Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

The atmosphere was cleared. They shook hands on the proposition, and ever since have been firm friends. As for the University, politics is still rigidly banished from its affairs.

Governor Johnson has rather set a new mark in attending to such duties as the regency and membership in other State boards. He has never given perfunctory service. He attends nearly every meeting, stays from first to last, knows what is going on, and takes an active hand, not as a governor or an overlord, but as a member like the rest of his associates.

In his dealings with the Legislature Johnson has never been dogmatic. He has firm ideas about executive encroachment, and has never forced matters on legislative attention. Both Legislatures have been about three-fourths Republican, but relations have been pleasant. The majority paid little attention to the Governor's first inaugural. Some of his recommendations went through, as a "wide-open" tax amendment to the Constitution, an inheritance tax bill, an act placing the State Insurance Depart ment on a salary basis, and improvement of the laws against timber trespass. The proposals of a State immigration bureau. and a separate training-school for delinquent giris were not acted on till two years later. His personal platform in the message included these ideas, either rejected or ignored: A four-year term for Governors, with one-term limit; reduced freight rates, abolition of railway passes, an employers' liability law, a liberal forestry policy, and a non-partisan judiciary law.

Early in this first term a crisis was reached in the affairs of a large Minnesota life insurance company. Examiners had found mismanagement of a criminal nature. On a statement by Insurance Commissioner O'Brien, the officers of the company were summoned to the capitol by the Governor himself. The tale of their misconduct was related to them and their resignations demanded. They resigned, and a committee of Minneapolis business men, at the Governor's request, took charge of the concern. They arranged a reorganization, under which the company has been restored to public

confidence. One of the officials who resigned is in State prison, and another was convicted, but escaped through the meshes of the law.

Johnson's leadership in the movement for uniform State laws on life insurance has been generally acknowledged, notably in a special message by President Roosevelt to Congress. It was upon Governor Johnson's suggestion to the President that the Commissioner of the District of Columbia called a National meeting of Governors, attorneys-general, and insurance commissioners. This body selected a committee of fifteen, headed by Mr. O'Brien, of Minnesota. The committee's output was a model code of laws regulating life insurance, which has been adopted almost entirely by Minnesota, and with little change by Illinois, Michigan, West Virginia, and North Dakota.

It must not be supposed that Governor Johnson has been the only progressive force in the State since his inauguration. The radical Republicans kave kept pace with him. He has often acknowledged the co-operation of other State officials. Republican members of the Legislature during his first term fought for a two-cent fare law and a reciprocal demurrage law, both of which the Governor recommended at the next session. In the last year there has been a great awakening for law enforcement in the State, resulting in Sunday closing of saloons everywhere. In this movement the Governor was not a necessary factor and had no part.

The second State campaign for John A. Johnson was in 1906. The Republicans had difficulty in agreeing on a candidate. The man with largest following in their convention was feared by the corporations, who threw votes to a less "dangerous" man and nominated him.

Though the nominee was not a corporation man, he was branded as such from the start, and the growing radical sentiment in the Republican party was sullenly hostile to him.

Johnson made another whirlwind campaign. He eclipsed his previous record, making 119 speeches in seven weeks, and reaching 78 counties of the State. As in the first campaign, he paid his fare for every mile traveled, and twice when

special trains were required he paid handscmely for them. The entire tour was an ovation, and the outcome was hardly in doubt at any time, yet the result made the most sanguine Johnson men gasp. He polled 168,480 votes to 96,162 for Cole, Republican-a plurality of 72,318. The other Republican candidates were elected by pluralities reaching as high as 84,754 on attorney-general.

Though the new Legislature was almost as strongly Republican as its predecessor, and the Governor still refused to urge legislation aside from the declarations of the biennial message, there was a difference. The measures bearing the Governor's indorsement got a more considerate reception. Railway legislation could not be headed off, as both parties had declared for it, and members had made campaign pledges to pass the reform measures. Measures recommended and adopted were as follows:

A maximum schedule of freight rates.
A two-cent passenger fare law.
Abolition of railway passes and franks.
Reciprocal demurrage law.

