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Mr. DUNHAM. I have exhibited this document before this House repeatedly, as certified by the Land Office. It happens to be in my room now. Members of this House will recollect, that a few days ago, when this matter was under discussion, I held it up, and exhibited it to the House as certified by the Department.

Mr. FOWLER. I wish to make an inquiry. It is very difficult indeed for me, almost impossible, to understand these amendments. I would suggest, whether the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. JONES] would not give way to a motion, if a motion be proper, that the report be printed, with all the amendments, so that we may understand them?

Mr. JONES. This whole thing is confined in a nut-shell. The whole proposition of the committee of conference now is, that the registers and receivers shall receive the same fees that they are entitled to under the law when the money is paid for the lands, estimating the warrants at $1 25 per acre. The fees upon warrants that shall be located after the passage of this law, to be paid by the locator, and the fees which have accrued upon warrants heretofore located, to be paid out of the Treasury of the United States. The proposition pays the fees prospectively and retrospectively; those prospectively, to be paid by the locators, and those paid retrospectively, to be paid out of the Treasury of the United States. From the best estimate I can make, it will take somewhere about $200,000 to pay these retrospective fees. The House has the question before them, and it is for them to decide it. I have thought it was necessary for me to make this explanation, as my name appears upon that report as one of the committee of conference upon the part of the House; but I shall vote against that part of the report which goes back and pays these fees.

Mr. FITCH. I do not propose to debate this question at length, because the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means is anxious that the previous question should be asked. I wish to touch upon a few points embraced in the report of the committee of conference, which were not alluded to, or but briefly, by the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. JONES.]

Here there was great noise and confusion in the Hall.

Mr. CLINGMAN. I wish to make an inquiry of the Chair upon a point of order.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Illinois [Mr. CAMPBELL] rose first and addressed the Chair.

Mr. ABERCROMBIE. I desire to move an adjournment, if it is in order.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Alabama cannot obtain the floor for that purpose, while the gentleman from Indiana is upon it.

Mr. DUNHAM. Will the gentleman allow me to make a brief explanation in relation to an error, into which I fell in my remarks this morning, in reference to the number of Mexican bounty land warrants that have been located by assignees. Mr. FITCH. I cannot; I have been interrupted quite enough already; and, moreover, as I saw the gentleman's error-doubtless an unintentional one I can correct it as well as himself.

[Here some conversation of a personal nature took place between Messrs. DUNHAM and FITCH; but owing to the confusion prevailing in the Hall, the reporters were unable to hear a word of it.]

Mr. FITCH, (resuming.) It will be borne in mind by the House, that when the Senate bill was before us, we amended the first section. But first, in order to make that amendment intelligible to new members, it is necessary to go back to the proceedings of the last Congress. It is well known that during the last Congress, when the bounty land law of 1850 was under discussion here, an attempt was made by a gentleman, then a Representative from Ohio, [Mr. VINTON,] to so change the law, as that the warrants issued under it should be located only on land then in the market, and not upon land hereafter to come into the market. The House voted down that amendment by an overwhelming majority; but subsequently, at the very heel of the session, a few minutes before the adjournment, the same gentleman inserted in the Civil and Diplomatic appropriation bill, or in some other of the appropriation bills, an amendment to that effect. He did it at a time when we could not vote on the amendment without risking the loss of the appropriation bill, and, consequently, he succeeded in forcing on this House a provision which the House had previously condemned by an overwhelming majority. The amendment of the House to the Senate bill now under discussion, repeals that provision of the law of 1850, and provides that the warrants may be located on any land in the market; provided, that if the lands are subject to entry at more than the mininum price, the locator shall pay the difference between $1 25 per acre (the presumed value of the warrant) and the cash value of the land. For instance, if the lands are sold at $2.50 per acre, the locator shall pay $1 25 per acre, in cash. The Senate committee were apparently determined that this amendment of the House should not be in the bill; but they finally receded from their disagreement to it, on condition that the House committee should recede from the House amendment, striking out the other sections of the bill, which, from my previous course in the House, it may well be presumed I could have no difficulty in complying with. We consequently recommended, as the gentleman from Tennessee has said, that the Senate shall recede from their disagreement to our amendment to the first section, and that we shall recede from our amendment, striking out the entire Senate bill with the exception of the first section.

Mr. ABERCROMBIE. I hope the gentleman from Indiana will yield the floor for that motion. We cannot do any business, there is so much confusion, and we had, therefore, much better adjourn. The second section of the bill originally proMr. FITCH. I cannot yield the floor for that vided for the payment of fees to registers and remotion; but the gentleman from Illinois, I under-ceivers out of the Treasury of the United States, stand, desires to ask a question in relation to the action of the committee of conference, and I am of course perfectly willing to yield the floor to him for that purpose.

Mr. CAMPBELL, of Illinois. I desire to be informed in regard to one point made by the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. JONES.] I understood that gentleman to state that the bill, as now reported, will only permit the location of a warrant to be made in the same section, according to the legal subdivision.

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Mr. JONES. The amendment says, "according to the legal sub-division of the public lands. Mr. CAMPBELL. I understood, from the explanation of the gentleman from Tennessee, that a party having a warrant of one hundred and sixty acres, could not, under this bill, locate eighty acres in one section, and eighty acres in the adjoining section, both lying together. Now, if that is the effect of the bill, I am opposed to it.

Mr. FITCH. The gentleman's knowledge of the manner in which the public lands are divided and sub-divided, should have taught him at once that the amendment adopted by the committee of conference does not warrant such a supposition as that. It merely compels the locator to take his eighty acres in a compact body. He cannot select two lots of forty acres that corner with each other, or that are not contiguous to each other.

for any warrants hereafter located by the parties to whom the warrants were issued; but if located by an assignee, the fees were to be paid by the locator. The committee have so amended this section as to make the fees payable by the holder of the warrant in all cases, whether he be the original holder or an assignee. The remaining sections of the bill are well understood, as they were in the Senate bill. Relative to the statistics of the gentleman from Tennessee and of my colleague, I have little to say. They may, or they may not be correct; but I presume as the gentlemen have probably taken some pains to inform themselves on the subject, that they at least think them correct.

