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from Missouri, that he is entitled to the floor on the question of privilege, and that he postpone his remarks till the gentleman from New Mexico is in his seat, that that gentleman, who is not now in the House, may have a fair chance of putting the matter right before the House.

Mr. PHELPS. In response to the appeal made to me by the gentleman from North Carolina, I will remark that I do not propose to discuss the right of the gentleman claiming a seat on this floor as Delegate from New Mexico, or to express any opinion on that subject. But I desire merely to advert to the corrupt conduct of the Government in the late election held in the Territory of New Mexico.

Mr. STANLY. That must affect the question unfavorably, and I, therefore, ask the gentleman from Missouri to wait until the gentleman from New Mexico is in his seat.

Mr. MARSHALL, of Kentucky. Do I understand the Chair to overrule my point of order?

The SPEAKER. The Chair decides that the motion to print is in order, and that being properly before the House upon a question of privilege, discussion is in order.

Mr. PHELPS. I desire now to ascertain whether, if this matter should be postponed till to

morrow

Mr JOHNSON, of Georgia, (interrupting.) Will the gentleman from Missouri permit me to ask him whether he has in his possession any evidence of corruption on the part of the Governor of New Mexico?

Mr. PHELPS. I do not understand the inquiry.

Mr. JOHNSON. I desire to hear the evidence of this corruption.

Mr. PHELPS. The gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. STANLY] appeals to me to forego any discussion upon this subject, because of the absence of the Delegate from New Mexico, but the gentleman from Georgia desires me to enter upon the discussion now. I feel disposed to acquiesce in the suggestion made by the gentleman from North Carolina, provided I do not thereby lose my opportunity to submit the remarks which I design to make.

I am fully aware that the deficiency bill ought to pass; but, at the same time, I think it more important that a bill should pass providing homes for the thousands of homeless in the United States than all the deficiency bills that could be originated from this time to the close of the session. I look upon that as a highly important bill.

Mr. JOHNSON. I did not intend to yield the floor for that purpose.

Mr. BROOKS. Very well, then; if I have not the floor, of course I cannot make the motion.

The question was then put upon the motion to go into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and carried in the affirmative.

HOMESTEADS.

disposition to consume the time of the House, and
Permit me to say, in conclusion, that I have no
thereby delay the public business. I want to see
The House accordingly resolved itself into Com-
Congress take speedy, efficient, and early action
mittee of the Whole on the state of the Union,
upon all those measures which pertain to the pub-consideration of the special order, being House
(Mr. HIBBARD in the chair,) and resumed the
lic good. So far as this deficiency bill is con-
cerned, perhaps it ought to pass; but, at the same
bill No. 7, for the encouragement of agriculture,
time, I think it would be one of the best things
commerce, manufactures, and other branches of
that could happen to this Government if many of
these Departments could be put upon bread and
water for a short time, and they would then, per-
haps, suggest some means or plan by which the
expenses of the Departments could be retrenched
and the public expenditures diminished. I shall
be willing, however, to agree that the debate shall
be stopped at any reasonable time.

Mr. HOUSTON. What is the question before the House?

The SPEAKER. It is on the motion to go into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union on the special order.

Mr. BROOKS. I rise to a privileged question. I move the usual resolution for closing debate on the special order at two o'clock on Thursday

next.

The SPEAKER. The question is not in order pending the motion to go into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

Mr. BROOKS. I understand the gentleman yields me the floor for that purpose.

Mr. JOHNSON. I have no objection to the resolution being introduced, as indicated by the gentleman from New York, [Mr. BROOKS,] if it is the wish of the House.

[Mr. WILDRICK, from the Committee on Enrolled Bills, reported, as correctly enrolled, an act for the relief of Lieutenant Colonel Mitchell, of the State of Missouri; the act for the relief of Rufus Dwinel; and the act extending the time for selling the lands granted to the Kentucky Asylum The SPEAKER. This being a question of for teaching the Deaf and Dumb; which bills sevprivilege, in the opinion of the Chair, the generally received the signature of the Speaker.] tleman can call it up hereafter, and at any time he chooses.

Mr. PHELPS. Very well, sir; then I will give

way now.

[Here the subject was dropped.]

The question then recurred on the motion of the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. JOHNSON,] that the rules be suspended and the House resolve itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, for the purpose of taking up the spe

cial order.