Increased taxation for sleeping-car companies.

Permanent Tax Commission with wide

powers.

Registry tax on real estate mortgages.
Uniform life insurance laws.
Abolition of private banks.

A" Mueller Law" to facilitate municipal ownership.

Increased State drainage operations. Better salaries for the State University faculty.

This made a good grist for a single session. The permanent Tax Commission is a vastly important institution. Johnson named on this Commission one Republican, one Democrat, and one university professor-all men of ability and special fitness. The announcement of their names was met with a spontaneous burst of enthusiasm in each house of the Legislature. In less than a year they have justified their selection by adding $112,000,000 to the assessed values of iron properties.

The Governor had some other suggestions in that message that are of value as showing his personal platform. They included the taxation of iron lands on a royalty basis, a license tax on foreign corporations, investigation of lumber

trusts, employers' liability law, uniform divorce law, the initiative and referendum, and the registration of lobbyists.

Last summer a strike of sixteen thousand foreign workmen in the iron mines of northern Minnesota threatened trouble. They were a branch of the Western Federation of Miners—the Moyer and Haywood League-and at the head was Teofilo Petriella, an Italian Socialist from Colorado. Mining officials and business men feared an outbreak by the ignorant aliens. Strike leaders insisted that they would keep the peace, but felt that the situation was on a hair-trigger. Mining officials appealed to the Governor for military protection.

Governor Johnson does not rush into trouble because he likes it, but he decided to get his information about the "range" at first hand. He went there, stopping in Duluth on the way. He met the steel company officials, heard their report, and got their promise to avoid trouble with the strikers. He hired from them a special train which took him by night to Hibbing, the headquarters of the strikers' organization. In the morning he walked up the main street of Hibbing, and asked for the office of "Mr. Petriella." A local newspaper man was the willing guide. The Governor introduced himself to the strike leader, sat down with him, and had a heart-to-heart talk. Petriella made promises of peace, and the Governor gave him clearly to understand that any disturbances would mean sending the National Guard to the scene. Then the local authorities and mine superintendents were conferred with and admonished.

Two other towns were visited, and the Governor met strikers, mine bosses, and local officials. At Eveleth they wanted a speech. He told the crowd what he had come for, and urged everybody to keep cool. He told them that the men had a right to quit work, a right to organize, and to persuade others to quit work; but if any man wanted to work, no one had the right to prevent him, and the State, if necessary, would protect men in their right to work.

That night the Governor returned to St. Paul. Soon after some overzealous deputies dispersed a meeting of strikers

in their own hall. The miners justly complained, and began marching in long, ominous-looking columns. Governor Johnson issued a proclamation to all concerned. It declared, first, the right of all persons to hold peaceable meetings without interference, and with the protection of public officials. It called on the strikers to cease marching in large bodies, as tending to disturb the public peace. It also warned them against trespass on private property, and declared that any violation of these directions would result in the despatch of troops. There was no more trouble of any consequence.

It would have been easy to make a mistake in such a crisis, as Governors before have found to their sorrow, but Johnson made no false step. His handling of men was masterly, and he used good common sense. He has never been given credit for statesmanlike qualities. There is nothing mysterious or profound about him. He is even accused of being superficial. Yet his path in office is not marked by failures. He seems to be equal to each occasion as it arises. Unquestionably he has developed in three years as Governor. His pubiic addresses are no longer sophomoric. He has gained in poise and dignity. He is naturally adaptable to circumstances, and graces distinguished company as he used to the levees and routs of St. Peter. The deep lines in his face and forehead have grown deeper the while, and his whole cast is more thoughtful. Yet there is no suggestion of pretense at any time.

He

is nothing if not genuine. He has been endeavoring to grow with the broaden ing of his horizon, and no one can say how far the man's future development may reach.

