international order, just as United States marshals are needed to sustain the authority of our domestic courts."

Many careful students of world problems who believe that a small international police will be necessary as a substitute for our present rival armies and navies stoutly maintain that it will never be used to sustain the action of a world court against a civilized nation, its function being to suppress disorder among savages and barbarians and to prevent piracy. A very small force indeed would be sufficient for international purposes when national armies and navies were no longer used to carry on international dueling.

Justice Brewer, of the United States Supreme Court, holds that ostracism would be an amply effective weapon in coercing a recalcitrant nation which was represented in the formation of the court. When we remember that within the last hundred years over two hundred and fifty cases have been settled by arbitration between nations, and that in no instance did any nation refuse, when worsted, to abide by its pledged word, the probability of recourse even to ostracism seems very slight. Says Justice Brewer: "If all the civilized nations would say, 'From this time forward, until you submit your dispute to arbitration, we will withdraw all our diplomatic representatives, we will have no official communication with you, we will forbid our citizens having any business transactions with your citizens, we will forbid your citizens coming into our territory, we will make you a Robinson Crusoe on a desert island, there is no nation, however mighty, that could endure such an isolation. The business interests of the nation would com. pel the government to recede from its position and no longer remain an outlaw on the face of the globe." The very threat of such ostracism would make force as unnecessary to compel a nation to obey as it is unnecessary to compel obedience to the decisions of our United States Supreme Court. If, in the most extreme imaginable case, ostracism were used, it could be withstood only a few weeks, and would leave behind it no such bitterness and desolation as a bombardment or "punitive expedition."

While half the Nation is looking on with approval at the building of $10,000,000 Dreadnaughts and the cost of victualing and coaling and target practice of our shortlived battle-ships, is it not worth while for the other half to suggest the less spectacular but far more effective methods of National defense which, if applied, could reduce our naval budget to a fraction of its present colossal size? A hundred thousand citizens

are informed about the sending of our fleet to the Pacific to one who knows anything of the enormous power and practical value of organized ostracism as a substitute for navies. Thousands indulge in hysterics over a possible attack on the Philippines by Japan to one who has ever considered the solution of the Philippine problem by a mutual agreement of the nations to neutralize them. Every one hears of prevention of war by brandishing a big stick, but how many have yet estimated how much war would be prevented were war loans prohibited in every land, as Richard Cobden a half-century ago, and Secretary Straus and W. J. Bryan have recently, advocated? Whatever the United States may have failed to accomplish at The Hague, one recommendation of the Interparliamentary programme remains which it can accomplish without co-operation with any other nation; namely, to vote a little Peace Budget. Had Congress voted one dollar for this for every thousand it voted last year for war purposes, and had this been expended by a commission in inviting fifty eminent Japanese here and sending fifty eminent American editors to Japan a year ago, with other measures to promote an entiente cordiale, we might have saved ordering the last $10,000,000 battleship. Let the American press but give the civilian less news of maneuvers and naval tactics, and discuss these newer and more practical methods of defense in which all can share, and we can save from fifty to one hundred million dollars annually in our war budgets and attain far greater National security. For, as business prosperity rests not on gold, neither does peace rest upon steel plate and explosives, but both alike upon that invisible thing called confidence. LUCIA AMEs Mead.

gent in the interests of its owners, that it has become, on the part of the people, an unmanageable power. The human mind stands bewildered in the presence of its own creation. The time will come, nevertheless, when human intelligence will rise to the mastery over property and define the relations of the state to the property it protects, as well as the obligations and the limits of the rights of its owners. The interests of society are paramount to individual interests, and the two must be brought into just and harmonious relations. A mere property career is not the final destiny of mankind, if progress is to be the law of the future as it has been of the past. The time which has passed away since civilization began is but a fragment of the past duration of man's existence; and but a fragment of the ages yet to come. The dissolution of society bids fair to become the termination of a career of which property is the end and aim; because such a career contains the elements of self-destruction. Democracy in government, brotherhood in society, equality in rights and privileges, and universal education, foreshadow the next higher plane of society to which experience, intelligence, and knowledge are steadily tending. It will be a revival, in a higher form, of the liberty, equality, and fraternity of the ancient gentes.

A careful reading of this paragraph will show that your reviewer was perfectly correct in stating that Morgan did not write with any "reformative" ideas in mind. On the other hand, it shows that he did write with certain distinctively revolutionary ideas in mind. He was probably the first prominent American writer to realize the evolutionary necessity of an industrial revolution, doing away with the parasitical class which is now in control. Of course no one who is the least familiar with the writings of modern Socialists imagines that they wish to return to the primitive communism of warring tribes. They simply point out that the next probable step in evolution is the organization of industry by and for the working class, with the abolition of privileged classes. It is, of course, true that we value Morgan's work because it demonstrates so clearly the falsity of the argument that wealth and poverty are eternally inevitable.

Chicago, Illinois.

CHARLES H. KERR.

