CHAP. XI.]

VIEWS ON SHAY'S INSURRECTION.

459

mere quiet-liberty to a quiet slavery. We know nothing specially of President Stiles-but assuming that he was one of the staid, conservative kind of gentlemen who usually fill such positions, in New England, it is amusing to imagine what must have been his consternation on receiving this missive from the new Doctor of Laws! A day or two afterwards Jefferson wrote Mr. Carmichael:

"These people are not entirely without excuse. Before the war, these States depended on their whale oil and fish. The former was consumed in England, and much of the latter in the Mediterranean. The heavy duties on American whale oil, now required in England, exclude it from that market: and the Algerines exclude them from bringing their fish into the Mediterranean. France is opening her ports for their oil, but in the meanwhile, their ancient debts are pressing them, and they have nothing to pay with. The Massachusetts Assembly, too, in their zeal for paying their public debt, had laid a tax too heavy to be paid in the circumstances of their State. The Indians seem disposed, too, to make war on us. These complicated causes, determined Congress to increase their forces to two thousand men. The latter was the sole object avowed, yet the former entered for something into the measure. However, I am satisfied the good sense of the people is the strongest army our governments can ever have, and that it will not fail them."

The insurrectionary movements in Massachusetts and New Hampshire, known as "Shay's insurrection"-in which no battle or skirmish even was fought, and for which no one suffered death subsequently by the acts of the civil magistracyhad a very different influence on other minds. A good many who had hitherto been friends of popular government, were now nearly or quite discouraged. Forgetting that their own example had just proved that serious, bloody, and successful rebellions might occur in monarchies, and in the best administered and most firmly established monarchies-they now talked deprecatingly of the rule of the "ever fickle and inconstant mob," and reasoned themselves speedily into the belief that strong government, monarchical in spirit if not in form, was absolutely necessary to keep society within the safe and healthy limits of political action!

It was a favorite charge or taunt of Mr. Jefferson's disparagers, in after years, that his "democracy" was "French democracy "that it was "caught " in the French Revolution, and of a body of men who were opposed to all human, if not divine government, etc. The expressions of his we have last quoted (and we shall have them stronger in the next chapter), implying

460 HIS DEMOCRACY NOT LEARNED IN FRANCE. [CHAP. XI. a pitch of democracy he never afterwards exceeded—and it is difficult, indeed, to see how they could be exceeded-were made before there was a revolution in France, and before there was a democrat in France. The most extreme member of the patriotic party had not broached such an idea. It is fair enough for those of different views to complain of the excess of Mr. Jefferson's theories on the subject of popular rights. They are entitled to complain, if they see fit, of his daring practical application of his theories to Shay's insurrection. His remarks on that head did carry consternation to the bosoms of some excellent men, who were by no means monarchists. They were brought up against him afterwards when a candidate for the Presidency. But whether the doctrines were good or bad, it is ridiculous to say they were learned in or from France. Every fact goes to show that if there was any learning from each other in political science between him and the French patriots, they were the pupils, not he. Democratic doctrines may not have been born in the man. We cannot say how this was. But a very superficial study of his character shows, from first to last, a constitution or texture of mind which irresistibly impelled him in that direction; and the current had but to meet with forcible resistance to boil and roar with vehemence. All the circumstances which chilled in other bosoms the first democratic glow of our revolution, all those foreign flatteries which so often have mollified republicans towards other systems, in him but added combustibles to the early flame. If ever there was a man who was a republican from the necessity of his mental organization, we think it was he.

We should perhaps make a remark in this connection for the benefit of younger readers. Jefferson's declarations on this and parallel occasions, were not (like so many public men's letters now days!) ostensibly written in private letters which were really intended for the public eye-intended, in a cant phrase of our times," for Buncombe." His letters were addressed to a class who he knew would treat them as too private for the newspapers. More than this, they were a good deal more than half the time addressed to persons who he had every reason to judge would disapprove, if not revolt, at their propositions.

Without assuming that it constitutes a merit or demerit at that point of our national history, the historical fact appears tc

CHAP. XI.] FIRST AVOWED AMERICAN DEMOCRAT.

461

be certain, that in 1786, and for some period later, there were few, if any, prominent Americans, who avowed themselves in favor of broadly democratic systems. In the Federal Convention of 1787 (which framed our Constitution) not a man could be found who advocated such systems, or was willing to be suspected of at heart favoring them. There were gentlemen in that Convention who avowed themselves monarchists in theory, but not one could be found who would take the name of democrat! Jefferson was the first, and, for a long time, the only very prominent American we know of who was willing to persistently avow that democracy constituted the essence of his system, or the rule of construction which he would apply to the mixed forms of the State and Federal Governments. We doubt whether such doctrines were even popular in our countrywhether they attained the approbation of the majority of our then conservative people-until very near the close of the eighteenth century. But it is not time to enter upon specu lations on this head.

CHAPTER XII.

1787.