Without detracting from his mental attainments, it may be said that the real

key to John A. Johnson's success is personal charm, which gets and holds for him the regard of everybody. It is sig nificant that men never turn upon him and blame him for their political wrongs. They have a grievance against some of his lieutenants, but they want it understood that Johnson is all right. They want to like him, and it is because he likes people. He is interested in all that people do. Nothing human is alien to him. to him. He enjoys so many things, as music, baseball, football, the theater, travel, hunting, fishing, and, above all, friends. He has a cordiality for all that never seems affected. To shake hands with him is to like him.

It is the same with an audience. Their first greeting is answered by a broad, friendly smile that radiates good fellowship and thaws out any lingering chill. He wins them before he opens his mouth. His speech is rapid, fluent, and often headlong like a cataract, not always eloquent, but always convincing. He gives the impression of a man much in earnest without being a zealot. The mass of the people feel a confidence in him that is almost unshakable.

Is Johnson radical? Yes and no. He has a record as an advocate of many measures, but, as a rule, the changes he has favored have had to be put in force by others. As Governor he has been a sort of spokesman for the people, proclaiming their belief in measures which have been worked out by legislatures, railway commissioners, or attorneys-general. He has been radical in speech, but more conservative and constructive in action. The conference for uniform insurance laws was a constructive idea, and as sponsor for the State's first permanent Tax Commission he has beyond any question taken the lead in a great reform.

[graphic][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][ocr errors][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][merged small][subsumed]

T

ASSEMBLY

BY G. H. BLAKESLEE

HE Philippine Assembly marks an epoch in the government of dependencies. It is the first time that a sovereign nation has ever granted a full share in legislation to any subject people in the East. The experiment, which was laughed at by the older Colonial Powers and distrusted by most of the Americans in the islands, already has been sufficiently successful to exceed the expectations of those who planned it. The elections for Assemblymen were probably conducted fully as orderly and as honestly as are those in the United States, yet it frequently has been stated that they did not express the real feelings of the Filipinos. As proof of this it is pointed out that a very small per cent of the people were sufficiently interested in them to take the trouble to register and vote.

Such a statement is misleading, for the suffrage in the Philippines is stringently limited. Those qualified must have held some public office under the Spanish Government, or be possessed of two hundred and fifty dollars' worth of property, or pay taxes to the amount of thirty dollars-large sums for the Filipinosor be able to speak, read, and write either Spanish or English. In the elections which were held two years ago for local offices the total number of those who registered was 143,000, of whom 130,000 voted. In the elections for the Assembly 104,966 persons registered, and of these 100,493 voted-an unusually large proportion. The chief reason, probably, why these numbers were so small is to be found in the fact that the period for registration, which in 1905 was fifteen days, was this year limited to four. This was not thoroughly understood in the Provinces, so that a considerable proportion of those who would have registered were unable to do so. There were some, however, who did not register, either because they were too

indifferent or else because they disapproved of the plan of having an Assembly; but these were too few to affect seriously the result at the polls. It can be stated with considerable assurance that the election was a fair expression of the desires of the Filipino people at the time. Had the franchise been more extended, it would, of course, have increased the vote of the majority who wish for an early recognition of independence, for the avowed supporters of the American policy are limited very largely to the small class which now has the suffrage.

The election shows clearly that there is no absorbing popular passion for immediate independence. Had this existed, the people would have been informed regarding the shortening of the registration period, for the law was posted in all the Provinces; all indifference would have disappeared; the thirty or forty noparty candidates would have been forced definitely to commit themselves, during the campaign, either for or against immediate independence; and at the polls a vote of at least a hundred and fifty thousand would have been cast.

The only thing which the election does prove positively is that the majority are unwilling to vote for Progresista, or Government, candidates, and so indorse the policy of the American Administration, for they consider that it is too indefinite, and they fear that, if independence is not soon promised them absolutely, it may never be granted at all.

The eighty Assemblymen who are now meeting in the Marble Hall of the Ayuntamiento at Manila are doubtless better representatives of the Filipino people than are the members of American State Legislatures of their American constituents. As a class, they belong to the best families of the islands, are educated, experienced, and well-to-do. More than half of them are attorneys:

« AnteriorContinuar »