Mr. BROOKS. Before that motion is put, I wish to ask the gentleman from Tennessee, when he intends to bring this debate to a close? My reason for making the inquiry is, that there lies behind the special order an appropriation bill without which the Government cannot be carried on much longer. If that bill is not speedily passed, the army will have to be withdrawn from California, New Mexico, and Oregon.

Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee. I will say, in reply to the gentleman from New York, that, if I understand the temper of the House, there is a very considerable disposition to make some speeches upon the bill which is the special order, and to make some speeches upon matters and things in general-for Buncombe.

So far as I am concerned, individually, I should like the speeches to be confined to the subject-matter of the bill itself, and to have speedy action upon it. The argument seems to have some weight with many members on this floor, that the deficiency bill is behind this bill, and that it is important that that bill should be passed. Now, those who are familiar with the practice of this House know that we could at any time, by unanimous consent, pass by informally the bill which is now under consideration, and take up the deficiency bill; but then the same amount of time would be consumed in making political speeches on the presidential question on that bill as on this. The question then comes up, Had we not better go on regularly? The gas which has to be thrown off may, perhaps, as well be thrown off on this bill as on any other.

Mr. HOUSTON. I was going to appeal to the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. JOHNSON] and the House to allow the special order to be passed by for the present, and take up the deficiency bill, which I have been pressing for several days.

Mr. CLINGMAN. I object to that most decidedly.

Mr. HOUSTON. The gentleman from North Carolina will have time enough to object when I have concluded my remarks.

With the permission of the House, I desire to have a communication read which I have received this morning, stating the fact that the Government drafts are now being protested for want of funds to redeem them; and it will involve an immense cost to the Government, if they do not either recall the army or grant means in some way or other to prevent these great losses.

The SPEAKER. The communication can only be read by unanimous consent.

Several MEMBERS objected.

Mr. HOUSTON. Well, I have only this to say: The gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. WILcox] who is entitled to the floor in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, can get the floor and make his speech just as well upon the deficiency bill

Mr. WILCOX. I did not object. Mr. HOUSTON. I did not understand the gentleman as objecting. I again appeal to the House to pass by the special order, and allow us of the Union upon the deficiency bill. to go into Committee of the Whole on the state

hour expired? Mr. RICHARDSON. Has not the morning

The SPEAKER. It has.

Mr. RICHARDSON. I move that the House resolve itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

The SPEAKER. That motion is already pending.

Mr. BROOKS. The gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. JOHNSON] yielded the floor for me to make the motion to close debate upon the special

order.

industry, by granting to every man, &c., one hundred and sixty acres of land.

sissippi [Mr. WILCOX] is entitled to the floor. The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Mis

Mr. HARRIS, of Tennessee. I ask the gentleman from Mississippi to yield the floor, in order to enable me to offer an amendment.

Mr. WILCOX. I will yield for that purpose. Mr. HARRIS. I then move to strike out all after the first section of the substitute of Mr. BROWN, of Mississippi, for the bill, and insert the following:

Strike out all after the first section of the substitute, and insert:

SEC. 2. Be it further enacted, &c., That all of the lands of the United States lying within any State of this Union, which were subject to entry on the first day of July, eighteen hundred and fifty-one, and have not since been sold, shall be subject to entry for actual settiment and cultivation, for any quantity not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres, as follows, viz: all of such lands which, on that day, had been subject to entry ten years, and not exceeding twenty years, may be entered under this act, at the price of one dollar per acre; all of such lands which had been subject to entry twenty years, and not exceeding thirty years, may be entered at the price of seventy-five cents per acre; all of such lands which had been subject to entry thirty years, may be entered at the price of fifty cents per acre; all of such lands which had been subject to entry less than ten years on said first day of July, eighteen hundred and fiftyone, which shall not be sold under the existing laws within ten years thereafter, shall, after that time, be subject to entry as aforesaid at the price of one dollar per acre. And when any of the aforesaid lands shall have remained ten years subject to entry, at any of the reduced rates aforesaid, without being sold, the price thereof for entry under this act, during the next ten years, shall be reduced twenty-five cents per acre; and such reduction of twenty-five cents per acre continue to be made every ten years, until such lands shall be sold, or the price thereof reduced to twenty-five cents per acre. And on any day appointed, as aforesaid, for the reduction of the price of the said public lands, any other lands of the United States, lying within the said States, not subject to entry on the first day of July, 1851, which shall have been subject to entry ten years or upwards on any such future day for reducing the prices, as aforesaid, shall be subject to a like reduction of twenty five cents per acre, which reduction shall be repeated every ten years, until the lands shall be sold, or the price reduced to twenty-five cents per acre: Provided, however, That no lands shall be considered as entered under this act unless the price at which it is entered is less than $1 25 per acre: And provided, further, That no alternate sections or mineral lands, which have been or may be reserved by the United States, shall be entered under this act.

SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That the person making entry, or application for entry, under this act, at a price less than $1 25 per acre, shall first make an affidavit before the register or receiver of the land office where the entry is proposed to be made, that the said applicant enters, and proposes to enter, the same for his own use and benefit, for settlement and cultivation by and for himself or herself; and that the said applicant has made no entry under the provisions of this aci, which, with the additional entry then proposed to be made, will make the whole quantity so entered, and proposed to be entered, exceed one hundred and sixty acres.

The amendment was read.

Mr. WILCOX addressed the committee during his hour. He remarked that he had nothing to say in regard to the bill pending before the committee, but had a far more important question, at least to him and to the people whom he represented, to speak of. He regretted the necessity which impelled him to refer to the compromise of the last Congress, but he would premise by saying that he was here as a Jackson, Union Democrat, as contradistinguished from a Secession, Disunion Democrat. He then proceeded to justify the admission of California, Utah, and New Mexico; referred to the efforts of the secessionists in the South to create a dissolution of the Union and build up a Southern Confederacy; and declared the Democratic party to be the constitutional Union party. He denied the constitutional right of any State to secede; and in conclusion, addressed a few remarks to gentlemen of the North. He said that if the time should ever come when the Union should be dissolved, and when the starry flag of our country should be torn asunder, this

sin would lie at the door of gentlemen of the North. He hoped, then, that they would cease their fanatic interference with the institutions of the South, and, from this moment, that all would forget the ills which came well-nigh sinking the ship of State. The time was not far distant when we should see the peaceful triumphs of our example, and seeing we have so great a destiny to fulfill; let us be wise for the future.

[See Appendix for Mr. W.'s speech.] Mr. RANTOUL, next obtained the floor, and addressed the committee during the hour.

He replied to his colleague, [Mr. DAVIS,] who addressed the House on Saturday. He denied some of that gentleman's positions and assertions, and vindicated his uniform consistency on political subjects for the last twenty years, challenging proof to the contrary. He had condemned the fugitive slave law in his own town, (Beverly,) and addressed a large audience upon the subject; and therefore it was not likely that a few days after he should, as was charged, express himself in favor of the law in Boston, about the time of the public meeting in that city to indorse the compromise measures. He justified the coalition between the Democrats and Free-Soilers; and said that for many years the Whigs, with the aid of the abolitionists, held the State; but the moment they found themselves out of office by the new arrangement, then it was horrible. He held that the combination was necessary; and in the course of his remarks referred to his views on the slavery question.

[Mr. R.'s speech will be found in the Appendix.]

Mr. RICHARDSON obtained the floor. Mr. ROBBINS. With the permission of the gentleman, I move that the committee rise.

The question was put, and the motion was agreed to.

The committee rose accordingly, and the Speaker having resumed the chair, the chairman of the committee reported that the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union had had the

Union generally under consideration, and particularly the special order, being House bill No. 7, to encourage agriculture, and for other purposes, and had come to no conclusion thereon.

Mr. CARTTER moved that the House adjourn; which motion was agreed to. The House then adjourned.

PETITIONS, &c.

The following petitions, memorials, &c., were presented under the rule, and referred to the appropriate committees: By Mr. BARRERE: The remonstrance of numerous citizens of Clermont county, Ohio, against the renewal of the Woodworth patent.

Also, the petition of sundry citizens of Brown county, Ohio, praying for the establishment of a tri-weekly mail route from Williamsburg, in Clermont county, via Sardinia and Fincastle, in Brown county, to Winchester, in Adams county, Ohio.

By Mr. CURTIS: The petition of citizens of Clarion county, Pennsylvania, praying for a modification of the

tariff.

By Mr. KUHNS: Eight petitions from citizens of Pennsylvania, praying Congress to confirm the erection of the Wheeling bridge, and to prevent its destruction under the late decree of the Supreme Court of the United States.