I differ with the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. JONES] in his estimate of the amount which the third section will take from the Treasury. He puts it at $200,000. I do not believe it will be the half of that; and I have the estimate of a gentleman, who knows more of the matter than does my friend from Tennessee or myself, to sustain my opinion. It is an estimate from a source from whence any opinion relative to our public lands will be received by the country as authority. The error of my colleague, [Mr. DUNHAM,] which, as I have before said, was without doubt unintentional, consisted in stating that of some seventy thousand warrants issued under the Mexican war

bounty land law, some sixty-six thousand had been located by the soldiers, the original holders, and that upon this number the fees were to be paid out of the United States Treasury, by the third section of this bill; and that only about six thousand of the seventy-two thousand had been located by assignees, and the fees paid. The exact reverse of this statement is the fact. Of the seventy-two thousand, sixty-six thousand have been located by assignees, and the fees, provided for by the old law, paid; and only six thousand by the soldiers, the fees for which are, by this bill, to be paid out of the Treasury.

The gentleman from Tennessee informed the committee that he should vote against the provision for the payment of registers and receivers, because he thought it too high; but with that single exception, the committee were unanimous in their report, and I hope it will be acceded to by both Houses.

Mr. JONES, of Tennessee, demanded the previous question.

Mr. NABERS. I hope the gentleman will not call the previous question. I am satisfied the House cannot vote intelligibly on this report. I

cannot for one.

Mr. HOUSTON. I insist upon the previous question. Mr. JONES. I will not withdraw it, and it will then be under the control of the majority of the House.

Mr. NABERS. Will not the gentleman from Tennessee postpone this matter to some future time? I only desire to be able to vote intelligibly. That is all I have to say.

Mr. RICHARDSON. I would inquire of the Chair if the morning hour has not expired? If so, we can go into Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, and this matter will come up to-morrow.

The SPEAKER. The Chair is of opinion that the morning hour is not affected at all by this report, and, therefore, that it has not yet commenced.

Mr. RICHARDSON. It is very desirable that these amendments should be printed.

Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. I have no objection whatever to the postponement of the matter till to-morrow morning. But I want to get rid of it, and I think the House does.

Mr. RICHARDSON. I want to get rid of it,

too.

The SPEAKER. Does the gentleman from Tennessee withdraw the call for the previous question?

Mr. JONES. No, sir.

Mr. RICHARDSON. I desire to know if a motion to postpone this report until to-morrow morning, or the day after, would be in order now? If so, I will make that motion for the purpose of having the amendments printed.

The SPEAKER. The Chair is of opinion that that motion would not be in order during the pendency of the demand for the previous question.

Mr. HOUSTON. The previous question has not been sustained.

The SPEAKER. But it has been demanded. Mr. BAYLY, of Virginia. I rise to a question of order, as to how the House will have to vote on this report? I believe that the report is an entirety, and that the only vote the House can take is on agreeing to it, or disagreeing to it. The House is not brought to vote on the separate propositions contained in the report, but on the whole report as it stands.

The SPEAKER. The Chair will state, for the information of the House, that his decision will be, in accordance with the view taken by the gentleman from Virginia, that the vote of the House will be on the report of the committee as it stands.•

Mr. CLINGMAN. I wish to inquire of the Chair whether, if we now go into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, this matter will not come up to-morrow morning? If we do that, in the mean time the amendments will be printed in the Globe, and we can all read them.

The SPEAKER. The Chair thinks this report would come up, except at a time when a privileged question or motion was pending.

Mr. CLINGMAN. Then I move that the rules be suspended, and that the House resolve itself into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

The SPEAKER. That motion is not in order

during the pendency of the demand for the previous question.

Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. Then I ask the House, by unanimous consent, to let this report go over till to-morrow morning.

Several MEMBERS objected.

Mr. ORR. I desire to propound an inquiry to the Chair. If the House refuses to concur in the report of the committee of conference will it then be in order to move to raise another committee of conference?

The SPEAKER. The Chair thinks that, in extraordinary cases, such a committee has been raised. Several MEMBERS. 66 Always!" " Always!" The SPEAKER. The Chair is not very certain in his recollection of the practice of the House.

Mr. ORR. I would suggest that all we have to do is to move that the House non-concur with the report of the committee, and let another committee of conference be appointed.

The SPEAKER. No other proposition can be entertained during the pendency of the previous question.

The House was then divided upon seconding the call for the previous question, and there were ayes 62, noes 60.

Tellers were demanded.

Mr. ORR. If the Chair will allow me to make a statement in regard to this matter, perhaps it will save the necessity of ordering tellers upon the question. I will suggest that it is of no avail to discuss this report. The House cannot possibly amend it in any way. We must pass it as it is, or we must reject it. Now I hope the House will reject that report at once, and allow another committee to be appointed.

The House was divided upon the question of ordering tellers; and, only twenty-two gentlemen rising, they were not ordered.

The previous question was then seconded, and the main question ordered to be put.

Mr. CABELL, of Florida. Is it in order to move to go into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union?

The SPEAKER. It is not. The main question has been ordered, and that must take precedence of all other motions as a privileged question.

Mr. HOUSTON. The same thing precisely can be done upon the motion to reconsider. Mr. ORR. I move to lay the motion to reconsider upon the table.

pany, battalion, or regiment was discharged, to the place where it was organized, and from whence it marched, to enter the service.

PROPOSITION TO CLOSE DEBATE. Mr. HOUSTON. I now move the resolution

The question was put, and the House refused to lay the motion to reconsider upon the table-closing debate upon the deficiency bill, in the Comayes 43; noes not counted.

Mr. CLINGMAN. I beg leave respectfully to inquire of the Chair, whether-if we reconsider the vote ordering the main question to be put, and we then refuse to order the main questionwhether under our rules, it does not go over? The SPEAKER. It will in that case go over until to-morrow.

Mr. CLINGMAN. Then, I hope there will be no objection to its reconsideration.

The question was then taken, and the motion to reconsider was agreed to.

The question then recurred on ordering the main question to be put; and, being taken, it was decided in the negative.

So the main question was not ordered to be put. Mr. HOUSTON. I suppose the subject now goes over, as a matter of course?

The SPEAKER. It does.

