been shameful to a nation that had a different Chief-shameful for a warrior commanding another people. But could not this confidence of the issue of the war with England. be disturbed by any uncertainty as to the state of the Continental relations of France. If there were any danger of that, what could his Majesty have hoped from a step taken under such circumstances; and the history of his life evinces that no man knew better how to seize the favourable moment. If a Continental war were impending, Napolean knew well that there was no other course than the terrible and necessary one of throwing away the scabbard of his so uniformly victorious sword, and to make glitter before the eyes of the world a new lance of Achilles; far from debasing the just pride of his fortune, to propositions dictated by fear, and suggested by weakness, and which would have promised but humiliation as their result. Happily, Gentlemen, in this respect of our exterior relations on the Continent, two years have produced assuring and honourable ameliorations. The taking pos session of Hanover was necessary and indispensable. The Emperor willed, ordered, executed it. He did it to punish the perfidy of a rupture without declaration; he did it to secure to himself the means of compensation in a war, in which prudence may dread disadvantages, from which wisdom has preserved us; he did it to fetter the commercial relations of these dominators of the seas, who carry on commerce by war, and war by commerce. But this possession which, for the first time, carried and fixed our armies in the extremities of the North, might have alarmed the Powers most attached to our cause by their position, the most united to our fortune by their interests, the most faithful to our alliance by inclination. Difficul

ties did in fact arise, but the wisdom, the moderation, the confidence in the faith of the Cabinet of the Thuilleries, and its remoteness from every revolutionary and disorganising idea, dispelled all the clouds, and never have we had with Prussia relations better established, a correspondence more cordial, amity more intimate. On the other hand, if the changes that have been effected in the French Government, were called for by experience, pointed out by all men of sense, desired by the enlightened friends of the country, willed by the entire nation, no one could hope to operate it by the creating of a kingly monarchy; and the Imperial title might give rise to fears of discontent and coldness on the part of Austria. The discontent might become exasperated, and the coldness might degenerate to resentment by

The

means of the intrigues of our enemies. Hence the incertitude as to the duration of a peace yet new and imperfectly settled. Hence the fear of seeing rekindled a desolating war, afflicting even for the conqueror. Far from our new institutions producing such lamenttable effects, the Emperor of Germany and of Austria has seen, as he ought, in the establishment of the Imperial Monarchy, in favour of a new dynasty, a guarantee given to his Crown, and a motive for a closer alliance. It is in the organization of our empire that Francis the Second has found a new pledge of security and peace; a reason for removing. his armies from our frontiers and those of our allies, and for not keeping his forces on a war establishment. In fine, from all the clouds which jealousy, hatred, fear, or hope had raised, nothing has resulted but happy. explanations, solid assurances of the duration of peace, and the maintenance of harmony between the two Emperors.-Bavaria, Saxony, Hesse Cassel, Baden, Wurtemberg, the Elector of Ratisbon, all the reigning petty Princes of Germany, and the equestrian order have given his Majesty multiplied proofs of interest, attachment, and esteem. Drakes, the Spencer Smiths, and the Taylors, have been driven away, as soon as it was known that their diplomatic character, shamefully profaned by them, served to mask the vilest and most odious proceedings, and that the object of their intrigues were war, which the present generation, fatigued with battles, and desirous of repose, wishes not to run into dangers, dreading, as it does, its misfortunes, and abhorring its exciters.Having Prussia and Austria for allies, where, Gentlemen, are we to look for the elements of a continental coalition? Is it in Sweden? The young Prince who reigns over that State, endowed with a warmth of head and with an exalted imagination, (lamentable gifts for Kings when reason does not control them), has not known how to mature his designs by prudence, has neglected to call to his councils the sages with whom Sweden abounds, and to enlighten his experience by the wisdom of his old Ministers. Thus this Monarch has failed in the respect due to France, and in the effervescence of his resolutions he has kept no measures with ber. But, at the same time, his imprudent boldness has not used more management towards Austria, and he has proved by the inconsistency of his conduct, that his prospects were without calculation, his prospects without maturity, his desires without reflection, and his passions without guides, he had meditated a treaty of subsidy with England. He had demanded of the Cabinet of St. James's 48,000,009