By Mr. MOORE, of Pennsylvania: The memorial from citizens of the county of Philadelphia, asking for an extension of the Woodworth patent.

By Mr. STEPHENS, of New York: The petition of Smith, Dunning and others, praying the extension of the Woodworth patent.

By Mr. ROBBINS: The petition of H. M. Jones and 37 others, citizens of the county of Philadelphia, in favor of the extension of the Woodworth patent.

By Mr. SCHOOLCRAFT: The remonstrance of George W. Beardslee, of Albany, New York, against the extension of the Woodworth patent, or any act legalizing the reissue of said patent.

By Mr. FLORENCE: The memorial of Simeon Stillwell, Adam Ulery, Price Wetheral, and 44 other citizens of Philadelphia, praying for the extension of the Woodworth patent for planing boards, &c.

Also, the memorial of W. W. Long, Jackson Dick, Peter Hoist, and 33 others, citizens of Philadelphia, praying for the extension of the Woodworth patent for planing boards,

&C.

By Mr. MACE: The petition of George W. Gibson, of Boone county, Indiana, asking to be placed on the invalid pension roll.

By Mr. BRECKINRIDGE: The petition of L. W. Megowan, praying for a pension on account of disabilities incurred by exposure in the military service of the United States in the last war with Great Britain.

By Mr. BELL: A petition from 127 citizens of Montgomery county, Ohio, asking Congress to establish the bridges of the Wheeling and Belmont Bridge Company as post roads, and that the same be permitted to remain at their present height.

By Mr. BURROWS: The petition of Benjamin Shelden and others, citizens of Niagara county, New York, remon

strating against the further extension of Woodworth's patent for a planing machine.

By Mr. ASHË: The memorial of John McPherson and others, remonstrating against the extension of the Woodworth patent for a planing machine.

By Mr. CONGER: The petition of Herman B. Ely and others, in favor of the right of way and a donation of cerer tain public lands to the State of Michigan, to aid in the construction of a railroad from Little Bay de Noquet to Lake Superior, in said State of Michigan.

Also, the memorial of George C. Nelson, assistant mar shal for Kent county, Michigan, for additional compensation for taking the census; and the petition of sundry citizens in favor of the same object.

Also, the petition of A. Coburn and others, for relief in reference to land titles in the Lake Superior land district, in the State of Michigan.

By Mr. AIKEN: The petition of citizens of Charleston, South Carolina, asking aid to the Collins's line of

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WEDNESDAY, March 10, 1852. Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. C. M. BUTLER. Mr. CLARKE presented a petition of merchants and citizens of Providence, Rhode Island, praying that further aid may be extended to Collins's line of steam-ships; which was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

Mr. MASON presented the petition of Elizabeth Armistead, widow of General Walker K. Armistead, late of the Army, praying a pension; which was referred to the Committee on Pensions.

Mr. SEWARD presented the petition of George W. Beardslee, remonstrating against an extension of Woodworth's patent for a planing machine; which was referred to the Committee on Patents

and the Patent Office.

Also, a petition of citizens of the county of Westchester, New York, praying an extension of Woodworth's patent for a planing machine; which was referred to the Committee on Patents and the Patent Office.

Mr. GWIN presented the memorial of the legal representatives of Lemuel P. Montgomery, deceased, a soldier in the last war with Great Britain, praying a pension; which was referred to the Committee on Pensions.

Also, the petition of D. M. Wilson & Co., praying the payment of their claim against Mexico; which was referred to the select committee appointed on the subject.

PAPER WITHDRAWN AND REFERRED. On motion by Mr. GEYER, it was

Ordered, That the memorial of Thomas Allen, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee of Claims. REPORTS FROM STANDING COMMITTEES. Mr. RUSK, from the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads, to which was referred the bill from the House of Representatives for the relief of Andrew Smith, submitted an adverse report; which was ordered to be printed.

Mr. SEWARD, from the Committee on Commerce, to which was referred the memorial of Elisha W. B. Moody, praying to be reimbursed moneys paid by him, as owner of the British barque "Sarah," in the rescue of the passengers and crew of the American ship "Caleb Grimshaw," submitted a report, accompanied by a bill for his relief; which was read and passed to the second reading. The report was ordered to be printed.

Mr. BRODHEAD, from the Committee of Claims, to which were referred the several memorials praying Congress that expenses incurred by the exhibiters at the World's Fair may be paid, submitted an adverse report; which was ordered to be printed.