If the report of the committee of conference be agreed to, the bill will read as follows, viz:

Be it enacted, &c., That all warrants for military bounty land, which have been or may hereafter be issued under any law of the United States, and all valid locations of the same, which have been, or may hereafter be made, are hereby declared to be assignable, by deed or instrument of writing, made and executed after the taking effect of this act according to such form, and pursuant to such regulations as may be prescribed by the Commissioner of the General Land Office, so as to vest the assignee with all the rights of the original owners of the warrant or location: Provided, That any person entitled to preemption right to any land, shall be entitled to use any such land warrant in payment of the same, at the rate of $125 per act, for the quantity of land been or may hereafter be issued, in pursuance of said laws, therein specified: Provided, That the warrants which have or of this act, may be located, according to the legal subdivisions of the public lands in one body, upon any lands of the United States, subject to private entry at the time of such location, at the minimum price: Provided, further, That when said warrants shall be located on lands which are subject to entry at a greater minimum than $1 25 per acre, the locator of said warrants shall pay to the United States in cash the difference between the value of such warrants at $125 per acre, and the tract of land located on.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the registers and receivers of the land offices, shall hereafter be. severally authorized to charge and receive for their services in locating all military bounty land warrants, issued since the 11th day of February, 1847, the same compensation or per centage to which they are entitled by law for sales of the public lands for cash, at the rate of $1.25 per acre, the said compensation to be hereafter paid by the assignees or holders of

Mr. CLINGMAN. I beg to remind the Chair upon this point, that it was decided differently in the last Congress. The Chair will recollect, that during the first session of the last Congress, the gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. DoTY] brought ceivers, whether in or out of office at the passage of this act,

in a bill for the admission of California, disconnected from every other subject. The previous question was sustained upon it, and then a motion was made to go into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. It was decided that a call of the House was not in order, because the previous question had been sustained; but it was also decided that the motion to go into the Committee of the Whole was in order; and the same question has been decided in the same way a dozen times.

The SPEAKER. The Chair would hesitate to differ with his predecessor. In this case, however, his opinion is very clear. He believes that the House, having ordered the main question to be now put, must proceed to execute its own order, and that no other motion can intervene until that is disposed of.

Mr. FITCH. If the motion were now made to reconsider the vote by which the main question was ordered, would not the report then lie over till to-morrow? I desire that it shall lie over, in order that it may be printed.

The SPEAKER. It can only lie over by unan⚫imous consent.

Mr. FITCH. Well, I submit the motion to reconsider the vote by which the main question was ordered to be put, and I hope there will be no objection to the report then going over till to-mor

row..

Several MEMBERS. Oh, let's vote upon it now! Mr. STANLY. I desire to inquire of the Chair, what will be the effect of the motion to reconsider?

The SPEAKER. If the House choose to reconsider the vote by which the main question was ordered to be put, and then reconsider the vote by which the previous question was seconded, it will then be competent to move to postpone the further consideration of the subject.

such warrants.

SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That registers and reor their legal representatives in case of death, shall be entitled to receive from the Treasury of the United States, for services heretofore performed in locating military bounty land warrants, the same rate of compensation provided in

the preceding section for services hereafter to be performed, after deducting the amount already received by such officers under the act entitled "An act to require the holders of military land warrants to compensate the land officers of the United States for services in relation to the location of those warrants," approved May 17th, 1848: Provided, That no register or receiver shall receive any compensation out of the Treasury for past services, who has charged and received illegal fees for the location of such warrants: And provided further, That no register or receiver shall receive for his services during any year, a greater compensation than the maximum now allowed by law.

SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That in all cases where the militia or volunteers or State troops of any State or Territory were called into military service, and whose services have been paid by the United States subsequent to the eighteenth of June, eighteen hundred and twelve, the officers and soldiers of such militia, volunteers, or troops, shall be entitled to all the benefits of the act entitled "An act

granting bounty land to certain officers and soldiers who have been engaged in the military service of the United States, approved September twenty-eighth, eighteen hundred and fifty, and shall receive lands for their services according to the provisions of said act, upon proof of length of service as therein required; and that the last proviso of the ninth section of the act of eleventh of February, eighteen hundred and forty-seven, be and the same is hereby repealed; Provided, That nothing herein contained shall authorize bounty land to those who have herefore received or become entitled to the same.

SEC. 5. And be it further enacted, That where any company, battalion, or regiment, in an organized form, marched more than twenty miles to the place where they were mustered into the service of the United States, or were discharged more than twenty miles from the place where such company, battalion, or regiment was organized: in all such cases, in computing the length of service of the officers and soldiers of any such company, battalion, or regiment, with a view to determine the quantity of land, any officer or soldier is entitled to under said act, approved 28th of September, 1850, there shall be allowed one day for every twenty miles from the place where the company, battalion, or regiment was organized, to the place where the same was mustered into the service of the United States; and also one day for every twenty miles from the place where such com

mittee of the Whole on the state of the Union. The resolution was then reported, as follows: Resolved, That all debate in the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union on the deficiency bill shall cease come to a conclusion sooner upon the same, it shall then at four o'clock this day; and if the committee shall not proceed to vote upon such amendments as shall be pending or offered to the same, and shall then report it to the Ho with such amendments as may have been agreed upon by the committee.

Mr. HOUSTON. I have named four o'clock to-day as the time to close the debate upon this bill. I am willing, however, that the House shal fix its own time.

[Cries of "Call the previous question." Mr. HOUSTON. Very well. I will ask the previous question.

Mr. JOHNSON, of Arkansas. The gentleman asks the previous question upon this resolution. Now, I say that the resolution is all wrong.

[Cries of "Order!" "Order!"]

The SPEAKER. It is not in order for the gen tleman from Arkansas to discuss the resolution.

Mr. JOHNSON. But there is an amendment to that resolution which has not been read at all. Mr. HOUSTON. Oh, no; there is no amend

ment.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Arkansas will recollect that this is a new propositionnot the one offered yesterday.

Mr. JOHNSON. Well, I desire to know if there is not an amendment to this resolution which has not been reported by the Clerk at all?

The SPEAKER. The Chair begs leave to state to the gentleman that, on yesterday, a resolution was offered by the gentleman from Alabama, [Mr. HOUSTON,] proposing to close debate on the deficiency bill. An amendment was offered to that resolution. The gentleman from Alabama, however, to-day withdrew that resolution, and now offers a new proposition, upon which the previous question has been called.

Mr. JOHNSON. I hope the gentleman from Alabama will, under the circumstances, allow me to offer an amendment. If he will permit me,! will state my reasons for making the request, and I am sure there can be no objection.

Mr. HOUSTON. I do not care about the gentleman's reasons. I hope he will not take the up time of the House. I am perfectly willing he should offer his amendment, and let the House vote to fix such a time as they choose. I will withdraw the call for the previous question, and I hope the gentleman from Arkansas will renew it after he shall have offered his amendment.

Mr. JOHNSON. I will now offer my amend

ment.

The SPEAKER. Does the Chair understand the gentleman from Alabama as withdrawing the call for the previous question?

Mr. HOUSTON. I withdraw it for the moment, in order to allow the gentleman from Arkansas to offer his amendment. I understand his amendment is, to provide for closing debate at four o'clock to-morrow. I am willing the House should vote upon that amendment, and upon it I call the previous question.