(livres) in exchange for 20.000 soldiers; but the English Minister trafficking for men in Europe as for merchandize in Asia, valued the Swedes like Sepoys, and would give but sixteen millions, and thus the treaty was not concluded.-Prussia beside interposed in the negotiation, declaring that the conclusion of it would be the signal for his entrance into Pomerania. And though the sage prudence of the cabinet of Berlin should not have defended the King of Sweden from his own errors, the blood of the Swedes does not belong to him who barters and sells himself to intrigue or to tyranny. If France formed a pretension contrary to the interests and to the honor of Sweden, Stockholm would see the descendants of the soldiers of Gustavus arm for their country; but she would also find them irritated at seeing their blood set up to auction, exchanged for English guineas, and proving by their indignation, that the Swedish warriors, whose faIthers filled the armies of Charles XII. are not made to stoop to such baseness and meanness !-Where then are the elements, the centre of this coalition to be found? Will it be in Russia? The King of England himself announces that no tie exists with that power. He speaks of a correspondence, but a correspondence began is not an alliance concluded. Besides, Russia is a great power without doubt; but she can do nothing against the French empire. I go farther, if the Woronzoffs and the Marcoffs could entertain the idea of selling the force and influence of Russia to the English cabinet, Alexander has wiser counsellors, and forms more prudent resolutions. He has not forgotten how the Russians were last war treat ed by England, their ally, and how were terminated, in Switzerland and Holland, during the expedition undertaken by great generals and brave soldiers, but undertaken with plans that could not be executed under the influence of a disastrous star.-In fine the coldness between the cabinets of the Thuilleries and St. Petersburgh is not enmity. They have neither of them any rel subject of misunderstanding, and what has passed within these three months between the two governments shews sufficiently that England would, in that conjuncture have conceived vain projects, and speculated upon false hopes, if she thought of converting her correspondence into a coalition. Woronzoff may have conceived such a hope; but who does not know that Woronzoff is less a Russian than an Englishman; that, re siding in England, he wishes to fix himself there; and that a foe, and disapprover of Paul the First, he is equally so of the great

Catherine.The cabinet of St. Petersburgh is acquainted with the true interests of its country; it will have always before it the audacious insult of Lord Nelson, wishing to dictate laws in the Gulph of Finland. It cannot dissemble that the attack committed in the Mediterranean by the English against the Spanish frigates, against an almost unarmed regiment, against defenceless women and children, menaces also on every sea, the ships and subjects of the Czar. It cannot dissemble that that attack proceeds from the same spirit and the same principles that produced the attack upon Denmark, in her capital, which may produce an attack upon the Russian squadron in the Mediterranean. or in the Baltic; a spirit of fury and intoxication which pervading the English cabinet, induces them to despise all the powers of the continent, makes no allowances for any one, and consider themselves as of the social state, and the great civilised family of the world.--There exists, then, no threatening or possible coalition; but the sacred guarantee of the French empire against all fear, is, that could one have been formed, the emperor would have attacked, beat, and broken it; and after victory, would still have proposed peace; he would have written to the King of England that letter, in which he invites humanity to the aid of reason, and the interest of the English people. Let us repeat it then, gentlemen-one sentiment, and the most honourable of all, could alone have led the emperor to take the glorious step he has done with respect to England. This sentiment is the same which, in other situations, dictated to his Majesty the dispatch he wrote before the passage of the Saave and the Drave. It is the same that inspired that letter to the King of England, some months before the battle of Marengo. It is the same, that, after the victory, made the conqueror offer peace to Austria. In short, it is the same sentiment, which, at the peace of Luneville, made his Majesty resolve to sacritice immense conquests, and upwards of 20 millions of inhabitants, who had submitted to the French arms. It is the love of social order, the love of the country, the sacred love of humanity, so often professed in vain. speeches and so rarely carried into action, and which, always respected by the Emperor, always taken as the guide of his steps, has been the pledge and consolation of his success. You will find, gentlemen, the touching and august expressions in the letter I am about to read to you. [He then read the letter, and Lord Mulgrave's answer, see p. 257, 259.] Shall I compare at present, gentlemen, the two monuments of what

