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ing and fixing the value of the gold in grain or lumps, and corrections, I would say that I noticed a number arrows that had been laid aside for a contest for for forming the same into bars, be, and the whole of the

of mistakes in the remarks made by me the other which I was not prepared, I confess that I then clause containing said provisions, shall be hereby repealed.

day. They can, of course, only be avoided as looked with surprise as well as concern upon the Mr. HUNTER. This bill contains no appro- suggested by the Senator from Mississippi, by course which the debate was likely to take.

. If the gentleman had satisfied himself with sim. of a branch Mint in California. The bill as first giving Senators an opportunity of correcting.

[The report alluded to was not one published in |ply avowing that he intended to put the seal of introduced contained a provision for abolishing the the “Globe."']

approbation upon the compromise measures, I present assaying office. That the committee did

THE COMPROMISE MEASURES.

might not have had cause to complain so much. not adopt. They have substituted a provision to allow the holder of gold in grains or lumps to take Mr. FOOTE, of Mississippi. I hope the Senate

If he had contented himself with being entirely

silent as regards the effect which his resolution ingots or bars at pleasure at such rates and charges will now take up the special order. I'am informed as shall be appointed. In all other respects it is at this moment that a gentleman who will go

would have upon those who opposed it, I might similar to the bill passed last year. home to-morrow, or at some early moment, wishes

not, perhaps, have been altogether satisfied, but I The amendment was agreed to, and the bill was to be heard upon the resolution which I submitted, I would not have taken material exceptio ns. But reported to the Senate as amended, and the amend- and to reply to the few remarks I made the other he went much further, and not only bestowed apment concurred in. day. For one, I am exceedingly anxious to ac

plause and commendation upon the cheris hed comMr. BRODHEAD called for the reading of the cord him the opportunity.

promise measures, but turned round and fired on section relating to the compensation of the offi- The Senate proceeded to the consideration of that camp, deserted as it has been, requires me to

the camp of his former comrades. My duty to the following resolution: After the reading of the bill had been proceeded

vindicate its history and the conduct of those who A Resolution declaring the Measures of Adjustment to be a are connected with it. Under the cover of the propwith for a short time,

definitive settlement of the questions growing out of deMr. BRODHEAD said: I do not desire that

mestic slavery.

osition now before the Senate, there seems to be a Be it enacted, that the series of measures embraced in

double aim to make a new platform for the secuthe bill should be read any further. I understand

the acts entitled " An act proposing to the State of Texas | rity of some, and to expose others who are not that the salaries provided for in this are the same the establishment of her Northern and

Western boundaries; I willing to be forced from their original position; as those contained in the bill as it passed last ses- the relinquishment, by the said State, of all territory claimed

and this, too, in a manner unprecedented in the sion. I shall have no objection to it.

by her exterior to said boundaries, and of all her claims
upon the United States, and to establish a territorial gov-

legislative history of this country, or any other. The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third

ernment for New Mexico," approved September 9, 1850 ; It is a mode of ratification of what is regarded as a reading. " An act for the admission of the State of California into

popular measure by certain politicians-of course BILL INTRODUCED.

the Union," approved September 9, 1850; “ An act to es-
tablish a territorial government for Utah," approved Sep-

not so much for their own advantage as for the Mr. HUNTER, agreeably to previous notice, tember 9, 1850 ; “ An act to amend and supplementary to

good of the whole country-not to give up to party asked and obtained leave to bring in a bill to es- an act entitled An act respecting fugitives from justice, what is meant for mankind. I may take a differtablish a Board of Accounts; which was read a and persons escaping from the service of their masters, ap- ent view of the matter. Instead of quieting agitafirst and second time by its title, and referred to

proved February 12, 1793,'" approved September 18, 1850;
and "An act to suppress the slave trade in the District of

tion and restoring harmony, this proceeding will the Committee on Finance.

Columbia,” approved September 20, 1850, commonly sow the seeds of discord among those who have a WELCOME TO KOSSUTH.

known as the "Compromise Acts,” are, in the judgment of common interest to defend the rights of the States,

this body, entitled to be recognized as a definitive adjust- | especially the Southern States, which are alone in A message was received from the House of

ment and settlement of the distracting questions growing danger, and which must be doomed if their true Representatives, announcing that it had passed the out of the system of domestic slavery, and as such, that joint resolution of welcome to Louis Kossuth. said measures should be acquiesced in and faithfully ob- friends suffer party organizations to divide and de

served by all good citizens. In the course of the day the joint resolution was

stroy them. This measure is to be an ark for the

Mr. BUTLER. Mr. President, I am very sorry engrossed and signed by the Presiding Officers of

elect of the land to be saved from the great deluge the two Houses.

that this debate has been suspended, because what that may be coming over us. I suppose politicians

I would have said last week would have been said | will go into it by pairs, of different kinds, to make JOINT COMMITTEE ON PRINTING.

in a very few words, and distinctly in reference to an improvement by amalgamation, as Mr. Burke A message was received from the House of the topic before me.' To resume and continue the said of a similar class, a Mosaic-work, " here a Representatives, announcing that Mr. GORMAN

debate now will not obviate the incidental injus- black piece, and there a red one,” &c. The beof Indiana, Mr. HAVEN of New York, and Mr.

tice to myself and others, occasioned by so long a nevolent plan is to put to the sword all who are to Stanton of Kentucky, had been appointed mem- suspension. I went into the debate last Monday || be excluded from the ark, or who can not be adbers of the Joint Committee on Printing.

morning unexpectedly; that is to say, I spoke from mitted into it by a party passport. CORRECTION.

information acquired only the day before. I had I know that the honorable Senator said that his Mr. FOOTE, of Mississippi. I rise to make a not seen any of the notices in the newspapers of resolution originated in an enlarged patriotism, very short explanation. While I have been struck the honorable Senator's resolution. I had not having no reference to party tactics. Sir, I have with the general accuracy of our Reporters this learned that they had been proposed in the Dem- | always remarked, that when patriotism becomes session, and the accommodating spirit which they coratic caucus. Although, in some measure, I so diffused and enlarged, it becomes rather weaker have manifested towards myself and other Sena- | might have spoken from information thus acquired, I than stronger. I did not know what the honora. tors, yet I feel bound to state that it has happened my remarks were made mainly from views which | ble Senator was aiming at, but, as I said then, ! that my hastily-delivered remarks made the other I look of the subject whilst hearing the honorable knew what the effect would be. Now, before I day, by way of explanation of one or two points Senator from Mississippi.