Causes which led to Convening the Assembly of Notables, in France-Death of the Count de Vergennes Jefferson to Carrington on Shay's Insurrection-Sketches the Character of Adams, Lafayette, etc., to Madison-Motives of his Journey to South of France-Barbary Affairs-Advises Lafayette to make the English Constitution the Model for France-Sets out on his Journey-Letter to De Tesse advising Moderation in the Assembly of Notables-A Brazilian Envoy-A Letter to his Daughter filled with his Philosophy of Life-The Waters of Aix of no Benefit-Reasons for proceeding to ItalyWrites Martha from Toulon-Letter to Lafayette containing some noble SentencesCrosses the Alps-Reaches Turin-Obtains the principal Object of his Journey-Proceeds to Milan, Pavia, Genoa, and back to Nice-Sums up what he saw, in a Letter to Mr. Wythe-A Memorable Opinion on making the Grape an American Staple of Industry-Commercial Arrangements with Italian Merchants-Writes Martha from Marseilles and the Canal of Languedoc-To Mr. Eppes from Bordeaux-To Martha from NantesHis Yearnings for his Younger Daughter-A Letter to Martha worth the Perusal of all Young Ladies Some Characteristics of Martha Jefferson-Changes in the French Ministry-Jefferson asks a Modification of Duties on American Imports-His Views on current American Questions-Letter to Hartley, giving the length and breadth of his Democracy-Letters of Advice to future Sons-in-law-Arrival of his Daughter "Polly" (Mary) in England Mrs. Adams's Description of her-Martha and Mary JeffersonThe Relations which Mr. Jefferson bore to his Daughters-Their Feelings towards and Declarations concerning him-Threatening Indications rife in Europe-Paris in Commotion-A Lull in Affairs-All of Jefferson's Objects attained-His Reflections on the State of Europe-His King-phobia increased-His Views on American Policy-His first View of the new United States Constitution-Parts liked and parts disliked by him— Ultimately favors its Adoption-All his Objections but one met by the Amendment of 1789-90-Private Correspondence in 1787-Daniel Webster's Anecdote of him—A Federal Ideal of Jefferson-The Blunder of a Conversationalist-How far did Jefferson borrow his Politics, Morals, and Religion from France?-What understood by the Imputation of "French Religion"-Character of French Infidelity-When have we a Right to inquire into Private Religious Beliefs?-We unquestionably have that Right in Jefferson's case-At what Stage of the Narrative this will be done-A related but essentially different Question-The Religious Issue between the living Jefferson and his Opponents must be earlier discussed.

No diplomatic measures of importance between the French and United States governments marked the opening of 1787. The latter had attained everything, by the order of Bernis, that

CHAP. XII.] FRENCH POLITICS-NOTABLES CONVENED.

463

could be immediately expected; and the former was beginning to be absorbed painfully in its own affairs.

Mr. Jefferson having described, in his Memoir, the state of public opinion in France down to this point-the numbers, influence, and just aims of the Patriotic party-added:

"Happily for the nation, it happened, at the same moment, that the dissipations of the Queen and court, the abuses of the pension-list, and dilapidations in the administration of every branch of the finances, had exhausted the treasures and credit of the nation, insomuch, that its most necessary functions were paralyzed. To reform these abuses would have overset the Minister; to impose new taxes by the authority of the King, was known to be impossible, from the determined opposition of the Parliament to their enregistry. No resource remained, then, but to appeal to the nation. He advised, therefore, the call of an Assembly of the most distinguished characters of the nation, in the hope, that, by promises of various and valuable improvements in the organization and regimen of the government, they would be induced to authorize new taxes, to control the opposition of the Parliament, and to raise the annual revenue to the level of expenditures."

For the first time, therefore, in more than a century and a half, an Assembly of Notables was called to meet on the 22d of February. It was the Count de Vergennes's peculiar felicity to die at his post (February 13th), before he could have any beyond dim anticipations of what was in store for France. Louis XVI. afterwards vainly believed that the Revolution would not have taken place, had this able minister continued at the helm of affairs.

On the 16th of January, Mr. Jefferson wrote Colonel Edward Carrington, of Virginia, a letter on the text of "Shay's insurrection," which deserves a careful perusal from all who desire a clear and striking exposition of the writer's theories of govern

ment.

"The tumults in America, I expected would have produced in Europe an unfavorable opinion of our political state. But it has not. On the contrary the small effect of these tumults, seems to have given more confidence in the firm ess of our governments. The interposition of the people themselves on the side of government, has had a great effect on the opinion here. I am persuaded myself, that the good sense of the people will always be found to be the best army. They may be led astray for a moment, but will soon correct themselves. The people are the only censers of their governors; and even their errors will tend to keep these to the true principles of their institution. To punish these errors too severely, would be to suppress the only safeguard of the public liberty. The way to prevent these irregular interpositions of the people, is to give them full information of their affairs through the channel of the public papers, and to contrive that those papers should penetrate the whole mass of the people. The basis of our governments