Mr. HAMLIN, from the Committee on Commerce, to which were referred the bills from the

House of Representatives authorizing the iss

of registers to the brig "America" and the s "Kossuth," reported them without amendment

He also, from the same committee, to which was referred a bill to amend an act entitled "A

Territory of Oregon, and for other purposes." reported in lieu thereof a bill to authorize the Pres ident of the United States to designate the places for the ports of entry and delivery for the colle tion districts of Puget's Sound and Umpqua, i the Territory of Oregon; which was read an passed to the second reading.

As the memorial on this subject also prayed for the establishment of a mail route

On motion by Mr. HAMLIN, it was Ordered, That the petition of the citizens of the Term of Oregon, presented the 19th January, be referred to t Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads. APPORTIONMENT OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Mr. DOWNS, from the Committee on the J. diciary, to which was referred the message of 3 President of the United States communicati report of the Secretary of the Interior in relie to the apportionment of Representatives among t several States in the Thirty-third Congress, s mitted a report, accompanied by a bill sup mentary to an act providing for the taking of seventh and subsequent censuses of the U States, and to fix the number of members of we House of Representatives, and provide for r future apportionment among the several State approved 23d May, 1850; which was read passed to the second reading. The report, w the accompanying documents, was ordered to t printed.

Mr. BRADBURY submitted the views of the minority of the committee on the same subje which were ordered to be printed.

Mr. DOWNS, from the Committee on the diciary, to which was referred the joint resol of February 24, in relation to the number of et toral votes each State will be entitled to in presidential election of 1852, reported the sa with an amendment, and submitted a report o the subject; which was read.

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The committee in their report, state that the Constitution provides that "Each State shal

point, in such manner as the Legislature there 'may direct, a number of electors equal to 12 'whole number of Senators and Representatives

6

to which the State may be entitled in the C 'gress;" and that the act of Congress of Mart 1, 1792, passed before any election of Preside had been held under a new apportionment, gives construction to this clause of the Constitution E the following words: "Which electors (of Pres 'dent and Vice President) shall be equal to the number of Senators and Representatives to wh 'the several States may by law be entitled, at the 'time when the President and Vice President tha 'to be chosen should come into office." That the new apportionment under the first census wi effect from and after March 3, 1793, (act of 14 April, 1792;) and that accordingly in 1792. 1812, and in 1832, the States gave a number of electoral votes for President and Vice Preside equal to the number of their Senators and Rep sentatives, respectively, from and after Margi 1793, March 3, 1813, and March 3, 1833; and the act of 1850 having a similar proviso to tha 1792, so it must be in the next election nex: s that is, the States will vote under the new and nx under the old apportionments; that therefore the committee are of opinion that no further legs. tion is necessary, and report back the resolution. with an amendment changing it from a joint to simple resolution.

Mr. DOWNS. That report was unanimous concurred in by the committee; they considere the case so clear that there could be no doubt acce it. If, therefore, there is no objection on the part of the Senate, I would ask that it may be acted up and adopted at once. The only change which u committee have deemed it necessary to make the resolution, is to strike out the word "Jent, so as to make it a simple resolution of the Senate, which the committee thought proper, in order t avoid the forms of legislation which would be necessary in the case of a joint resolution, ard that they might adopt it in such a form as to express the opinion of the Senate only.

Mr. BORLAND. I desire simply to say, that

as the introducer of that resolution, I am entirely satisfied with the report of the committee. The making it a joint resolution, was not a matter which was material in my mind at the time I introduced it. I knew that there was a great difference of opinion in the country in regard to this matter, and I desired that the question should be settled by some authority, so that the States might proceed at once to exercise their franchises; and I did not think they could do it understandingly or effectually, without some such indication on the part of Congress of the opinions they entertained. I think that such a resolution, adopted by the Senate, would be all-sufficient for the purpose; and it is not necessary to carry it through all the forms of legislation as if it were a joint resolution.

Mr. DAVIS. If I understand the report of the committee, it is that the States are severally to vote under the representation they will have according to the census which has just been taken

that is the census of 1850.

Mr. DOWNS. Yes, sir.