allude to or notice some remarks wbieh specially raised by the honorable Senator from North Car- While I denounced his proposition as a mode claim my attention, I will dispose, by way of exolina, (Mr. Badger,) were reported erroneously; | of ratification of the compromise to which I had | plamation, of some of the charges, or complaints and I rise for the purpose of correcting one of been opposed, I said not one single word, I made perhaps I should say, which he made against those several mistakes. I hope the Reporters will not be not a single allusion to his own State, or to him- who had charge of the fugitive slave ball. He inpained at my saying that those mistakes would self, except, perhaps, of a political character, and timated that they did not do their duty to it. Pernot have occurred if they had pursued their usual that rather by implication than by any distinct ex- haps the charge was not made so strongly as to course—and the one which they are always bound pression. He was pleased to say I had come into accuse them of bad faith in relation to it, but it to pursue of bringing the report to the Senators the debate inops concilii. I came into it, however, was something like it. before it is published in the papers. I do not cen- with nothing like militia præcogitata. I soon learned Mr. FOOTË, of Mississippi. I expressly dissure them; but I regret that the necessity has that I was contending with one who was conduct- claimed it. arisen for making this explanation.

ing his movements with the concert and skill of Mr. BUTLER. The charge was, that they had I will state what I am about to correct. The political tacticians. But even regarding him as not brought forward the bill with that promptness, honorable Senator from North Carolina (Mr. an organ confining himself to the views and and urged it upon the consideration of the Senate BADGER) uttered certain general political doctrines purposes of himself and others, I might have felt with the energy, which the occasion, in the opinion to which I objected the other day. I am reported little inclination or desire to continue and widen the of the gentleman, and some of his special friends, as saying " they break down the freedom of the || debate. When, however, the gentleman enlarged | called for. I made an explanation in reference to

press, destroy the freedom of speech, and after a the scope and aim of his remarks, and gave them the bill once before. It was at the first session of • while would lead to just such violent proceedings | such a direction that they could not escape me and the last Congress called up at an early day, and I • as have outraged the sensibilities of the so-called others; and when he made allusions under a degree | made my speech upon it as the chairman of the • republican Government of France," &c.

of excitement and passion for which I was not committee; and my friend from Virginia (Mr. I'intended to be understood as saying, substan- | prepared, I had no alternative left but to make a Mason) had also made a speech upon it, when, tially, that they broke down the liberty of the rejoinder. They are allusions and remarks which the late Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Darton) press and destroyed the freedom of speech, and cannot escape myself, in connection with the meas- || having the floor, the whole discussion was susthat while leading to just such violent proceedings ures he has brought up for ratification, as a repre- pended, to give the Senator from Kentucky, not as those adopted by the so-called republican Gov-sentative of the State of South Carolina. He knows now in his seat, (Mr. Clay,) an opportunity of ernment of France, and which so outraged the as well as any man upon this floor, how painful it bringing before the Senate his measures of comfeelings of the people of that country, &c. I rise is to me to have anything like an occasion to par- | promise. No objection was then made to letting more for the purpose of protesting, in this gentle | ticipate in a debate of this kind. There are inci- | the bill drop for awhile; but before the Committee and respectful manner, against the whole report | dents in our lives which he knows very well make of Thirteen had matured and disposed of their made the other day, and with the view of giving this painful to me. I must, however, discharge my work, I suppose the suggestion was made to this delicate and admonitory hint to the Reporters duty, and I hope I shall do so in such a manner | bring up the fugitive slave bill as a separate measthat they may always be kind enough to bring the that, whilst may show to the gentleman that ure. Perhaps it was intended to make it a test report to me before it is published.

"he who lives in a glass house should not throw in advance. Some of us who had charge of the Mr. BADGER. I wish to say a word. I stones," I may also endeavor to vindicate myself | bill might not have been inclined to yield too would not have said anything upon this subject, from some of the allusions and remarks which were readily to the suggestions of those in whose course had not the Senator from Mississippi brought it intended to reach me. When I saw thegentleman, | of policy we did not exactly agree, or there may up. Though I do not choose to enter into any with so much deliberation, draw from his quiver I have been a fair difference of opinion as to the

mode of using the fugitive glave bill. But when It was to make use of one class of citizens to bring another not-I believe that it has not been enforced. And the bill was brought up under the suggestion of to a sense of justice and a proper submission to the law. I

in this Republic, when it is necessary that the approve its wisdom. An insurrection would be much the honorable gentleman, and with the understandmore easily quelled by the array of neighbors and fellow

bayonet should be used instead of voluntary subing that his Northern friends and allies would sup- citizens, than by the employment of a trained and organ

mission to the dominion of the law by the citizens port it, how many of them voted for it? The two ized army, whose only influence would be the employment themselves, or by the ordinary force which can

of force. gendemen from lowa (Messrs. Dodge and Jones)

An overwhelming force might be employed in the

be evoked on the occasion to carry it into effect, nied for the bill, and the honorable gentleman

first case, whilst the other might only be strong enough to

provoke collision, and end in blood. Whatever miglit be it is a significant omen, and indicative of the from Pennsylvania, no longer a member of this the views of our ancestors, it is certain that until 1807 the times. Why, I read of these riots and these hady, (Mr. STURGEON,) voted for the bill. The militia was the only force put at the disposal of the Presi- combinations being denounced as treason. I did bonorable gentleman from New York, (Mr. Dick

dent to suppress insurrection, &c.
“The act of 1807 is in these words: “That in cases of in-

not believe, at the time, that they would be conFox,) no longer here, would have voted for it, surrection or obstruction to the laws either of the United

strued so as to amount to treason against the und explained at the time the reasons why he States or of any individual State or Territory, where it is United States. Whatever might be their real did not, having paired off with his colleague. lawful for the President of the United States to call forth character, such would not be their complexion in There were but three Northern Senators who the militia for suppressiog such insurrection or causing the

the courts. laws to be duly executed, it shall be lawful for him to em

The character of such meetings will moed for it. Let the country understand now, ploy for the same purpose sucli part of the land and naval depend more on the testimony of witnesses than for the first time, if it never has been under- * force as shall be necessary, having first observed all the the truth of facts, and no authority can overcome stood before, why honorable gentlemen from the prerequisites of the law in that respect."

such influences. We have a great many rhetoriSorth, who are now so vehement upon the subject

** So far as it regards the employment of the army and naval force, the President maintains that he is subject to no

cal declamations in this Senate; and if the advertiseof these compromises, did not vote on that bill,

prerequisites of the act referred to, but that they are abso- ments which go out from here were to indicate etter for or against it. When the compromise lutely at his command for the purposes indicated.

anything like the truth, there would be very little measures have swum to the shore, there are some

** The words of the President are: “Congress, not proba difficulty in carrying out the provisions of the willing to stretch out the hand of aid, but were

bly adverting to the difference between the militia and the
regular army by the act of March 3, 1807, authorized the