Mr. JOHNSON. I desire to know by what authority the gentleman from Alabama puts an amendment in my mouth. I offered no such amendment.

Mr. HOUSTON. I understood the gentleman as indicating that amendment. I will withdraw the call for the previous question, and the gentleman can offer such an amendment as he pleases.

Mr. JOHNSON. I submit this amendment. I move that this debate shall be closed at four o'clock the day after to-morrow. My reasons for offering the amendment are these: the deficiency bill makes provision for the Indian service of the country. Now, there are several items in this bill.

Mr. HOUSTON. I hope the gentleman is not going to debate the bill.

Mr. JOHNSON. I will not debate it. I pledge myself to that. I am only stating facts. I can debate it, however, if I want to, while I have the floor.

Mr. HOUSTON. I must call the gentleman

to order. I understand, that according to our rules of order, the gentleman cannot debate the proposition.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman can only proceed by unanimous consent.

Mr. JOHNSON. Well, sir, I was remarking that the estimates for the Indian Department have not been under consideration in committee. A large number of them have been rejected by the Committee of Ways and Means, and that without sufficient reason, as some of us believe. Now, I say the House ought to give us time to investigate the matter thoroughly.

Mr. HOUSTON. I must call the gentleman to order.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Arkansas can proceed only by unanimous consent. Mr. FULLER. I object to this debate. The SPEAKER. Then the gentleman cannot proceed.

Mr. STUART. I desire to ask if it is in order to move to amend the resolution, so as to close the debate to-morrow at four o'clock?

Mr. JOHNSON. I moved to amend the resolution by inserting the day after to-morrow.

Mr. KING. I understand the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. HOUSTON] is willing that the question shall be taken upon the three propositionsto-day, to-morrow, and the day after.

Mr. JOHNSON. I want to understand the proposition. The Chair called me to order when he had no right to do so.

The SPEAKER. The Chair begs leave to say to the gentleman from Arkansas, that it is by the courtesy of the Chair and the House that he was allowed to say one word upon the subject at all, for it is not a debatable question.

Mr. JOHNSON. Is not a motion to close debate a debatable question?

The SPEAKER. It is not, and the Chair ha s so announced half a dozen times.

The question was being taken on the amendment to the amendment under a division when-

Mr. FULLER, of Maine, inquired upon which day the amendment to the amendment proposed to close debate.

The SPEAKER. It proposes to close debate to-morrow, at four o'clock.

Mr. STUART called for tellers, which were orordered; and Messrs. EWING and STUART appointed.

The question was then taken, and the tellers reported-ayes 79, noes 45.

So the amendment to the amendment was adopted.

The SPEAKER. The question is now upon the adoption of the resolution as amended, the effect of which will be to close debate to-morrow, at four o'clock.

The question was then taken, and the resolution, as amended, was agreed to.

Mr. HOUSTON. I move to reconsider the vote by which the resolution was adopted, and to lay the motion to reconsider upon the table; which latter motion was agreed to.

Mr. PRICE. I ask the unanimous consent of the House to introduce an unobjectionable resolution, which will not occupy any time.

The resolution was then read for information, as follows:

Resolved, That the Committee on Manufactures, now having under consideration the claims of the American exhibitors at the World's Fair, be instructed to take into consideration the brilliant victory won by the yacht America, and recommend such action as they may deem proper for Congress to take on the subject.

Mr. PHELPS objected.

Mr. HOUSTON. I now move that the rules of the House be suspended, and that the House resolve itself into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

The question was taken, and the motion was agreed to.

THE DEFICIENCY BILL.

The House accordingly resolved itself into the Committtee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. MEADE in the chair.)

The CHAIRMAN. When the committee last rose, it had under consideration House bill No. 207, making appropriation to supply deficiencies. The question being upon the adoption of the first clause thereof, and upon that question the gentleman from Maine [Mr. APPLETON] has the floor.

Mr. APPLETON addressed the House during

an hour, upon the condition and principles of the Democratic party; and expressed his belief that that party would be harmonious after the presidential nomination, and would 'succeed in the approaching election.

Mr. TOWNSHEND spoke an hour, and defined the position of the Democratic party of Ohio, as he understood it, in regard to the compromise measures. He expressed his belief that that party would not sustain those measures as a totality and finality, if insisted on by the Baltimore Convention. Messrs. OLDS and EDGERTON dissented from his views.

[These speeches will be found in the Appendix.]

Mr. CHANDLER obtained the floor. Mr. NABERS. Mr. Chairman, have I the floor?

Mr. CHANDLER. If the gentleman from Mississippi has any more family troubles to bring up, I will cheerfully resign the floor to him. [Laughter.]

Mr. NABERS. I do not claim the floor.

Mr. CHANDLER. I rose to make a few remarks, but I understand the honorable gentleman on the other side of the House [Mr. NABERS] has it in contemplation to address the committee on a subject which will be more germane to what has been said than any thing I shall be likely to say, [laughter.] I will, however, if he will allow me, make a very few remarks, and then take my seat.

Mr. NABERS. I hope the gentleman will go on and make his speech. I do not claim the floor. However, I am much obliged to the gentleman for his courtesy.

which are being ingrafted with these evil heresies brought from abroad, and presented with a view of being made a part of our own institutions. And yet, sir, that message has never been referred to the appropriate committees. The Committee on Foreign Relations has never been directed, by this House, to consider that portion of the message which would lead to a consideration of our policy of non-interference with the institutions of other countries, and of the propriety of considering how far people from other countries may, by interference with our institutions, disturb the political peace of this nation by inappropriate associations, or the destruction of social quiet and individual morals by the promulgation of sentiments which, if allowed to operate, would work out the destruction of a republican form of government, which can only exist with the predominance of virtue.

Yet, sir, instead of moving to the detection and the correction of such evils, we are sitting here "in cold debate" upon the character and quality of the old rotten boards of the Baltimore platform. Sir, the constant recurrence of speakers to "a platform" to be erected is most grating to my ears.

There is danger, imminent danger, in these platformis. They are set up, sir, to attract the eye, and insure the reverence and consent of those who are of party discipline; but, sir, they are no more the images of constitutional requirements or privileges than was the image which Nebuchadnezzar set up in the province of Babylon, a likeness of the true God, though all must fall down and do worship.

That last, however, Mr. Chairman, may be regarded as a party evil, of which, if the Democrats Mr. CHANDLER. We have now before us do not complain, I do not know that I need trouble a bill, reported to this House on the 20th of Feb-myself; and even though they did, it would, perruary. It has been discussed for several days in this committee, or at least it ought to have been; but I presume not one word of this bill has ever been read in this committee by the Clerk.