history is already in possession? Shall I remark to you in the French document, elevation, frankness, and force; in the English, cunning, duplicity, and weakness? Here every thing wears a noble air, every thing bears the stamp of dignity and grandeur; warfare is menacing, but generous; warfare is menacing, but regulated by the guidance of that rare courage which sacrifices the charm of conquest, the splendor of victory, the illusions even of glory, to the cry of humanity, to the tears of a hundred thousand national or foreign families, who call out for peace to Heaven, and their monarchs. There every thing is uncertainty and hesitation, suppositions are given as answers to facts; the uncertain and equivocal future is op posed to the present, where no doubt exists; to a frank overture is opposed the possibility of a coalition, which, even did it exist, would neither, intimidate the nation nor her Emperor; which whether 'it continues to act, or is vanquished, would neither encrease or retract their pretensions, neither add to or take from the conditions written down in the Treaty of Amiens. If in the communication which she seems to announce, England speaks a language more worthy of the overture she has received, peace may be restored. But if this only opportunity which seems to be offered by the Master of all Empires, of re-establishing the peace of the universe, is left unimproved by England, all Europe will see that the Cabinet of London only has desired, does desire, and will alone desire the continuance of war.—And if, on the answer by which the King of England, in the 8th year, rejected the noble overtures made by his Majesty, judgment be passed; if, with respect to the conduct of England, at that period, the present generation is, as it were, posterity; if a portion of the great prosperity of France, and of the crisis in which England is now placed, result from that refusal to enter into negotiation; I am warranted in thinking that a similar cause will produce similar effects; that a fresh refusal no less criminal than the former, will open to us new advantages; and that posterity, which, in this second emergency will pronounce upon the English Government, will also pronounce between the Emperor of France and the King of Great Britain; nor is that posterity far from us. If, on the other hand, so worthy and so honourable a use of the power with which the people have invested Napoleon the first, will call forth in the empire an unanimous sentiment of gratitude and, love.-On that occasion, at least, we should be bound to give thanks to that British Cabinet, who, by the equivocal

publicity given to the most candid of communications, has induced the necessity of that solemn explanation, of that unreserved declaration of the Emperor towards his people; we shall congratulate France on having acquired the proof, that by bestowing the throne on Napoleon, French citizens have given themselves a father, jealous of their happiness, sparing of the treasures of the state, and equally sparing of the blood of their children.

The President made the following reply: Gentlemen, orators of the government, the Tribunate have long shared in the sentiments of indignation which Europe must feel at the insatiable cupidity of the English government, who without daring to own it in a formal manner, attempt to number, among their prerogatives, the absolute and exclusive empire of the seas, and the right of arrogating to themselves the commerce and industry of all nations. We must not, therefore, be astonished that they elude every kind of overture of peace; that they mul tiply obstacles; that the most moderate pro. positions should appear to them inadmissible; and that their politics should be indecisive and uncertain. The government must be well convinced that the Tribunate will concur with all its might, and with all its influence, in the maintenance of the glory of the throne, and of the national honour, which has been thus insulted.

DUTCH FINANCE. Opinion of Mr. De Langer Van Wyngaarden in the Dutch Le gislative Body, 24th January, 1805.