Constitution. But the Constitution is a dead vwilling to run the hazard of the flood when it was President to use the land and naval forces of the United letter. United States courts have no jurisdiction uncertain as to the fate of the bill referred to. Did “States for the same purposes for which he inight call forth over the subject, for it is not regarded as treason. they avoid that vote? or were they absent by acci- the militia, and subject to the same proclamation. But It is referred to the State courts. What will be

the power of the President under the Constitution as condent when the vote was taken? Some of those genmander of the army and navy is general, and his duty to

the result? The State courts take jurisdiction of tlemen, I know, gave their moral support to the see the laws executed is general and positive ; and the act this resistance of the fugitive slave law as of an bil; but I state the fact, that it was not until the of 1807 ought not to be construed as evincing any disposi- ordinary riot or murder. Who are to decide till had gone to the country, and obtained its ition in Congress to limit or restrain any of his constitutional authority!

upon the crime? A jury composed, perhaps, of favorable judgment, as they suppose, that some “The import of which is, that the President may use the

those who sympathize with the person charged. gentlemen became its open advocates. So much Army and Navy as he may think proper under the plenitude | Who is to award the punishment: The judge for that.

of his constitutional authority, and that he is not constrained Now for another complaint and charge, which by the act of 1807, nor can he be restrained by any act of indulges in the same sympathies. Or, if a tribu

who, perhaps, entertains the same feelings, and the honorable Senator has made, which may ap- || Army in suppressing insurrections in a manner different

nal could be found—which I never expect to seepiy to myself, that is, denying the President power from that in which he is required to use the militia. stern enough, in defiance of public opinion, to do to enforce the law. I beg to bring to the attention of " For the specific and sometimes delicate purposes indi- l justice, under the sanction of an oath, to the oblithe Senate the report which I submitted in relation

cated, I think Congress has the direction of the President.
When actually in command for repelling invasion or for

gations of the Constitution, the sentence would to the President's message, calling for additional any other purpose, he must exercise his own judgment

be remitted by the Executive of almost any one legislation to enable him to enforce the fugitive under his constitutional discretion. In one sentence I deny of the non-slaveholding States. share law.

that the President has a right to einploy the Army and Navy Gentlemen preach to me eternally that this fugiMr. FOOTE, of Mississippi. I thought that I for suppressing insurrection, &c., without observing the

tive slave law will be executed, when every newssame prerequisites prescribed for him in calling out the vas distinctly understood by the whole Senate in militia for the same purpose.

paper brings a refutation of the assertion.' Have stating that I had no allusion to the honorable Sen- “ His suggestion in his message is, that he shall have a we not arrived at an eventful period in the history stor in connection with this matter. I recollected right to employ the militia, as he contends be has a right

of the country? When I see that, by combinahis report, and I have had occasion to read it in

under the Constitution to employ the regular military force
-that is, without notice of a proclamation. I do not think

tions, by contrivances, by legislative enactments, my own State in language of commendation. He he has the right to call out the military force of the Govern- one of the solemn articles of the Constitution for expresses some opinions in the report in which I ment without observing the prerequisites of the act of 1795, the fugitive slave law is nothing but an affirmation des not entirely concur. But I was exceedingly and I am unwilling to give him such power in calling out

and recognition of the Constitution-is not only the militia. I would regard it as a fearfully momentous struck with a portion of the language used in the occasion to see the Ariny called out to shoot down insur

violated, but even put under the ban of the pulpit, let report, expressing confidence in the disposition of gents without notice or proclamation.

the gentleman not tell me that we are to put bayothe Executive to perform his duty faithfully in ex

“ The truth is, it must be regarded as a significant omen nets at the disposal of an Executive to enforce any ecuting the powers vested in him on this import

of the times to be told that a marshal, under his plenary
power to call out the posse comitatus, cannot execute con-

such law. Let the gentleman not lay that flatterant subject.

stitutional laws without resort to force, and that to be exe- ing unction to his soul. I know that the people Mr. BUTLER. I wish to have the report read, cuted with the promptness of executive will.

may be addressed, and that parties may make so noch for any vindication of myself as that “Justice and the occasion require me to say, that I do the Senate may understand my views. not believe the power contended for would be abused by 1 of concealing the truth from the public mind; but

excuses and patched-up platforms, for the purpose the present Executive. The precedent for the direction of The Secretary read the report, as follows: a mild and just President may be the rod of power for a

it cannot be done. * In submining my views on the message of the President

military despot.

A. P. BUTLER. Mr. FOOTE, of Mississippi. Lest I should referred to the Judiciary Committee, it is not my purpose “ FEBRUARY 28, 1851."

have misunderstood the gentleman, I will ask him a express my dissent from the general and unqualified con- Mr. BUTLER. Mr. President, this report did | whether we are to understand him as just now desit af the majority of the committee, to wit: that it is maaressary at this time, by further legislation, to give the

not materially differ from the report of the major- || announcing the opinion, that armed opposition on President power over the militia and military forces of the ity. I have seen it adverted to by the newspa- the part of citizens of a country, for the purpose Gererament, for the purpose of suppressing insurrections pers, and generally, I think, the report has been of arresting the execution of the fugitive slave law, ad combinations to obstruct the execution of the laws. approved. If I had been influenced by feelings of | would not amount to treason?

* There are some subjects of the message presented to the ernsideration of Congress, and which address themselves

sectional resentment, I might have been tempted Mr. BUTLER. I said no such thing. I know serially to the consideration of the committee, upon which

to yield to the President's demands. The import || the difference between riot and treason. It would I feel it a duty to express an opinion, lest by silence there of his message was, that he should be allowed not be treason to levy war against the United States, might be a teit recognition of one of the assumptions and only to use the regular army, without proclama- | if there had been a concerted movement of a an approbation of soine of the recommendations of the

tion, in putting down insurrections and bodies of public kind to defeat the execution of a law, or of * Previously to the act of 1807, it seems to have been the men too formidable to be overcome by the ordinary | the Constitution, it would amount to treason. implied understanding of all the departments of the Govern- posse comitatus of the country, but he required that But these riots which break out suddenly for a Dent that the President was confined to the militia, to suppress insurrections against the State government and to

there should be an armed militia at the disposal of private end—the release of a fugitive slave from rappress combinations against the laws of the United his marshals, with bayonets and balls, who should his master-would be construed to amount to mere States.'

put down those formidable bodies of men, without riot, and would not be held to be treason. And I "The act of 1795 indicates the occasions and prescribes || warning them—without having the riot act read to said, too, that if a judge would award proper punthe manner in which the militia shall be called out and

them at all. I did not agree to any such sugges-ishment, the Governor of the State would remit it. eraployed. The President cannot order out the militia to suppress insurrection against the State government, without

tion. I recollect that under the influence of the Mr. BRODHEAD. Not in Pennsylvania. being called on to do so by the legislative or executive highly eloquent appeal which was made by the Mr. BUTLER. I have a right to appeal to the authority of the State concerned.