Mr. Chairman, I rise to make a speech, not upon any troubles existing in the Democratic or the Whig party in the State of Pennsylvania. They have a common field where they settle their troubles, and to which they resort whenever they find it necessary for either branch to break a lance with the other. They never would appear upon the floor with a complaint of the wrong doings of this or that branch of the party. They would never come here to laud the Democracy or the Whiggery of that State. They know, and they try to show, that they were sent here for other purposes.

Mr. Chairman, a great mistake has been committed by the representatives of the people on this floor. One of the first things that a man owes to himself is self-respect. And one of the first things a legislative body owes to itself is the exhibition of that self-respect. I will not say it has not been exhibited here; but there is going abroad a report of the proceedings of this body upon this very bill, which is bringing upon this House that contempt of the people, which, in time, if fostered by a continuance of the cause, will do more to endanger the republican, institutions of the country, and centralize power, than all the efforts of a corrupt Executive could ever produce.

haps, be enough for me to offer the complainants an asylum in the Whig ranks without attempting any interference in their behalf.

But the evil is of national extent, and is working in the general mind, an indifference to the pure teachings of the Constitution, that will finally allow that glorious instrument to sink into oblivion, and party platforms suggested by party wants, local conveniences, and temporary expediences, will usurp, in the affections and regard of the people, that reverence and that obedience which are alone the right of the Constitution. Mr. Chairman, I tremble for the country, when, on this floor, I hear party men avowing themselves men's men instead of the nation's men, and see them seizing on some rotten plank of a decayed, or some green and sappy contribution to a rising, platform, and trusting to that more than to the Constitution of the country. On various sides of me, but as yet always from the Democratic party, I hear the confession: "I am of Paul, I am of Apollos, and I of Cephas." Sir, give me the man as a candidate or a voter, who lays his hand on the organic law of the nation and says, I am for the Constitution, I of Washington.

Mr. Chairman, day by day have we listened to these speeches; and what is the cause of it? Why, not long since, there was a proposition introduced into this House, by which the printing of a certain document-which should be very costlyshould be given to a certain establishment in this city-"the Organ," it is said, " of the Democratic party.' Of that organ, I have nothing to say. I know nothing bad of it beyond its party affinities. Its tones are discordant to my political ear. we have heard, at different times, its groans and

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But

Never, sir, in a country like this, can the legislative branch of the Government lose its power, its due weight, until, by neglecting the legitimate object of its creation, it proceeds to snatch from the people their reserved privileges, or gives itself up to the dictation of an ambitious executive. Sir, legislative power never recedes from the legisla-wailings, through its friends, for want of the usual ture, until its legislators themselves concede, by their conduct, that they are unfit to exercise it. To make the laws is our business; to make rulers and law-makers is the business of the people. But, sir, it will be better for the House to earn the anger of the people, than to acquire their contempt. The former may vent itself in displacing the individuals that compose this body; the latter will result in inquiries into the use of this body.

But, Mr. Chairman, I hear much talking of dangers to the institutions of the Country, and the dangers, too, that are springing from some of our party organizations. But there are dangers apparently unnoticed by this House dangers which, though not springing from our own institutions, are nevertheless around and near us; danger stalking abroad in this country! to which the President of the United States has alluded in his annual message-dangers, sir, greater than can spring up from our own people and our own institutions,

pabulum. That pabulum was not given to it; and what has been the result here upon the floor of this House? Why, every day we see men resorting to means to carry out a party measure, and keep up party discipline, at the expense of the national Treasury.

Mr. Chairman, I am not so ignorant of the ways and means of parties, as not to know that the patronage of the Government is likely to flow into the channel which will most promote the views of the majority. I do not complain of the effort to sustain a party paper; but I do complain, and I have a right to complain, that the party having failed in its attempt to procure liberal patronage for their paper, so that it might act upon the question of the Baltimore Convention, should seize upon the time of this House, and transform our Chamber into a party caucus, to influence the election of delegates, or the opinions and votes of delegates, to the Baltimore Convention.

But, sir, I impugn no man's motives. I interfere with no man's party. Gentlemen upon the other side of the House who know me, and some do, know that I am incapable of that. But here we are now closing the fourth month of our session; and yet what have we done? One gentleman rises upon the other side of the House [Mr. HILLYER] and impugns the laws of Massachusetts; as if we had anything to do with the difficulties and troubles of Massachusetts. The same gentleman says that the members of the Massachusetts Legislature have tried to repeal, and did repeal, the laws of that State, by which it was forbidden to a white man to marry a colored woman, and vice versa. What have we to do with that? Have not the people of Massachusetts as good a right to make laws by which a white man shall be allowed the privilege to wive with a black woman, as the people of any other State have to make laws granting the white man any other privilege, without being married? [Laughter.]

But I feel that I am subjecting myself to the charge of a waste of time. I feel that the business of the House is being delayed; but until the finger of that clock points to four, somebody will waste the time of the House, and I might as well do it as anybody else.

I beg to say one word to my young friend, the member from the Portland district of Maine, [Mr. APPLETON.] That gentleman to-day made his coup d'essai upon this floor, in a style of rhetoric which did himself infinite credit. It was pleasing to my ear, and, as a literary effort, in harmony with my feelings, as an old professor. Sir, I was delighted with it. But I did start a little when that gentleman pointed with the finger of contempt to this side of the House. I noticed the curl of his lip as he alluded to the small number of Whigs now left in this National Council. I deplore it; and so will the nation deplore it, if the majority of this House continue to waste the time that is the property of the nation.

But let me say to the gentleman from Maine, [Mr. APPLETON]-and I speak from reading, my memory leads me back to it-that if there had been one tenth part of the number of good men in Sodom that there are Whigs in this House, they would have saved that whole city from destruction. [Laughter.] Whether we shall be saved or not must depend upon how far the contamination extends, how far the corruption of coalition may have gone amongst us.