Mr. DAVIS. I will ask the honorable Senator who introduced this resolution whether he is aware that it will introduce one rule into the House of Representatives and another into the College of Electors? The House of Representatives is elected under the old census; and if the question of the presidential election should come into the House, as it may under the provisions of the Constitution, then according to this the College of Electors would elect under one census and the House of Representatives under another. The College of Electors would act under the census of 1850, and the House of Representatives would be elected under the census of 1840. I do not know that that is the true and proper construction of the Constitution, but probably the honorable Senator may be right when he says that such has been the usage. I do no know that the usages in this instance would bring us to that conclusion. When the House does elect, it elects under a representation apportioned under a different census.

Mr. DOWNS. The question suggested by the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. DAVIS] was considered by the committee, but we did not think that it made any difference whatever. There is no provision in the Constitution, or in the act of 1792, providing that the House of Representatives under the old census should, in the event of the election devolving on them, vote for the President, but it arises from the very necessity of the case. It could not be otherwise, for this reason: Always when the votes are counted, the Constitution requires that Congress shall be in session. It must, therefore, necessarily be the old Congress under the old apportionment, for the new Congress under the new apportionment hot meet until the 3d of March next. The old Congress will be in ex

istence here when the votes are counted. As the Senator suggests, therefore, it makes not the least difference that the College of Electors may be under one apportionment and the House under another-for this reason: that when the election falls on the House of Representatives, the Electoral College does not vote according to the number of Senators and Representatives, but by States. This was a construction so obviously resulting from the nature of the case, that it was not thought necessary, either in the Convention or afterwards by Congress, to make any additional provision. It would be impossible to say that the next Congress should make the apportionment, for many of the members themselves would not be elected till months afterwards.

The question was then taken on the amendment reported by the committee, and it was agreed to. Mr. BRADBURY. I desire to say that when this subject was before the Committee on the Judiciary, they regarded the construction given by the act of 1792 to the Constitution as entitled to great consideration. Most that was urged before the committee, was that the expression in the Constitution in regard to this matter was not very clear; but it was so soon after the adoption of the Constitution that Congress gave this construction, by that act, that the committee were bound to respect that construction.

The question was then taken on the resolution as amended, and it was agreed to, as follows:

Resolved, That the number of electoral votes to which each State shall be entitled in the election of President and Vice President of the United States in 1852, shall be equal to the number of Senators and Representatives to which

each of said States will be found entitled by the apportionment under the enumeration of 1850, as provided by the act for "taking the Seventh and subsequent Censuses," approved May 23, 1850.

On the motion of Mr. DOWNS, the report was ordered to be printed.

RIVER SAN DIEGO.

Mr. GWIN, from the Committee on Naval Affairs, to which was referred the resolution relative to building a levee across the mouth of the river San Diego, reported a bill to provide for building a levee across the mouth of the river San Diego to divert it into False bay; which was read and passed to the second reading.

He also submitted a document on the subject; which was ordered to be printed.

RAILROADS IN IOWA.

The PRESIDENT announced the first general order to be a bill granting the right of way and making a grant of land to the State of Iowa, in aid of the construction of certain railroads in that Statė.

Mr. GWIN. I see that yesterday, when the honorable Senator from New York [Mr. SEWARD] closed his remarks, there was an understanding on the part of the Senate that this Iowa bill is to occupy the balance of this week, and unfil Tuesday of next week; and then we are to have taken up the intervention resolutions, which were debated yesterday, which will occupy an indefinite period of time. I appeal to the representatives of thirty of the States of this Union whether they are willing to let the Calendar, which has some two hundred bills upon it, be passed over from week to week for the purpose of discussing a sub

Mr. GWIN. I ask the unanimous consent of the Senate to consider this bill now. One of the greatest objections to the passage of laws for California-the expenses attending public works inject in which only one State is interested, and then that State-does not apply to this bill. The ex- discuss general resolutions in which no State is penditure is limited to $30,000, which is to be interested? Now, I propose that we dispose of expended in turning the San Diego river into False this bill to-day, and then let gentlemen who desire bay, and thus prevent the filling up of San Diego to speak upon land bills do so when another bill bay by deposits from this river, which will in time shall come up for consideration. This will give destroy the greater portion of that beautiful har- every member who wishes to speak upon the subbor. The Secretary of the Navy is restricted inject an opportunity to do so; and I will guaranty contracting for this work to the amount appropri- there will be land bills enough, for I have one of a different sort to propose. We have been discussing this matter for two months; and, as I have before remarked, there are upwards of two hundred bills upon our Calendar, which have scarcely been touched yet. We can do nothing till this bill is disposed of, and I appeal to the Senate to let us have a vote upon it to-day.