honorable Senator from Kentucky, (Mr. Clay,] Senate upon another subject in connection with " To suppress combinations against the laws of the United

not now in his seat, this body was prepared almost this. The Senator from Mississippi vehemently States, it is the duty of the President to judge of the occacut and employing the militia, it was made the duty, by the || 1 recollected, however, that what might be urged | lative enactments for the ratification of this comsion for calling out the militia. On all occasions for calling for any law, and to adopt almost any suggestion. urges the necessity of having statutory or legisart referred to, to issue his proclamation as a previous as the precedent of to-day, might be the prescrip- || promise. He may take either one of the horns of warning to the employment of force. * This provision was founded in usage, and has had the

tion of to-morrow, and the same principles which the dilemma. The gentleman was either opposed manetion of fine, trial, and experience. It is but the warn

would prevail if his recommendation" had been to some of the points of the compromise when they ing voice of a forbearing Government. There might be assented to in this case, might be abused by any were under consideration, or he was in favor of some occasions when the interval between such warning arbitrary tyrant.

them. I do not care which he takes. If he says and the actual employment of force might be of some dura- I made no allusion to the precedent as a means he was opposed to some one of the propositions hon. Other occasions night be such as to require the force to follow in quick specession to the warning of a proclama- to overcome the liberties and institutions of the involved in the compromise, he must allow me to tion. The order to call out the militia and the proclama- | country. I say now, that if the fugitive slave take his authority; and if, on that occasion, he 4 11 seems to have been in contemplation by the act of armed posse comitatus, put at the disposal of the

law is to be enforced by the bayonet—by an denounced and was opposed to it, I have a right 1795 to put at the disposal of the President a quasi military | Executive it is an evidence that it is a law which ward those who agreed with him on that occasion.

at least to expect from him some indulgence toposse comitatus of citizen soldiers, to maintain the domina ion of the laws, in which they had the interest of citizens. will not be enforced at all. I believe that it will || If, on the contrary, the gentleman was in favor of

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the compromises, he surely will not take the posi- propositions received the fiercest denunciation | lutionary resistance their connection with this tion that he was “rowing one way and looking from that quarter. When the proposition to ad- Government. Now, the gentleman must be placed another,”-that he gave us his voice by a simple mit California was pending, I'moved to amend in this situation: Suppose Mississippi, for any of monosyllable of aye or no, when he gave his heart the ball so that California should be hereafter, with these causes, or all of them, should determine upon and hand to those who were forcing the measure

her consent, so divided as you, Mr. President, had | quitting this Union, or assume a position in which on. He must take one or the other. He cannot previously proposed she should be. Upon consult- her connection could no longer be continued, and escape it. He was either opposed to the admis- ation with you, (Mr. King,]I took the line which the gentleman was called upon to take sides with sion of California, and opposed to the abolition of is proposed in the amendment, for the reasons you | Mississippi or the Federal Government, which the slave trade in the District of Columbia, or he stated. I did not get the support I anticipated; would he prefer? was in favor of those two measures. For, as re- and I will be prepared to show hereafter, from Mr. FOOTE. I shall reply in due season is the gards the fugitive slave law, of which so much has the printed debates, what reasons were given by gentleman will give me an opportunity, but in the been said, it was not a part of the original com- honorable gentlemen for not voting for that very first place I must tell him thai I consider it insultpromise. "I take it that the record must speak proposition. I subsequently introduced another | ing to the State which I represent here, which has upon this subject. Here are his votes: and how proposition, that California should be, with her always proved true to the Constitution, to put her does the gentleman stand in the parliamentary consent, divided by that line, and that a territorial in any such predicament as that described. Never mirror? He stands opposed to the admission of government should be established south of it. I will the State of Mississippi, in my opinion, be in California, upon the ground that it was a precedent The objection, then, of certain gentlemen who such a position as to call on any of her sons to not to be found in the political history of this called themselves, par excellence, State-rights men, make war upon the Federal Government; and country. If I remember right, at one time he was the supposition that they imagined my amend- when she shall do so, I shall deliberate the question denounced Executive interference for the procure

ment to convey that California, not yet admitted, and decide according to my sense of propriety. I ment of the admission of California. I need not in their judgment, validly into the Union, should acknowledge my respect, my profound respect, go through all the gentleman's speeches in support. be treated with so much respect as to have her for what I deem the supreme law of the land, and of this view, because they are too various; but I consent to this territorial curtailment asked. That those who do not, in my opinion are traitors wish to go through this fairly: The gentleman

also was voted down. Whenever any gentleman | wherever found. said that California had been admitted under cir- introduces a proposition here to divide California Mr. BUTLER. Well, then, the gentleman, in cumstances under which no other State had been with her consent, by the line of 360 30', or 350 a contest between Mississippi and the Federal admitted—in violation of all precedent; and in the 30', treating her in all these respects as a sovereign Government, would consider himself a traitor if he next breath he says, why do the enemies of the State, I shall vote for it, and some of those who were to fight against the Federal banner. compromise denounce this measure? He under- will vote for it in connection with me will vote Mr. FOOTE. The gentleman may make his takes to vindicate California, and say that she in a manner wholly repugnant to their former own commentary; I shall state my views in full came into the Union just like any other State. At feelings.

hereafter. another time he admitted that she came in in viola

Mr. BUTLER. Then the Senator admits that Mr. BUTLER. Mississippi here meant sometion of all precedent; and at the next moment, he

while he wishes to make the compromise immu- thing or she meant nothing: "If these causes were says she was admitted in the same manner as any table, he is perfectly willing to change it when it appended to the gentleman's resolution, I presume other State was admitted into the Union.

suits him. This is a “ finality of a totality. he would go for them or against them. What is Allow me to say, that although California has Mr. FOOTE. I should vote for that proposi- | the supreme law of the land of which he speaks? been admitted against my judgment, and in opp0

tion in the same way that I should voie for a I say ihe settled doctrine of Virginia, North Carsition to my will and vote, I have met her rep- proposition to alter the boundary lines of any other olina, South Carolina, and I believe of Georgia resentatives here with all respect and kindness, Staie in the Union at her request. I would not and of Alabama, would be, that this is a confedand entertain for them entire friendship. I urged vote for that sooner than a proposition to divide eracy of sovereign States, and not a consolidated the constitutional objection as well as I could

Texas or New York, if those States desire a new Government, which has the exclusive right to dein the speeches made at the time, with great State to be formed within their limits. While I cide upon the duty of its members. I know there respect and deference to those who differed from hold the compromise to be a definitive settlement, are questions of perplexity, and the gentleman me. I do not intend to repeat them. What- | I do not hold it to be above the Constitution, and might take time to consider; but I know where ever may have been the operation of that the Constitution expressly gives Congress the my allegiance will be in a contest of that kind. I measure—and I think it may operate differ- | power of admitting new States. Now, perhaps, would not stop to chop logic on the construction ently from the intention the doctrine was pro- ihe gentleman is entitled to the triumph which he of papers when my hearth and fireside are invaded claimed before her admission, and some of those claims,

and I am called upon to defend them. If my blood who voted for it, assumed to do so on the ground