But there is another point: Three or four days of this House (and if any gentleman will figure up its cost they will find it something like three thousand dollars a day) have been spent in discussing the character of the coalition of the Massachusetts Legislature-the coalition of the people of Massachusetts-whether Mr. A or Mr. B should be Governor. Sir, I dislike coalition; but I believe they are frequently formed in tolerably good motives, and honest persons sacrifice some part of their creed for the sake of defeating some of the opposite creed. Sometimes, I believe, they sacrifice a part of their favorite creed for the purpose of carrying the good point that is left of them. Not always, but as a general rule, I have not found them very beneficial. We have had some little experience in my own State, in which I got my finger into the vice. [Laughter.]

morum of this House, but I desire to preserve the institutions of this country, in whose hands soever they are placed for administration. I desire that the people abroad, in this nation, who never come up to the Capitol, and who cannot often see us, but who have sent their representatives here, should know that, whatever may be the character of the individuals whom they send, that they, mingling with the dignified and honorable class of citizens who represent that people, still bear upon themselves the toga of the man, and the dignity of the Senator, and that this House should cease to be the place of party action, party dictation, and party operation, as if there was nothing for us to consider but the Democracy of the Union, and nothing for us to stand upon but the platform of Baltimore. I do not speak lightly of the Democratic party. I know their value. I know and approve of the men, more than of their sentiments. And I do not speak lightly of the machinery of their action. It belongs to them. But do not bring that machinery into this House; do not impede the progress of business; do not starve the people who stand at our doors, waiting for the payment of their bills, while we are discussing questions mooted by ourselves, which candidate will be most available, whether it will be the old "fogy" or the young "fogy"-whether it will be the man who went pocketless and penniless over the Alleghanies to earn a living, or whether it will be he who comes back with his pocket full, both, sir, asking for a place. Let us have nothing to do with them here. Either of them, if elected by a majority of the people, will be the lawful President of this Union, and will be entitled to my respect, and, so far as he administers the law, he will be entitled no less to my obedience; yes, sir, to my cheerful, willing, obedience and support.

But, sir, while we are hesitating, the time is passing, and the honor of the nation is at stake, and bills against our Government-if not protested, are at least liable to be protested-are not to be paid because we are, by talking, delaying the passage of the bills that lie before us, and are wasting our time and the patience of the people, rather than to proceed to the business that belongs to us. It is not my purpose, sir, I repeat it, to condemn the speeches to which I have alluded, or the sentiments which I have examined generally. There is a time and there is a place for all these things; but I say that this is not the time, nor this the place. Party caucuses should be held by party calls, and in party places, while the representatives of the people, clothed not only with the power of making laws, but with the dignity of sustaining for the people the honor of the Republic, and maintaining for themselves the respect of the people, should in the time, and in halls of legislation, solemnize their minds to the loftiness of their missions, and separate themselves from all motives of action less than the good of the nation and the honor of its Councils.

I ask

Mr. McLANAHAN, (interrupting.) my honorable colleague, since he has attributed to the Democratic side of the House a delay in legislation, where the discussion commenced in regard to the making of Presidents and platforms? I wish him to state distinctly, if the whole discussion was not opened upon the Whig side of the House, by the gentleman from Florida, [Mr. CABELL?]

Mr. CHANDLER. I am speaking of the discussion which has taken place upon the deficiency bill. [Laughter.] That is what I am speaking upon; but since the whole matter has been up,

But, Mr. Chairman, all the coalitions and compromises of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, and elsewhere, however good or bad they may have been, have no business in this House. They do not concern the legislation of the nation; they have nothing to do with the people, or the legisla-willtion for the people. As to that of Massachusetts, of course the coalition was to sacrifice a good man, and they did it. The Whig candidate for Governor was a good man. I do not recollect of many instances of the evil motives or improper circumstances that lead to a union for political effects; but the coalition of Pilate and Herod may be cited as an unfavorable instance of union of interests, otherwise hostile. But hostile as they had been, they were agreed upon a certain point, [laughter,] the result of which, however, is better found elsewhere than quoted here. [Renewed laughter.]

Mr. Chairman, I do beseech the gentlemen of the House, in the first place, to pardon the appearance which I, older than a large majority of this House, may have of dictation, or of direction. I have no desire to place myself here as the censor

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Mr. McLANAHAN. One word more. All that I intend to say is, that the Democratic party and the country are extremely thankful for the effort which is made now, upon the Whig side of the House, to close this unprofitable discussion; and it is hoped, on all sides of the House, that it will close with the speech of my colleague, [Mr. CHANDLER.]

Mr. CHANDLER. I then close my speech with the vote of thanks which the House, through the honorable gentleman, my colleague, has given me. [Laughter.]

Mr. FREEMAN next addressed the House in regard to the position of the Southern-Rights and Democratic Union parties in Mississippi.

[The speech of Mr. F. will be found in the Appendix.]

Mr. SMITH obtained the floor, but yielded to

Mr. HART, who moved that the committee rise; which motion was agreed to, there being upon a division-ayes 68, noes 44.

The committee accordingly rose, and the Speaker having resumed the Chair, the chairman of the committee reported that the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union had had the state of the Union generally under consideration, and particularly House bill No. 207, and had come to no conclusion thereon.

Mr. STANLY. I ask leave to introduce a bill. of which previous notice has been given, in order that it may be referred to a committee.

Mr. KING, of New York. What is it? Mr. ORR. Let it be read for information. The bill was then read by its title, as follows: "A bill to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to deposit with the several States the fourth installment of t deposits of public money directed to be made with sa States, by the act of June 23, 1836."

Mr. BAYLY, of Virginia. I object.

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE. I ask the unanimous consent of the House to allow the chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary to report back a pet tion which was referred to them. It is from the

conductors of the Kentucky penitentiary, asking pay for taking care of, and supporting convicts, sentenced by the United States courts to the Kentucky State prison.

Mr. BAYLY. I withdraw my objection to the reference of the bill offered by the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. STANLY.]

The SPEAKER. The bill will be read a second time, if there is no objection.

Mr. NABERS. I object. Everybody upon this floor has more or less bills to refer.

The SPEAKER. Does the Chair understand that objection is made to the chairman of the Judiciary Committee making a report?

Mr. NABERS. I object.

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE. I would state to my friend from Mississippi that this is a matter some interest to my State. I have been trying for two months to get this report in. I never objected to anything in my life upon this floor.

Mr. NABERS. I am not disposed to be fac tious, and have never been since I came here. I have not been able to get the floor when I was entitled to it, and I reaffirm here now, that this ob jection is not out of discourtesy to the gentleman from Kentucky, or anybody else-not at all, sir: but other gentlemen have various bills which they desire to have introduced.

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE. This is not a bil Perhaps the gentleman is not aware what I wanted. Mr. NABERS. I have never got up upon the floor but what I have heard that discordant soundI object.

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE. Not from me.
Mr. NABERS. No, sir; not from the gentle-

man.

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE. Mr. SpeakerMr. NABERS. A single word more, I have not yielded the floor.