ated in the bill for the reason that it is sufficient to complete it. Responsible citizens of San Diego have pledged themselves to me to turn the river into False bay for this sum of money; and I know it can be completed for the amount named. I have a report from the Topographical Bureau that shows the importance of this work, and that it should be commenced without delay to prevent the destruction of the harbor. This is one of the most beautiful harbors in the world, and of incalculable importance to this country in time of war. It has already been greatly injured by the deposits from San Diego river; and two thirds of its navigable waters will in time be entirely cut off from the ocean if further deposits made by the river are not stopped. I take it for granted that this Government will never permit this important harbor to be thus closed, and hereafter hundreds of thousands of dollars may be required to dredge it out and remove the very deposit that this bill is intended to prevent entering it at all, by throwing the waters of the river into False bay, a sheet of water useless for naval or commercial purposes.

Mr. CLEMENS. I wish to know what is the object of the second reading at this time, whether it is for the purpose of reference?

Mr. GWIN. It is reported now from the Committee on Naval Affairs.

The PRESIDENT. The object is that the Senate may take action upon the bill.

Mr. CLEMENS. Then I object.

Mr. GWIN. This bill was reported unanimously by the committee, and I hope the Senate will proceed to its consideration now.

The PRESIDENT. If the Senator from Alabama objects; the bill cannot be taken up at this time.

NOTICE OF A BILL.

Mr. GEYER gave notice that he should ask leave to introduce a bill to provide for the payment to the State of Missouri two per centum of the net proceeds of the sales of public lands therein, heretofore reserved under a compact with said State..

BILL INTRODUCED.

Mr. MORTON, on behalf of Mr. MALLORY, agreeably to previous notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill to establish a mail route from Key West, Florida, to New Orleans, Louisiana; which was read a first and second time by its title, and referred to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads.

THE ZUNI AND COLORADO RIVERS.

Mr. GWIN submitted the following resolution for consideration; which was agreed to: Resolved, That the Secretary of the Department of War submit to the Senate, as soon as practicable, a copy of the report of the expedition under Captain Sitgreaves, of the Corps of Topographical Engineers, upon the Zuni and the Colorado rivers of California.

PORT OF ENTRY AT TUSCUMBIA.

Mr. CLEMENS submitted the following resolution for consideration; which was agreed to: Resolved, That the Committee on Commerce be instructed to inquire into the expediency of establishing a port of entry at Tuscumbia, Alabama.

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The PRESIDENT. The question is on the amendment offered by the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. UNDERWOOD.]

Mr. BORLAND. When this bill was under

discussion on Monday, I gave notice that I should express my views upon it to-day. I concur fully and entirely with the Senator from California that it is important to have a vote taken upon this bill at an early period-to-day, if it can be done; and, to show that am in earnest in that concurrence, I now submit to the Senate that it would be better to take the vote this morning. I presume that all the members of the Senate are prepared to vote upon it rather than to hear what I have to say.

Mr. BRODHEAD. No, no; the question cannot be taken to-day.

Mr. BORLAND. If that can be done, I would prefer it. I would prefer it on account of the interests of the bill itself; I would prefer it, too, on my own account, because, since the notice which I gave of my intention to address the Senate, I have not had time to prepare myself in the way I would like; and would be glad, for both of these reasons, if the vote could now be taken, and my speech be dispensed with. But if it is the wish of other Senators to speak upon the subject, then I shall have to go on.

Mr. BELL. You cannot get a vote now; there is no Senate here.

Mr. GWIN. Senators are all in the neighborhood, and can soon be brought in.

Mr. BELL. I understand that there is a new proposition, which has been submitted by the Senator from Virginia, [Mr. HUNTER.] So I see by the papers this morning-a proposition, as I understand it, by way of an amendment. That proposition will deserve some consideration, whether it may not meet with the views of a majority of the Senate, and change the whole features of the principle of this bill

Mr. JONES, of Iowa. It is not at all meant as a substitute for this bill.

Mr. BELL. I understand it proposes a mode of getting clear of all the grounds on which arguments have been made in favor of this bill; and, if it is acceptable, it will relieve the Senate from further discussion. But as that bill has not yet been printed and laid upon our tables, I think we ought at least to have a little time for its consideration before a vote is taken upon the bill now under consideration.