Mr. BUTLER. I claim no triumph. Thegen- | is to be spilt in a contest between my State and that not another slave State should be admitted | tleman's own explanation shows where he considers the Federal Government, I would not take time to into this Union. Mr. Webster, with all his an- the triumph is. While he insists on these com- deliberate, as the gentleman says he would, where notations and commentaries, has put it forth in promise laws being like unto the laws of the Medes | my allegiance was due. The impulse of my beart, that form. The doctrine was avowed and in and Persians, so perfect as not to be changed, yet and the dictates of a judgment long and delibertended to be established by the precedent, that no he admits there are contingencies on which they | ately formed, would mark out my path of duty. other slave State should pollute the political asso

may be changed. That is what I intended to say. Another of the topics upon which the Senator ciation of this Confederacy; and the doctrine, if not It is so wise now that he does not choose to let any; || from Mississippi dwelt. He said he would never avowed, was practically maintained, that the slave body consult the progressive improvements and consent to have the Constitution of the United States of this Union were not, in a political point suggestions of time; but he wishes to stitch down States amended-he said he wanted no amendment of view, equal to the non-slaveholding States. 1 and pin everybody else to his propositions, upon the to the Constitution of Washington. Why, sir, the believe the honorable Senator has exhibited many ground that the Procrustean bed, whether shorter | Constitution itself, with the wisdom that charevidences of a mind sensitive to the honor of or longer, is the only true measure for the country. | acterized its original organization, provides for his Suate. Will he tell me that when these doc- | I shall put another proposition to the gentleman, || amendments. My deliberate opinion is, that if trines were announced and proclaimed, I was to and shall expect him to answer that too.

amendments had been made to answer the exigensubmit to a system by which war was to be made Mr. FOOTE. I will answer as many as the cies and progressive development of this country, upon the institutions of that section of the coun- gentleman chooses to put to me, if he will only we would have been a happy Confederation of Retry which I in part represent? I opposed it on allow me an opportunity of answering them fully. publics, under a union having satisfactory guaranthis ground, and I believe the honorable Senator Some gentlemen never answer any questions I put iees for the rights and interesis of all; but, instead of did the same. Submit to inequality! Submit that to them, but I challenge the propounding of ques- amending it according to the original provision of my posterity shall not be equal in political eligibility tions from any adversary:

the Constitution, we have now got to a time when with the sons of the honorable Senator from Mr. BUTLER. The honorable Senator in his it is declared that it shall never be amended. And I New York! (Mr. Seward.] Would I consent to speech referred to the resolutions of the Missis- || would say to the gentleman frankly, that I can see the political disfranchisement of my own chil- sippi Convention. I wish to ask him a question, no occasion why he should wish it amended. He dren? Yet such were the doctrines avowed, and and I do not wish a disquisition in reply. I ob- has not said that he is in favor of a consolidated such was the belief entertained as to the opera

serve that the Mississippi Convention have resolved government, but he has maintained that this Gov. tion of that measure. I believe that gentlemen that there is no other remedy for abuse of the Con- ernment and the Constitution, in all the difficulties who entertain views of this kind, will be signally stitution but revolutionary resistance; that there is which may be involved, may be overcome by disappointed. I hope so, at least. For I believe no right in any one of the members of the Confed- compromises--the compromises of the majority; the institution will continue to go South and West, eracy to resist the Government and form a new and if the gentleman chooses always to act with the and California will take it as peculiarly suited to government except they, incur the penalties of majority, he has no occasion for amendments. her condition.

treason and rebellion against the Federal Consti- Mr. FOOTE. Does the gentleman undertake Now, let me ask the honorable Senator a ques- tution. The gentleman has chosen to denounce, to charge me with having said, at any time, that tion, which I expect him to answer—and I hope in no measured language, the State of South Car- | the Constitution of the United States could, in my he will answer it without the least hesitation: olina. Now, I think he will find himself in a di- | opinion, be put down by compromises? Suppose a proposition were to come up to-morrow

lemma from which he cannot escape if he answer Mr. BUTLER. No, sir. to divide California, with the understanding that the question I now propound. The Mississippi Mr. FOOTE. That is the way the gentleman's one portion should be a slave State, or that both Convention has said that for an interference with remarks will be understood. I 'stated the other should be slave States, would he vote for it? slavery in the States—interference with the com- day, that one of two reasons why I supporied the

Mr. FOOTE, of Mississippi. I will answer by merce in slaves between States--the abolition of compromise was, that it was not only constitutional citing past history, if the gentleman will allow me. slavery within the District of Columbia--the repeal in itself, but that none of the constitutional lawI introduced two propositions on the subject my of the fugitive slave law-the abolition of slavery yers of this body had attempted to make an elabself while this matter was pending, for neither of in the Territories, would constitute a ground for orate argument to this when they were challenged which, according to my recollection, I had the the dissolution of their connection with the Fed- to attempt it. gentleman's support, or that of his political asso- eral Government; and that for these causes which Mr. BUTLER. I say that as long as the maciates in this body. On the contrary, both of those II they have assigned, they would dissolve by revo- Ujority can make these compromises or give con

sure.

structions to the Constitution, it will not be amend- own sphere, and that no law should be passed high in spirit, as pure in motive, and would be ag ed, and the gentleman is emphatically a majority without the concurrence of both. I am very sure brave in action, as any men who ever adorned man. I did not say that the gentleman would that such a proposition as that, if ingrafted on the pages of history. I differed from friends in agree to what he regarded as a palpable violation of the Constitution, might give it a better operation South Carolina; but here, I cannot allow that the Constitution, but I said the tendency of this than it now has under the combination of interest difference to prevent my doing them justice, if mode of treating the Constitution was to have and numbers. I do not undertake to be the ex- they required it at my hands. these excrescences in the form of compromises to pounder of Mr. Calhoun's views, nor do I say that Mr. FOOTE, of Mississippi. If the honorable give it a validity which it would not otherwise I am prepared to adopt them. I am sure the gentle | gentleman had read my speech as reported, or if hare. I think we ought to meet the crisis and man has not done justice to them. I do not enter he distinctly recollected what I said the other day, provide a remedy.