Mr. SEYMOUR, of New York. I object to all debate.

The SPEAKER. The Chair will remind gen. tlemen that the question is not debatable.

Mr. BRECKENRIDGE. The gentleman from Mississippi did not insist upon his objection, and the chairman is ready to report.

Mr. NABERS. I was going to say this: I intended to cast no reflection upon the course any gentleman thought proper to pursue, and simply for the reason that I do not wish to imitate the bad example shown. I will withdraw my objec tion. [Laughter.]

Mr. McLANAHAN. Mr. Speaker, I am irstructed by the Committee on the Judiciary, to which was referred the claim of the State of Kentucky against the United States, for keeping and supporting convicts sentenced by the United States courts to the Kentucky State prison, to ask to be discharged from the further consideration of the

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Mr. STANTON, of Ohio. I have risen a dozen times, and have not got the privilege. I object.

Mr. BARRERE, from the Committee on Enrolled Bills, reported the following bills as correctly enrolled, viz:

An act for the relief of James Furguson, surviving partner of the firm of Furguson & Milhado; an act for the relief of Williams, Staples, & Williams; an act for the relief of Philip Miller; and the joint resolution for the relief of Elizabeth Prewitt, widow and executrix of Robert C. Prewitt, deceased; which, severally, were signed by the Speaker.

Mr. HOUSTON. I want just to say to the House, that it is proper that we should clear the Speaker's table of the communications and bills that are there. I therefore ask the House to proceed to the business upon the Speaker's table. It will not take more than half an hour.

Mr. HIBBARD. I wish to be permitted to state that I have looked over the bills upon the Speaker's table. They are few in number, and I know cannot occasion debate. I hope unanimous consent will be given to clear the Speaker's table. Mr. SMART. I object.

On motion by Mr. MARSHALL, of Kentucky, the House adjourned.

PETITIONS, &c.

The following petitions, memorials, &c., were presented under the rule, and referred to the appropriate committees: By Mr. PEASLEE: The petition of Jacob A. Chesley and others, citizens of New Hampshire, against the extension of the Woodworth patent.

By Mr. GORMAN: Joint resolutions of the Legislature of the State of Indiana, praying an appropriation for a caual around the rapids of St. Mary's river.

Also, the joint resolutions of the Legislature of Indiana, for an Agricultural Bureau.

Also, the joint resolutions of the Legislature of Indiana, asking an appropriation to erect public buildings at Indianapolis, Indiana."

By Mr. CAMPBELL, of Illinois: The memorial of sundry citizens of Galena, Illinois, praying the grant of one hundred and sixty acres of land to each member of the "Western Farm and Village Association."

Also, the petition of A. C. Harding and 106 others, citizens of the county of Warren, in the State of Illinois, praying for a grant of land to aid in the construction of a railroad from Burlington, in Iowa, through Peoria, in Illinois, to Lafayette, in Indiana.

Also, the remonstrance of Lemuel Andrews and 200 other citizens of the county of Rock Island, in the State of Illinois, against the Woodworth patent.

By Mr. WELCH: The petition of citizens of Pomeroy, Ohio, for a canal around the falls of the Ohio river.

By Mr. BURROWS: The memorial of the executive board of the New York State Agricultural Society, asking for the establishment of an Agricultural Bureau.

By Mr. JOHNSON, of Ohio: The memorial of James McMath and 42 other citizens of Tuscarawas county, in relation to the Wheeling bridge.

Also, the remonstrance of John Patton and 58 other citizens of Tuscarawas county, against the renewal of the Woodworth patent."

By Mr. WATKINS: The petition of 110 citizens of Tennessee, for a post route from Marshall's Ferry to Hay's Ferry, Tennessee.

Also, the petition of 150 citizens of Tennessee, for a post route from Sycamore to Sneedville, Tennessee.

By Mr. BELL: The petition of citizens of Darke county, Ohio, praying for a mail route from Greenville, in Darke county, via Dallas, to Celina, in Mercer county.

By Mr. GOODENOW: The memorial of sundry citizens of the ports of Gardiner and Pittston, in the district of Bath, Maine, against the repeal of an act passed March 3, 1847, relating to proceedings in admiralty, &c.

By Mr. SCHERMERHORN: A memorial of the city of Rochester, New York, praying that the terms of the Cireuit Court of the United States for the Northern District of New York, may be appointed by law, to be held in the city of Rochester, and offering the use of a court-room and a law library free of any charge.

By Mr. WASHBURN: A remonstrance of Thomas McDaniel and 16 others, of Penobscot county, Maine, against the renewal of the patent of Austin & Zebulon Parker. Also, the remonstrance of M. Buck and 51 others, of said county, against the same.

By Mr. SIBLEY: The memorial of 676 citizens of the United States residing in New York city, praying the grant of 160 acres of land to each member of the "Western Farm and Village Association," said grants to be selected from any part of the public domain between Lake Michigan and the Rocky Mountains, upon condition that improvement and settlement be made thereon before the 15th of July, 1852.

By Mr. BENNETT: A petition of 112 citizens of Bainbridge, Chenango county, New York, in behalf of the Western Farm and Village Association" in New York. By Mr. CHANDLER: Three remonstrances of nunerous citizens of Philadelphia, against a renewal of the patent for Woodworth's planing machine.

Also, asked and obtained permission to withdraw the papers of Alice Dowlin, to be referred to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr.4VES: A memorial of 75 citizens of the county of Jefferson, New York, on behalf of the "Western Farm and Village Association" of the city of New York.

By Mr. DOTY: The petition of Charles Combs, Edgar M. Paddock and other citizens of Ripon, in Wisconsin, asking for a grant of 160 acres of land to the members

of the Western Farm and Village Association, anywhere between Lake Michigan and the Rocky Mountains.

By Mr. THOMPSON, of Massachusetts: The memorial of Alonzo Stewart and others, in behalf of the "Western Farm and Village Association" of the city of New York. By Mr. ASHE: The petition of Duncan McBride and others, against the extension of the Parker patent.

By Mr. BRIGGS: A memorial from officers of banks in the city of New York, asking Congress to abolish the spirit ration in the Navy.

Also, a memorial from insurance companies in the city of New York, asking Congress to abolish the spirit ration in the Navy.

Also, a memorial from the merchants in the city of New York, asking Congress to abolish the spirit ration in the Navy.

Also, a memorial of sundry citizens of New York, asking Congress to abolish the spirit ration in the Navy.

