusto of a Thomas Jefferson or an Andrew Jackson."

"The first genuine democrat, the first genuine champion of popular government, since Woodrow Wilson," comes the tribute from the Baltimore "Sun". If it were not too vivid memories of the brown derby and the prior rights of James G. Blaine, we might be hearing the Governor of New York hailed as the "Plumed Knight".

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Even political foes give him credit for prowess and intelligence as fighter. "Master Campaigner," "Concise, clear, courageous," "High level of straight forward utterance", "Talent, acumen, persistence", are phrases used by those who will oppose his election. One of the Hearst papers, it is true, calls his acceptance address "a genial gentle flow of words", but Hearstian standards of gentleness are sui generis, There is no doubt that the Governor has made an impression on the country. He has become for the time being at least -the central figure of the campaign. The fighting is where he is.

And as might be expected of one who "lays about him with gusto", he hits his

friends' heads as well as foes'. The vigor of Smith's speech has caused a critical rebound of almost equal vigor. The rising cries from his own party as well as from Republicans are therefore not by any means all rhapsodic.

What has stirred all these people up to thinking and giving vent to their thoughts in winged words is first of all -and in some cases altogether-prohibition. It was Alfred E. Smith's unconventional way of blurting out his ideas on prohibition-whether they had any bearing on what might, could, or would be done on the subject or notthat loosened tongues and pens. Thereupon ideas pro and con and sometimes both pro and con were blurted out all over the country. On the whole this self-expression, first on the part of the candidate and then on the part of the people and the press, has seemed to be welcome. Instead of brooding over prohibition the country is beginning to discuss it. Thus, whether, elected or not, Governor Smith has done one thing. This everybody acknowledges. He has put prohibition into politics.

And this has been an embarrassment to both Republican Wets and Democratic Drys. How under the circumstances can a Republican Wet refuse to support Smith? Or a Democratic Dry refuse to oppose him? By exactly the same arguments. These are, in brief, two. One is that the President cannot change either law or Constitution. The other is that there are other issues of more importance. So for once Wets and Drys agree. If Drys can support him then Wets can oppose him. And yet all seem to agree that Prohibition is the one issue in the campaign that most plainly places Smith and Hoover in opposite camps.

Consequently editorial papers-especially Southern Democratic and big city Republican papers are plentifully sprinkled with "whiles" "buts", "ifs", "althoughs", "howevers", and "neverthelesses", and their mental equivalents. Almost the only editors that do not seem to feel it necessary to do considerable explaining to themselves or their readers are those Republicans or Independ

It is on this issue that the independent Springfield "Republican" refuses to support Smith. A very few opponents of prohibition accept the Smith proposal whole, and these are also at peace with themselves and the world. But for the most part "Wet" newspapers balk at some part of the Smith plan and hem and haw. They say in effect, Smith's plan is very nice but it can never be carried out; or Smith's plan is interesting-but it really leaves us where we are; or Smith's plan is a basis for discussion-but it needs to be studied. Some supporters-like the two "Posts" of Washington and Boston-say that Smith is probably ahead of his times. This leaves the only harmonious chorus that of the opposition. Go back to the old confusion? Never. Add to the smuggling across the National boundaries? Absurd. Retry the discarded experiment of State dispensaries? Futile. Attempt to satisfy hard drinkers with four per cent beer? It can't be done. Entice the Wets by promises and the Drys by assurance that the promises can't be kept? A delusion and a snare.

On prohibition it is certain that the Happy Warrior has started something. Already the fight is thick. And it is her that is in the midst of it.

For Smith's discussion of agriculture there are some voices of approval. Most of these are, however, less in approval of any plan of Smith's than disapproval of Republican inaction-or, if not exactly inaction, at least ineffective action. On the whole, however it does not appear that the agricultural West is much impressed by what Smith has said on the subject. It sniffs at the suggestion that all that needs to be settled is the "mere mechanics" of the solution. Even a friendly voice from the border States on the Atlantic chimes in with an unfriendly voice from New England, in describing Smith's agricultural ideas as naive.