into the views of Mr. Calhoun; for he never he would certainly find himself effectually relieved The gentleman says that I have proposed no mentioned the subject to me in his lifetime, and I from the necessity of making the remarks which Amendment. True, 'I have proposed none, but have not yet had an opportunity, and I regret it, || he has just made. I stated distinctly that I enterthere are amendments which I will vote for. When to read his book. I only noticed the remark of"|| tained a high respect for the people of the State of the Federal Constitution was under consideration the gentleman, in passing, with a view to show South Carolina. 'I expressed the high gratification in Philadelphia, it was proposed that no measure that in some respects his interpretation of the || which I felt, that the real people of South Carolina sifeeting the regulation of commerce, or the dis- | book might not be the interpretation of everybody. | had come nobly to the rescue of the honor of the bursement of the public money, should pass with- There are other minds besides his to look at the State in the contest'lately in progress there between at a vote of two thirds; and I tell the gentleman subject; and when a great work of the kind is to them and certain demagogues. I hoped that the that I would now vote for such a provision. If an || be measured, it must be measured by an enlight- | people there, under the lead of the honorable gen

plendment was proposed to afford new guarantees ened public opinion after full discussion upon theileman and such as he, would vanquish the demato the slaveholding interest, requiring Congress to subject.

gogues in that struggle. That is what I said. give governments to Territories, without restric- Sir, I have touched upon these things with re- did not denounce the Legislature of South Caroton as to slavery, I should vote for it. If I were gret. The Senator from Mississippi is in favor of lina. I did not denounce any organized body of to consult the security of this Government, I the compromise; and he denounces, in no meas- men there, Legislature or Convention. If I have yould vote for amendments that would give en- ured terms, all those opposed to it; not that the any particular sentiments unfavorable to such forceable guarantees to the minority, and not leave gentleman seems to be governed by unkind feel bodies, I withheld them; but I did denounce, and I the majority to fritter it away by construction, or ings to many embraced in the sweep of his cen- shall continue to denounce, any man or set of men deform it by compromises. There are many salu

in South Carolina, who dared to urge the people ary amendments that might be proposed.

Mr. FOOTE. I have here, elsewhere, and of that State to attack the forts of the United States In connection with this subject--and I say it everywhere, wherever I have attempted to speak within her limits-to make war upon the General to the Senator from Mississippi, more in sorrow of the struggle which occurred in the two Houses Government-and who dared to say, perverting than in anger, I wish he had not thought proper of Congress, in reference to the questions con- the language of the immortal Henry, "I say we to allude, as he did, with rather a sneer, to the tained in the plan of compromise, said, uniformly must fight." I did denounce such persons, and book of my late distinguished colleague, and to de- and emphatically, that, so far as the conduct of not those who were inclined to arm the State for nounce the proposition contained in that book in Senators and Representatives was concerned in her own defence against the General Government,

way which evidently showed that it was under that struggle, I had no censures whatever to be- || in the event of an unjust attack neither menaced the ban of his censure. I was not prepared for stow; nor that I wished them to be censured in nor expected. I did denounce persons who, as I that. I have not read Mr. Calhoun's book. His | any shape or form by any patriotic man in the | am prepared to prove by their speeches, attempted, memory is not committed to me, neither are the country. The President of this body knows what without any aggression on the part of the General Serks of his great intellect committed to me. I my views on this subject were, for we have talked Government, to incite the people of South Carolina could not be able to take care of them; but the together. All that I have said was, that now, to an immediate attack upon the Government. least we could have expected of those who often when these measures have become the law of the These are the men that I denounced, and I am regreed with and admired that distinguished man land; now that the great experiment of compro- sponsible here and elsewhere, for the strongest lanpas, that we should not assail him before the mise was in course of trial, I did conceive that it guage used in decrial of them. I shall always world, and the Parliament of the nation, where was the duty of all parties, North and South, to | decry them. the gentleman himself had so many, and seeming make a fair experiment of those measures, and not Mr. BUTLER. If I had not been interrupted Kindly, associations with him.

to engage in violent agitations against any feature I should have gone on and stated, perhaps, what Mr. FOOTE. The gentleman does not charge of them. I have simply condemned all attempts the gentleman could not have taken exception to, te with ever having agreed with Mr. Calhoun at the North, or at the South, at this time, to break so far as I am concerned. I have not said anytest the Constitution should be amended, so as to up the compromise. But I have never undertaken | thing in a personal point of view, but I must do äve additional constitutional guarantees to the to condemn any man, or set of men, for decent, | my duty to others. South? I protested against that during his life. zealous, patriotic opposition to any of the meas- Mr. FOOTE. If the gentleman chooses to deMr. BUTLER. I did not say that.

ures of adjustment which they themselves disap- || fend such men, he can do it. Mr. FOOTE. What did the gentleman say? proved at the time. This is, and always has been, Mr. BUTLER. South Carolina, in her first Mr. BUTLER. I said that the gentleman fre- | my attitude on that subject.

resolutions of 1848, proposed nothing but coöppatently greed with, and was a great admirer of, Mr. BUTLER. That may be; but the gentle- || eration with the other States. In 1849, in the Mr. Calhorn,

man knows as well as any one here, that no one mildest terms, she proposed the same thing. In Mr. FOOTE, (in his seat.) On some questions had greater influence—perhaps I may say that he 1850--I say it upon my responsibility in this ChamI did agree with him, but on most I did not. had uncommon influence-in getting up the South- || ber-she called her convention in reference to a

The PRESIDENT. The conversation must ern Address; he was the prime mover of it. course projected and intimated by the State of not go on in that way. The Senator is always at And I think the gentleman must, to some extent, | Mississippi. I cannot be mistaken in that. Is it liberty to make an explanation, with the consent assume the responsibility of the Nashville Con- just that any reproach should attach to her from a of the gentleman having the floor, but he is not at vention. I say that, after the position which that representative of Mississippi? liberty to sit in his chair to make comments while | gentleman has occupied, justice, if not generosity, There were many things well calculated to agthe speaker is going on.

requires that he should at least look to the mo- gravate the popular excitement and indignation at M'. FOOTE. I understand my duty as well tives, which I hope he will, of other persons who || the course of the General Government. Whilst is the Chair can inform me.