It would be showing very little love for, or desire of the preservation of, our country and independence, if any man, for the purpose of carrying a favourite system or idea, should advise the rejection of a mea. sure, which, in the present circumstances, is asserted to be the only one, and the speediest in its operation, for filling the public treasury, which is again declared to be empty to the very bottom, and without, which im mediate succour, the public administration is in danger of a total derangement. But, on the other hand, I must ask, Was not this to be foreseen long since? and why then suffer the time to be wasted in useless invectives on paper-and why not proceed to savings, and other means of finance? It is, at length, come to this; as soon as there is a pressing necessity, we are threatened with great calamities, as if it were to extort a consent for the prevention of that unavoid able stagnation, which has been so frequently declared.- But the most dreadful and unexpected consequences, such as those of

a bayonet or pistol clapped to the breast, compel us now to consent.- -Are we only sitting here, to provide money for the public treasury, on every proposition and demand of the executive power, and to tax the inhabitants to that effect? Is the most unlimited power given or delegated to us merely for this purpose? and is not the greatest duty imposed upon us, to take care, in good time, that the inhabitants be not burdened and oppressed beyond measure? This is a very serious concern,--The motive for the present propositions is, the pressing demands of a contractor for the troops, who was kept waiting for payment until a million was due to him, and he had complained to the French general, threatening to stop his deliveries, consequently those of meat and bread for the French soldiers. So this Contractor and Co. hold in their hands the fate of the republic! Because our financiers have not chosen or not been able to satisfy them, they endeavour to obtain a new impost of one per cent. on property; the state directory, openly and without reserve, announcing a military contribution or quartering at the expense of the citizens, just as is practised in an enemy's country, unless we choose to agree to their proposal immediately.-To what extremes are they come! It seems as if they would reduce us to this, to demand another government, at the head of which some individual should be placed.—-Financial impotency, and the derangement resulting therefrom, is ever the forerunner of the downfall of a government, and especially of such an unwieldly and expensive one as ours, which, staggering from day to day, tries to preserve its existence only by forced contributions; and which, as we are publicly told, must endure unheard of degradation, and lose its character both at home and abroad. Government wants again to carry the proposed contribution, by hurrying us, and without hardly allowing us time to give it a thought. It gives us to understand, at the same time, and as it were in the same breath, the insufficiency of the measure, which certainly will not answer the expectation, on account of the natural counteraction which may be expected. With some modification, it is cutting the pill into four pieces, and continuing to the very last, the cherished system of immoral and ruinous imposts on property, which not only clash with the constitution, but are also known beforehand to be insufficient, and that there will again be a deficiency; whilst in several, cities the whole of that of 1803 is not all come in, and that of 1804 nothing is yet received. Whatever measures of coercion

may be used, whatever detestable and unlawful means may be employed, to persecute those who should contribute, the petty or secret war against the finances increases in the same proportion as the pressure; the people can no longer endure it; they begin to feel, after having but too long performed. their duty to their country with their purses, that the first duties of a busband and a fa ther call on them to be careful, and make them swear to resist new extortions, and the dangers impend ng over their heads. I have long since thought this operation must stop, as it was only kept on foot in the hope and expectation of uncertain events. I have seen, during and since last summer, how obstinately, and without the least concession, the state directory, notwithstanding this assembly, endeavoured to preserve unanimity with them, (which is the best way to promote the greatest concerns of the state, especially in such ruinous and deplorable circumstances) thought proper to try to intimidate it by the most improper and preposterous menaces. This has caused the loss of much precious time, and a lamentable stagnation, with an almost irrecoverable loss of confidence, which has extended to several classes. The pressing demands of the great contractors for money arise not so much from a most urgent necessity (they, and their money-lenders, fare best at present), as from the consciousness that there is always a want of money, let ever so many contributions be raised. The pet y contractors grow uneasy, because they are not paid; they calculate upon the country's paying the highest price for every thing; they gain 30 per cent, and more; hoard their cash; and, under pres tence that the country does not pay them, they do not pay each other. On the other hand, the old monied men are dwindling away, and can scarcely support themselves; and do we not see, in our days, that some men who had nothing before the year 1795, have made rapid fortunes, and that those new acquirers excite, by their wealth, the envy of others!— One of the strongest marks of the oppression and misery to which the nation is reduced, especially by the contributions, is, that we do not, as formerly, hear one complaining voice, but that the public energy is deadened and palsied by the fear of foreign force, and the artifice with which we are constantly threatened, is most evident. Every body sighs in secret, and many, as privately as possible, begin to provide for their own safety; whilst some persons, who would otherwise have been as boisterous as ever, have been quieted by contracts, and opportunities have been afforded to others of spe

