War of the Rebellion; Or, Scylla and Charybdis: Consisting of Observations Upon the Causes, Course, and Consequences of the Late Civil War in the United States
Harper & Brothers, 1866 - 440 páginas
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action administration adopted African slavery American Army of Tennessee Benton bill body Buchanan cabinet Calhoun California called character civil Clay compromise measures Confederate Congress conflict Constitution contest Convention Davis declared defeat Democratic party disunion Douglas duty Eepublican efforts Eichmond election eminent excited executive existence fact Federal Union feel fierce Fillmore friends gentleman heretofore honor hope House of Eepresentatives Jefferson Davis John Quincy Adams known Lecompton Constitution legislative Lincoln ment Mexico military Mississippi Missouri Missouri Compromise Monroe doctrine never North OBTAIN PEACE occasion official once opinion patriotic personage persons political popular present President President Lincoln presidential principles question referred regard republic resolutions respect scene secession sectional Senate sentiment session Seward slave slaveholding South Carolina Southern speech statesman struggle Tennessee territory tion true United United States Senate Virginia vote Washington City Webster whole Wilmot Proviso Yancey
Página 333 - They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends...
Página 243 - Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South.
Página 309 - No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize, or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said State.
Página 321 - I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations...
Página 323 - If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulty.
Página 322 - I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.
Página 321 - It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves: and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution — to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up
Página 30 - Africa, was struck out in complaisance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished to continue it.
Página 36 - That Congress have no authority to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them in any of the States; it remaining with the several States alone to provide rules and regulations therein, which humanity and true policy may require.