are disposed to stand up to the propositions which the people were deliberating on their condition, Mr. BUTLER. I am inclined to think that in- | they avowed at the time in the Southern Address. || and the course the State should pursue, the Adjustice has been done, perhaps unintentionally, to I supposed it was a matter of historical interest ministration showed both a want of wisdom and my late distinguished colleague; and perhaps some to the gentleman. And now I will say here, for | decency. For what purpose some troops were newspaper correspondents may make out of it the first time, what I have heretofore said to my sent to the forts in Charleston is not distinctly unsomething tributary to the state of the public mind. || friends, that the Nashville Convention was prema | derstood. The effect was to arm all parties with I think, however, that the book is not in danger ture. My friends know that this was my opinion. a determination to resent the insulting demonstrafrom such commentaries, or any that can be made if there is one gentleman in this hall who has tion; and it was difficult for her public men to reupon it by the Senator. They will not add to contributed fuel to the fires of Southern resistance strain excitement and control consequences. That Dor take from its merits. They may, it is true, I and indignation, the honorable Senator has fed movement has left an abiding impression on the make false impressions, for the time, upon super- them as freely as any other. I am not now making public mind. There was not the slightest occaficial minds, who look not into the book itself, but any accusations against him for mere change of sion for troops, and if one drop of blood had been those who are capable of appreciating it, and seek opinion and position. I have said nothing at shed, there would have been a civil war that would after the truth, will read for themselves, and form all, nor will I say anything, in reference to a man's have put the questions now in debate under the an enlightened and honest judgment. It is not true, course, when he changes it; but when the Senator arbitrament of the sword. The gentleman might as the honorable Senator has said that Mr. Calhoun | from Mississippi thought proper to speak of South have found it a difficult task to have found enough thought there should be two Executives with the Carolina, and allude to her internal contests, the constables to hang the traitors. He would have same powers. He is a historian, and he knows | least, in my opinion, that delicacy or propriety been consumed in his own State if he had made very well that there were two Consuls in Rome, I could require of him, was to forbear unkind allu- || a demonstration against South Carolina. The with a Tribune to control them. By a partition of sions to her course, and especially to abstain || issue would have been far above party strife or power, and such control of it by the tribunitial veto from availing of his own change of doctrine and rhetorical display. in occasion, the Roman Republic moved on with position to give point to those allusions. The I cannot go further into this subject, except to siccess and energy. I presume that Mr. Calhoun mass of those who, in South Carolina, were for express my opinion that injustice has been done might very well have entertained the idea that two | putting her in advance of what I regarded the to those of South Carolina who have attempted Presidents might be very well: one perhaps having || position she should occupy, are persons whose to conform to the suggestions of Mississippi; not jurisdiction of foreign and the other of domestic motives and designs would place them before the altogether under the counsels of the honorable affairs, or some such partition of duties. I presume tribunal of history in a point of view far above Senator, but yielding very much to influence which he intended that each should be independent in his ll reach of the gentleman's arrow. They are as his counsels and those of others had. Therefore

pass?

I think such an allusion as he made was entirely demand of 360 30' was made on the part of the Cries of “Read the resolution." unnecessary,

Convention, that it would be acceded to; but that The resolution was read, as follows: Mr. FOOTE, of Mississippi. I will not now he, for many years past, had been tired of the

A Joint Resolution of welcome to Louis Kossuth. ask the gentleman to allow me to explain, because Union and anxious to break it up, and expected,

Resolred, That Congress, in the name and behalf of the 1 have interrupted him so often. Yet, if it would through the agency of the Nashville Convention, people of the United States, give to Louis Kossuth a cormake no difference to him, I would go on now to and by demanding terms of adjustment which dial welcome to the capital and the country; and that a copy explain the attitude of the State of Mississippi. would not be acceded to by Congress and the

of this resolution be transmitted to him by the President of

the United States. Mr. BUTLER. The gentleman is at liberty to Northern States, to accomplish his long-cherished proceed.

object. This noted avowal, I say, was made in The question now being upon ordering the resMr. FOOTE. I shall explain more fully here- || Charleston after the session of the Convention had olution to a third reading, after. I wish now simply to protest against what drawn to a close; but that gentleman cannot deny

Mr. ROBINSON called for the previous questhe gentleman has said in regard to the course and that he had been quite particular in not declaring tion. attitude of the State of Mississippi. It is true I such views and objects in the Nashville Conven

Cries of " That's right!” “Let's have the presigned the Southern Address; and I now approve | tion. All will perceive from this statement that vious question!" every word contained therein. It is true, I did the honorable Senator (Mr. BUTLER) has entirely The previous question was then seconded, and forward a letter from Mr. Calhoun to my own misunderstood the true position of the State of the main question ordered; and being put, was State which proposed the holding of the Nashville Mississippi, and I hope not hereafter to hear her carried in the affirmative. Convention, and which marked out to some extent accused of being instigated by any portion of the

The resolution was then read a third time. the then expected modus operandi of that body. It extravagant movements of certain factionists in The question now being, “Shall the resolution is true, also, as I have heretofore asserted, that not South Carolina, one single word is contained in that Southern Ad- Mr. BUTLER. I have only said that South Mr. RICHARDSON moved the previous quesdress or in Mr. Calhoun's letter which recom- Carolina, to some extent, shaped hercourse accord- tion, which was seconded, and the main qustion mends secession, or intimates that there should be || ing to the plan marked out by the State of Missis- was ordered to be put. any amendment to the Constitution. The State | sippi. The Senator has made allusious which Mr. CAMPBELL, of Ohio, asked the yeas and of 'Mississippi was willing to meet, in a proper cannot be mistaken. I must, therefore, in justice nays on the passage of the resolution; which were manner and a truly patriotic spirit, the citizens of to my colleague, yield the floor, to allow him an ordered; and being taken, were-yeas 181, nays the rest of the slaveholding States of this Union in opportunity of speaking, although there is much 16; as follows: the Nashville Convention, for the purpose of fra- more which I would have said, but for the frequent YEAS---Messrs. Aiken, Charles Allen, Willis Allen, ternal consultation, in regard to the means most interruptions with which the course of my remarks Allison, Andrews, John Appleton, William Appleton, Babproper to be adopted for guarding against certain has been broken in upon, and the allusions to my

cock, Bartlett, Barrere, David J. Bailey, Thomas H. Bayly,

Beale, Bell, Bennett, Bibighaus, Bocock, Bowne, John H. dangers with which we were then menaced—one colleague which it is but justice he should have an

Boyd, Breckenridge, Brenton, Briggs, Brooks, Buell, Bur, of which was the abolition of slavery in the Dis- opportunity to notice.

rows, Busby, Joseph Cable, Lewis Þ. Campbell, Thomptrict of Columbia; another of which was the at- Mr. RHETT next addressed the Senate until son Campbell, Cartter, Caskie, Chandler, Chapman, Chastempt to impose the Wilmot proviso. I will not past the usual hour of adjournment, when, without

tain, Clark, Cleveland, Clingman, Cobb, Conger, Cullom,

Curtis, Daniel, Geo. T. Davis, J. G. Davis, Dawson, Dimreiterate all the measures with which we had been finishing, he yielded the floor, and the Senate

mick, Disney, Dockery, Doty, Dunham, Durkee, Eastman, then menaced for some years, and to which the adjourned.

Edmundson, Edgerton, Evans, Faulkner, Ficklin, Fitch, Southern Address, in the most solemn manner,

Florence, Fowler, Freeman, Henry M. Fuller, Thomas J. D. called the attention of the South; to guard against

Fuller, Gamble, Gaylord, Gentry, Giddings, Goodenow, which the State of Mississippi, under advice re

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Gorman, Grey, Grow, Hall, Hamilton, Hammond, Harper,

Sampson W. Harris, Hart, Haws, Hascall, Haven, Hebard, ceived from South Carolina through me, in the

Monday, December 15, 1851.

Hendricks, Henn, Hibbard, Hillyer, Horsford, Houston, manner I have described, was willing to send del- The House met at twelve o'clock.