Smith's reconsideration of the merits of the St. Lawrence waterway, which means much to the whole central part of the country, is mildly welcomed but it comes, one paper declares, too late. Concerning foreign relations there is

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This man had worked hard all day. He was not an educated man; he was not at all brilliant or talented. But he

was possessed of a strong back and a war mheart, and it would be sad to conjecture what he would have done without these two treasures. For work. ing as hard as he might, the most he could earn with his good muscle came to little more than one dollar a day. And by the time he reached his tiny house each evening, before sinking heavily upon the nearest chair and calling to the third from the youngest to come now, and help him off with these boots before washing his hands and his great rough face in the tin basin there on the sill-before tasting the warm porridge and black bread that would be waiting for him-; before all this, in spite of his contented heart it was all he could do to smile and nod at that good wife he had and those ten remarkable children.

On this particular day, the laborer, tired and hungry and a little cold-for it was not yet summer and there was an evening chill in the air-warmed and consoled himself, as he trudged along, with the thought of his unusual children. It was unique, he felt, that God should bless a man with so many and such fine ones as were his. Looking at the images of these children in his mind, he felt that each one was especially fitted to succeed in life. If only he might give them something of a beginning—if he might educate them—.

Tired and earnest as he was the man stopped short at this thought of education and laughed out loud. That heunable to give them enough to eat, distracted with the puzzle of how to cover them by day and bed them by night-that he should wish to educate and make fine gentlemen of his children! His sudden laugh was harsh and cheerless. Even he himself was startled by the sound of it on the still evening of the highroad.

As the sound fell away into silence,

By IBBY HALL

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he was no more surprised by the sound that followed it, though he was alone at this spot and expecting nothing of the sort. He was not even sure that this second sound was human. It was thin discordant noise, such as a disembodied spirit-or a lost lamb-might wail on the wind. The man stood in doubt and listened. Had it been an echo of that laugh of his? Or had he imagined it?

The sound rose again and trailed away. This time he was certain of it. He even started towards it, then stopped himself and frowned and waited. When it came once more he straightened up and went to meet it. He was sure that it was hiding yonder in the bushes that clattered stiffly in the ghost of a wind.

The laborer parted the wistful bushes and looked to see what was hiding there. As he looked the curiosity left him suddenly, and he knew again how tired. he was, and hungry and far from home. His heart was so heavy within him that it hardly lifted in its slow beating. He would let go of these light branches and go on to his home. They would spring back and cover what he had seen. He would forget what he had seen-he had not seen it.

Yet all this time he was staring at it; and the thin noise that continued there under his eyes struck his ears with pain.

Cautiously he let go of the parted branches and looked around. There was no one on the highroad. Ten children were waiting at home. And not He could never bring enough to eat. up those children. The money would stretch no further, and with every day children grew hungrier. He would have done better to have stayed as he was, long ago. A single man, with a light

heart and no burdens. How had he gotten himself ten children to raise? He was a fool. He was cursed.

The laborer walked to the center of the highroad and stared moodily in front of him. Then he looked at the bushes. Any one passing him would have seen a stupid face, made ugly by the weight of his thinking. The noise

against his ears grew louder-it was terrible. He could not think.

He went back to it. With hunched shoulders and lowered head he stooped over it.

"Be quiet!" he said in a rough voice. He felt himself choke. "You shall be cared for well enough," he added threateningly, as though to get the best of an argument. But the noise continued.

"See here," he said, "a promise is a promise." And he stooped down further and lifted it in his arms.

It was not very heavy, and now that it was quiet he would scarcely know that he was carrying anything. More over-had he not always managed? Tomorrow was far away.

She was waiting for him, that good woman, and the children crowded around to see what present he had wrapped inside his coat. Sticks of wood-old rags-flour-?

He laid it carefully upon the table The candle was brought close.

"The darling!" said his wife softly "Can we have it"? asked the third from the youngest doubtfully.

The laborer threw out his arms in wide gesture

"It is ours!" he said. "It was thrown away. I found it."

"It is a princess," said the wife of the laborer-"look at the fine dressAnd see here-a letter! And what i this it lies upon"?

"You who find this child," ran the letter on its fine paper, "you who car for it-return to the same spot a yea from this night. You will find mor money."

As the second from the oldest lifte up this living doll, the laborer's wif uncovered the bank notes that lay un der it. The family of twelve gaped an stared. Here was three times the sun that a hard working man could earn i a year's time.

The treasure spilled carelessly upo the floor. The laborer remembered fo the second time how tired he was. H drew a trembling arm across his per spiring forehead and stopped half wa -What was that sound?

The thirteenth member of the famil was crying again.