By Mr. ALLEN, of Illinois: The petition of L. W. Willis and others, citizens of Massac county, Illinois, asking that a mail route may be established from Metropolis city, in the State of Illinois, via Brooklyn, to Paducah, in the State of Kentucky.

By Mr. MACE: The memorial of Jerome B. Odell and Tehumacus Odell, assistant marshals of Tippecanoe county, Indiana, asking additional pay for taking the census.

By Mr. GROW: The petition of citizens of Susquehanna county, Pennsylvania, for a mail route from Dundaff, in said county, to Lanesboro, on the New York and Erie Railroad, in said county.

Also, the petition of citizens of Bradford county, Pennsylvania, for a mail route from West Franklin post office, in said county, to Alba post office, in said county.

Also, the petition of citizens of Susquehannah and Tioga county, Pennsylvania, in favor of intervention.

Also, a remonstrance of 162 citizens of Susquehannah county, against the renewal of the Woodworth patent. By Mr. DAVIS, of Indiana: The memorials of Thomas C. W. Sale, J. B. Hays, and Jarid C. Jocelyn, of Indiana, praying additional compensation for their services in taking the Seventh Census.

IN SENATE.

THURSDAY, March 18, 1852.

Prayer by the Rev. LITTLETON F. MORGAN. The PRESIDENT pro tem. laid before the Senate a communication from the Secretary of War, made in compliance with a resolution of the 15th instant, transmitting a map of the Territory of New Mexico, compiled by Brevet Second Lieutenant John G. Parker; which was read.

On motion by Mr. CHASE, it was Ordered, That the report be printed, and that the map be engraved under the direction of the Topographical Bureau.

A motion by Mr. CHASE, to print two thousand additional copies of the report and accompanying map, was referred to the Committee on Printing.

consin, praying the appointment of a commissioner to examine and settle all questions of controversy relating to lands in the Stockbridge reservation; which was referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs,

Mr. DOUGLAS presented the petition of A. W. Denham, praying an extra compensation for services as superintendent of laborers during the erection of the General Post Office building; which was referred to the Committee of Claims.

PAPERS WITHDRAWN AND REFERRED.
On motion by Mr. BELL, it was

Ordered, That the memorial of the Legislature of Tennessee, on the files of the Senate, relating to the establishment of a marine hospital at Memphis, be referred to the Committee on Commerce.

On motion by Mr. SUMNER, it was Ordered, That W. W. Chapman have leave to withdraw his petition and papers.

REPORT FROM A COMMITTEE.

Mr. FOOT, from the Committee on Revolutionary Claims, to which was referred the memorial of the heirs of Colonel William Grayson, of the revolutionary army, submitted a report, accompanied by a bill for their relief; which was read and passed to the second reading.

The report was ordered to be printed.

NOTICES OF BILLS.

Mr. WALKER gave notice of his intention to ask leave to introduce the following bills:

A bill to grant the right of way and make a donation of public land to the State of Wisconsin, to aid in the construction of a railroad from Manitoowoc to the Mississippi river, in that State.

A bill to restrict and limit the jurisdiction of the district court of the United States for the district of Wisconsin.

BILL INTRODUCED.

Mr. GEYER, agreeably to previous notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill to provide for the payment to the State of Missouri two per centum of the net proceeds of the sales of public lands therein, heretofore reserved under a compact with said State; which was read a first and second time by its title, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

CREDIT TO RAILROAD COMPANIES. Mr. JONES, of Tennessee, submitted the following resolution; which was agreed to:

The PRESIDENT pro tem. laid before the Senate a report of the Secretary of War, communicating, in compliance with a resolution of the Senate, the amount that has been paid to officers of the Army during the year ending July 1, 1851, on account of double rations; which was read and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. The PRESIDENT pro tem. laid before the Sen-lowing resolution for consideration: ate a report of the Secretary of War, communicating, in compliance with a resolution of the Senate, the amount paid to officers holding brevet commissions above the amount of their pay in the line during the year ending July 1, 1851; which was read and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Resolved, That the Committee on Finance he instructed to inquire into the expediency of giving to railroad companies twelve months' time in which to pay the duty on railroad iron.

BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO.
Mr. JONES, of Tennessee, submitted the fol-

PETITIONS, ETC.

Mr. WALKER presented a memorial of the Legislature of Wisconsin relative to the jurisdiction of the United States district court for that State; which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

Also, three petitions of inhabitants of Wisconsin, praying an extension of the time for which preemptions to the public lands are granted; which were referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

Mr. WELLER presented a resolution of the Legislature of California relative to the civil fund of that State; which was referred to the Committee on Finance, and ordered to be printed.

Also, a resolution of the Legislature of California in favor of increasing the salaries of the United States district judges in that State; which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. ADAMS presented a memorial of the Legislature of Mississippi, praying a reduction of the price of the public lands in the Augusta and Washington land districts; which was referred to the Committee on Public Lands, and ordered to be printed.

Resolved, That the Secretary of War be requested to furnish to the Senate a copy of the supplemental report of the battle of Cerro Gordo, made by General G. J. Pillow to General W. Scott, recently filed in the War Department by General Scott, and which has never been published.

POSTAL STATISTICS.

Mr. SUMNER submitted the following resolutions for consideration:

Resolved, That the Postmaster General be requested to report to the Senate the whole number of letters which

passed through the post offices of the United States during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1851, distinguishing the paid from the unpaid, those paid by stamps from those paid by cash, also the number of free letters.

Also, the aggregate number of drop letters during the same period.

Also, the amount of printed matter, number of newspapers and periodicals sent through the post offices during the same period, distinguishing the paid from the free; and if this be not practicable, then to furnish an estimate thereof. Also, the number of dead letters returned to the General Post Office during the same period, and the amount of postage due thereon; the amount of property found in the same; the amount restored to owners, and the amount for which no owners have been found, and the disposition made of the balance on hand.

Also, the cost of the transportation of the mails and the postage collected in each of the several States during the same period.

Also, the number of letters conveyed during the same period by the Cunard, Collins, Bremen, and Havre lines of steamers respectively, distinguishing the paid from the unpaid; also the number of newspapers conveyed by the same lines respectively, and the amount of postage collected

on the same.

Also, to report the amount of postage collected by each of the said lines, in the United States and Great Britain, respectively; and the amount of commissions paid to our postmasters on the balance due and paid to the British Government on account of postage.

Mr. DODGE, of Wisconsin, presented a peti-States and Great Britain respectively, under the postal Also, the number of dead letters returned to the United tion of residents of the town of Stockbridge, Wis

treaty, and the amount of postage due thereon.

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