Howard, John W. Howe, Thomas M. Howe, Hunter, Inegates to a Southern Convention. I will add,

gersoll, Ives, Jackson, John Johnson, Daniel T. Jones, J.

The Journal of Thursday was read and approved. Glancy Jones, Geo. G. King, Preston King, Kuhns, Kurtz, though, that it was doubtless one of our objects in this movement, to secure our long-withheld right || fill

the vacancy in the Committee of Elections, in
Mr. Stratton was appointed by the Speaker to

Landry, Letcher, Lockhart, Mace, Mann, Edward C. Mar

shall, Humphrey Marshali, McCorkle, McDonald, McLanato an efficient congressional enactment providing the place of Mr. Disney, who was excused from

han, McMwlin, McNair, McQueen, Meacham, Meade, for the recapture and restoration of fugitives from

Miller, Miner, Molony, Henry D. Moore, Jolin Moore, Morservice. But I reiterate, that we did not commit service on said committee.

rison, 'Murpliy, Murray, Nabers, Newton, Olds, Outlaw, Mr. Collom, of Tennessee, and Mr. BROWN,

Andrew Parker, Samuel W. Parker, Peaslee, Penn, Penourselves to secession, nor did we insist on amend

niman, Perkins, Phelps, Porter, Price, Rantoul, Richarding the Federal Constitution.

of Mississippi, appeared, were qualified by taking son, Robbins, Robie, Robinson, Ross, Sackett, ŚchermerI will say further to the honorable gentleman,

the usual oath to support the Constitution, and horn, Schoonmaker, Scudder, David L. Seymour. Origen took their seats.

S. Seymour, Skelton, Smart, Smith, Snow, Benjamin Sunthat the State of Mississippi, as she was justified

ton, Frederick P. Stanton, Richard H. Stanton, Abr’m P. in doing, came to the conclusion, gravely and de

LOUIS KOSSUTH.

Stevens, Stone, St. Martin, Strother, Stuart, Sutherland, liberately-and I believe all dispassionate men will A message was received from the Senate, an- Sweetser, Taylor, Benjamin

Thompson, Geo. W. Thomps admit that she acted wisely in coming to that con- nouncing the passage by that body of “ A joint

son, Thurston, Townshend, Tuck, Wallace, Walsh, Ward,

Washburn, Watkins, Welch, Wells, Addison White, Alexclusion—that the plan of compromise effectually resolution of welcome to Louis Kossuth."

ander White, Wilcox, Wildrick, and Yates-181. guarded against every single danger with which Mr. BAYLY, of Virginia, asked the unanimous NAYS-Messrs. Abercrombie, Averett, Bragg, Albert G. the South had been antecedently menaced, and consent of the House to introduce a resolution Brown, Caldwell, Isham G. Harris, Holladay, James John

son, George W. Jones, Martin, Morehead, Savage, Scurry, secured to her the fugitive slave law, to which she || calling upon the President for information. was entitled by the Constitution, in addition, to

Mr. ROBINSON. Is it in order now, Mr.

Alexander H. Stephens, Williams, and Woodward-16.

So the resolution passed. gether with certain other incidental advantages, Speaker, to move a suspension of the rules, to some of which I endeavored to point out the consider the resolution from the Senate?

Mr. McMULLIN, when his name was called, other day. Now if, in the opinion of the State

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Vir

said he should vote for the resolution, though of Mississippi, the compromise has operated || ginia has the floor.

with great reluctance. (Great laughter.] in a manner so comprehensively beneficial, how

Mr. BAYLY. I will say to the gentleman from

Mr. ROBINSON moved to reconsider the vote can it be contended that the State of South Caro- | Indiana, [Mr. Robinson,) that I have no intention just taken, and to lay that motion on the table; lina, when she undertook, without just reason, to

of being in the way of the resolution concerning which latter motion was agreed to. manifest dissatisfaction with the acts of adjustment, || Kossuth. My resolution is simply one asking The question was then taken upon the title of and proposed a Southern Congress for the purpose || important information from the President; and to the resolution; and it was agreed to. of arraying the Southern States against them, was which I presume there will be no objection.

Mr. SMITH. Mr. Speakerled into that attitude by the State of Mississippi? IMPRISONMENT OF MR. THRASHER.

Mr. STANTON, of Tennessee. I rise to a I have heard that said before, and I have denied it. Had the wise monitions of the parent Con- || reported to the House, as follows:

There being no objection, the resolution was

question of privilege.

Mr. SMITH. I rose for the same purpose. I vention of Mississippi been adopted by the Nash

move to reconsider the vote just taken, by which ville Convention, the South would have had no

Resolved, that the President of the United States be re

the title of the resolution was adopted, and I ask further trouble. I believe this advice would have || public interest, to communicate to the House any informaquested, so far as in his judgment may be compatible with the

if upon that motion I cannot submit a few remarks been adopted and acted upon, but for certain in- iion in possession of the Executive respecting the imprig- on the merits of the resolution ? triguing politicians, who attempted, in my opinion,

onment, trial, and sentence of John S. 'Thrasher, in the The SPEAKER. Debate upon that question in bad faith—of which I shall give the proofs here

Island of Cuba, and to his right to claim the protection
of the Government, as a native-born citizen of the United

must be confined to the merits of the title of the after-to wield the machinery of the National Con

resolution, and the reasons for its reconsideration. vention, gotten up for very different purposes, for

Mr. RICHARDSON. I rise to a question of the overthrow of the Union; a very ingenious plan

The question was then put, and the resolution

order. I desire to inquire whether there was a having been adopted, under the advice of certain was adopted.

division upon the question of adopting the title ? persons who have openly avowed themselves sub

WELCOME TO LOUIS KOSSUTH. If there was no division, then I have no question sequently to have been secret disunionists in heart Mr. ROBINSON. I now move a suspension

to make. and design at that time, in demanding terms of of the rules, for the purpose of taking up the reso- The SPEAKER. There was no division. settlement so extravagant and unreasonable as to lution of welcome to Kossuth. I shall also ask Mr. RICHARDSON. Then I have no quesmake all hope of their ultimate adoption utterly that it be put upon its passage.

tion to make. absurd.

The question was then taken, and the rules Mr. SMITH. I ask the Clerk to read the title One of the leaders of South Carolina, a gentle- were suspended.

of the resolution and the resolution. man who is reputed to be the author of the Nash- The resolution was then read the first and sec- Mr. CARTTER. I object to the reading of the ville Address, declared, as I well recollect, in a ond times by its title.

resolution. That is not now under consideration. speech delivered in Charleston, immediately after Mr. ROBINSON. I now move that the reso- The SPEAKER. It is competent for the House his return from the Nashville Convention, that he || lution be put upon its passage; and upon that to order the reading of the resolution. The queshad entertained no expectation when the celebrated || motion I ask the previous question.

tion, therefore, is, Shall the resolution be read?

States.

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