culating to advantage.-If I were convinced of the reality of the necessity, and of the extreme urgency of the provision, and if such were the case, that the dreaded stagnation would come upon us unforeseen and unme rited; I should, from this moment, sacrifice my sentiments and my principles to these considerations, and agree, that every thing should give way to public necessity-but as I know nothing of the secrets of the state, or why this measure is obtruded upon us with such precipitancy, I cannot consent to it as a consequence of the former contribution; aud I must leave those to answer for the event, who, finding their interest in the different revolutions, have made engagements beyond what they are able to perform; who have suffered the public affairs to run on to such a hopeless state, and found it their interest that they should so continue.-On this occasion I find myself also obliged to protest against the continued injustice, by which the inhabitants of the Departments of Holland and Zealand, who contribute so considerable a part of every impost, are oppressed with respect to the collateral one; and against the deferring or with-holding of an indemnification to the Proprietors of East India Stock, who have now been kept so many years out of their property and their income.

DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPER. THE KING'S PROCLAMATION relative to the Quarantine. Dated at the Court at the Queen's Palace, the 6th day of February,

1805.

in

Whereas alarming accounts have been received that the infectious disease (which, with a malignancy equalling if not exceeding that of the Plague, has occasioned a dreadful mortality in several parts of Spain, and in our town and garrison of Gibraltar) has spread and extended itself to parts of the coast of the Mediterranean; and whereas, from the season of the year which it has continued its ravages in those places where it has already appeared, there is no good ground of confidence or hope that the comparative coldness and the temperature of the climate can afford any obstacle to its introduction and progress in our kingdom :—And, whereas, we feel it to be incumbent upon us to employ such means as under the protection and favour of Divine Providence, may be best calculated to guard our loving subjects against the visitation of so dreadful a calamity, we have thought fit, by and with the advise of our privy council, to issue this our royal proclamation; and we do herein, by and with the

advice of our said council, most strictly enjoin and command all our loving subjects, and more especially those residing at any of the sea port towns, or in any other places on the coasts of this kingdom, whether they may themselves be liable to quarantine or otherwise, as they tender the preservation of their own lives, and the safety and welfare of all the inhabitants of this kingdom, most scrupulously to observe all the laws of quarantine which now are or may hereafter be in force, and all orders made by us, with the advice of our privy council, or by our privy council, under the authority thereof; and particu larly most carefully to avoid any communication with any ship or vessel, or with any person or persons coming therein, from or through the Mediterranean, or from the West of Barbary, on the Atlantic Ocean, or from Cadiz, or other parts of Spain without the Streights, lying to the southward of Cape St. Vincent, or from any place to which, by our royal proclamation, by and with the advice of our privy council, or by our orders in council, the laws of quarantine are, or may here after be, extended; or with any boat, or person therein, coming from or having been on board any such ship, until such ship, vessel, or boat, with the crews and persons on board, and the goods, wares, and merchandizes imported therein, shall have performed their quarantine in such places and manner as are or shall hereafter be directed in that behalf, and until they respectively shall have been duly discharged therefrom: And we do further strictly exhort, enjoin, and command, all magistrates and persons in authority, and all others our loving subjects, without loss of time, to give information to us, through our principal secretary of state for the home department, or to our privy council, of any persons that they may know or believe to have offended against any of the said laws or orders; and we do hereby warn all persons whom it may concern, that we have given the strictest orders for enforcing, with the ut most rigour, the most punctual observance of the laws of quarantine, and all the orders, rules, and regulations relating thereto, it being our firm determination, upon serious consideration of the great extent of misery and calamity which a single instance of improvidently neglecting any of these regulations may bring upon our loving subjects, to cause the several penalties which the law has provided, or may provide, to be inflicted upon all those who may be guilty of any offence against