UNITARIANS AND UNIVERSALISTS In your issue of October 12 you quote a few words uttered by the Rev. Dr. C. G. Ames, the eminent Unitarian preacher, at a communion service in King's Chapel, during the recent sessions of the Congress of Religious Liberals. Your comment on Dr. Ames's words runs that their utterance seems "to bring into sight the ultimate-reunion of the historic Puritan churches of New England." Now, I'm not peevish regarding this matter, but, as a Universalist minister, I subscribe unreservedly to Dr. Ames's words, as you quote them. I cannot say with definitive authority that the majority of Universalist preachers indorse Dr. Ames's position; but I certainly feel safe in advancing it as an

impression that they do. Hence, I wonder if we can be included in the implied prophecy of your words. To be sure, the constituency of the Universalist denomination is of more mixed theological ancestry than the Unitarian; but, on the whole, it seems to me clear enough that our "affinities" are with Congregationalism. Whether the fact that the

writer's forbears were all nurtured in "the historic Puritan churches of New England" colors his view-point or not, is neither here nor there. I have often felt, and said, that I would like to live here long enough to see just this consummation—the union of such churches as ours and the Unitarian with the Congregational Church, the main branch of the historic Puritan Church of New England. If you counsel us that we must modify our dogmatism, I may answer that so are we doing. We are not elevating the speculative aspects of religion as of supreme concern; we are rapidly abandoning the old exegesis, whereby almost any Scripture text will demonstrate" universal salvation;" and some of us, anyway, think that one of the inherent requirements of the present crisis which the church faces is that of the removal, gradually, of old lines of cleavage-many of them no longer respected by a growing body of thinking people-in a process looking to the ultimate reunion of many churches, like those named. W. F. SMALL, Pastor Universalist Church, Santa Paula, California.

[Historically, the Universalist churches, the New England Congregational body, and no less than the Unitarian, originated from organized themselves into a denomination at an earlier date. The Outlook paragraph referred to was written in consciousness of this fact.-THE EDITORS.]

DISINTEGRATION OF THE TURKISH EMPIRE

Disintegration seems to be taking place in many parts of the Turkish Empire. Arabia is always in rebellion, and Yemen, its most valuable province, has resisted all attempts to conquer it, although thousands of soldiers have been sacrificed in the attempt to bring it into subjection.

In Erzroom last year the people rose up in rebellion against a new tax, some officials were killed, and the Vali (Governor-General) saved his own life by taking refuge in a mosque and promising to leave the city. Finding the collection of the obnoxious tax impossible, the central Government forgave it. The people in that province are prepared to rebel if they are crowded too hard.

A condition somewhat similar exists in

Bitlis. A mob killed the Chief of Police, and the Vali saved his own life by resigning and getting out of the way. Like all other parts of the Empire, the oppression has reached an extreme limit, and further burdens will not be tolerated.

In Van, according to reports, matters have taken a shape still more advanced. It is said that one of the most influential of the local Beys has called together the leading citizens, Turks and Christians, and said to them that they have no use for the central Government. "If there is a war in any part of the country, our soldiers are called out and we must pay the expense, while we receive no benefit from Constantinople. The best way for us is to set up for ourselves." There may be some exaggeration in this report, although it comes with directness, but not from the missionaries. There is a large revolutionary element in Van. Before this event the Vali was sent away, and he was killed on his way to Constantinople. As reported to me, twenty-five thousand people, the leading men of the city and vicinity, pledged themselves to independence, and they hoped to secure the co-operation of Erzroom and Bitlis. For a good while past the Armenian revolutionists have assumed the right to control the whole Armenian community, including the Protestants, and there is a strong body of revolutionary Turks there, although they have not been so outspoken as the Armenians. The simple truth is that there are very few people thoroughly loyal throughout the whole Empire. On the occasion of the Sultan's birthday, or the anniversary of his accession, the newspapers represent that his Majesty is one of the most just and enlightened rulers that the country or the world has ever seen, but if you read between the lines you will see that there is a vein of sarcasm running through these articles.

That part of the Anti-Tarus Mountains which is called the Dersim is inhabited by Kuzzel Bash Koords. It belongs to the Harpoot province, and it is some forty or fifty miles to the north of Harpoot city. These Koords are a lawless set, and during the last summer they plundered caravans, ravaged villages, drove away flocks and herds, and made themselves a terror in the whole region about them. The Government has of late been quietly collecting soldiers to punish them—a not easy task, as the soldiers are needed in so many parts of the Empire. Two or three weeks ago the soldiers were

sent to the mountains, but we hear that they are having a sorry time of it. The Koordish tribes are often at war with one another, but when they are attacked by the Government they combine, retreat to high mountains, and carry on a guerrilla campaign. The snow which is now coming will probably put a stop to the present attempt to subdue them, but unless they are finally put down they will become a far more disturbing element in their immediate neighborhood than the other movements which I have already mentioned.

Another disturbing element is found in that part of the Mesopotamian plain which belongs to the Diarbekir province. The Arabs and Koords in those regions have had long-standing feuds with one another. Some weeks ago two large bands of these people were preparing to go to war against one another, but the last report is that they have come to some sort of agreement among themselves, and decided to assume a practical independence of the Government; and now comes the word that the people in the city of Diarbekir itself have invested the telegraph office, and that messages intended for Diarbekir are copied at Harpoot and sent by mail, as delivery from the office is impossible. The reason for this movement is not understood, but it is suspected that it is of the same nature as has been mentioned in regard to Van.

All these things show a condition of political unrest bordering upon anarchy, and this is increased by the abnormal cost of living, owing to light crops, while bribery and the relentless collection of taxes continue unabated. In private conversation it is difficult to find a man who does not condemn the Government, and a common expression is, "May God send a protector to our country!" The discontent is too deep and widespread to be put down by force, and there are signs that the army cannot be implicitly trusted. Hundreds and thousands of the most intelligent Turks are in exile in all parts of the country, and naturally their influence helps to promote general discontent. Many who have taken refuge in Europe publish papers which are smuggled into the country and eagerly read. The country waits for a strong leader like Garibaldi, a man strong and upright, one who will inspire confidence, to take possession and institute a new order. Is there such a man? Corruption is too deep for an easy remedy; divine help is needed. For that let us pray,