Mr. GWIN. Then let it be understood that to-morrow we will take the vote upon this bill. Surely, we ought to make some disposition of it immediately, for there are fifty other bills on the subject of granting public lands, upon which Senators can express their views.

Mr. BORLAND. Since there is objection to taking the vote upon this bill to-day, I suppose I

must proceed with my remarks, however unprepared I may be.

He then proceeded, and addressed the Senate upwards of two hours in support of the bill. A report of his speech will be found in the Appendix.

Mr. CASS next obtained the floor; but gave way at the request of Senators, and the further consideration of the bill was postponed until to

morrow.

The Senate then proceeded to the consideration of Executive business; and, after a short time so engaged, the doors were reopened, And the Senate adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

WEDNESDAY, March 10, 1852.

propriation for the Library. We all feel the want of it, and we had better make an appropriation at once, and let the men go to work. We ought also to appropriate the necessary money to continue the work on the extension of the Capitol, if that work is to go on. Why not let it progress, and thus provide employment for the laborers who have been induced to come here under an implied assurance of continuous employment?

Mr. HOUSTON. The gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. CLINGMAN] objected yesterday to taking up the deficiency bill, when the drafts of the Government are being protested and dishonored; and when the cost of the Government for the provisions necessary to supply the Army are in consequence greatly increased. I think it is of much more importance to transact that sort of legislation, than to take up the bill for the exten

The House met at twelve o'clock, m. Prayer sion of the Capitol. by the Rev. C. M. BUTLER.

The Journal of yesterday was read and approved. Mr. MOORE, of Louisiana, by unanimous consent, presented certain joint resolutions of the Legislature of Louisiana; which were referred to the Committee on Military Affairs, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. HARRIS, of Tennessee. I ask the unanimous consent of the House to print the amendment which I offered yesterday, as an amendment to the substitute proposed by the gentleman from Mississippi, [Mr. BROWN,] for the bill of my colleague, [Mr. JOHNSON.] I will state to the House that my amendment proposes to graduate the price of public lands. I desire that it should be printed, that it may go before the Committee of the Whole, when they take up that measure for action upon it. There being no objection, the motion was admitted and agreed to.

BILLS INTRoduced.

Mr. LANE, by unanimous consent, introduced the following bills, of which previous notice had been given, which were read the first and second time by their titles, and referred as indicated below, viz:

A bill for the relief of George B. Abernethy. Referred to the Committee of Claims.

A bill for the relief of J. P. Gaines. Referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

A bill for the relief of C. M. Walker. Referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

A bill to amend an act entitled "An act to create the office of Surveyor General of the Public Lands in Oregon, and to provide for the survey, and to make donations to the settlers of the said public lands. Referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

A bill to amend the act entitled "An act establishing the territorial government of Oregon. Referred to the Committee on Territories.

Also, a joint resolution relative to the seat of government for the Territory of Oregon. Referred to the Committee on Territories.

Mr. LANE. I also beg leave to introduce a simple resolution asking information of the President.

The resolution was then read for information, as follows:

Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to lay before this House a copy of the correspondence with General J. P. Gaines, Governor of the Territory of Oregon, relative to the location and establishment of the seat of government for said Territory.

Mr. CLINGMAN. I do not object to the gentleman's resolution, but I wish to ask himMr. HOUSTON.

of business.

The SPEAKER.

olution is objected to.

I call for the regular order

The introduction of the resThe regular business in order, is the call upon committees for reports.

THE EXTENSION OF THE CAPITOL. Mr. CLINGMAN. I have a right to move a suspension of the rules, to go into Committee of the Whole upon the special order. I shall not do it unless gentlemen are willing upon all sides to take up those special orders made for to-day, being the bills for the continuation of the work on the

Capitol, and in relation to the reconstruction of the Library. I am willing, if there be no objection, and if my friend from Tennessee [Mr. JOHNSON] is willing that his land bill should go over, to take up those two bills, which will occupy but little time. We ought certainly to make an ap

Mr. KING, of New York. I call the gentle

man to order.

The SPEAKER. This conversation is not in order.

Mr. CLINGMAN. Do I understand the gentleman from Alabama as objecting to my motion? Mr. KING. It is no matter whether he does or not, the motion is in order.

Mr. CLINGMAN. I move to suspend the rules, and go into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

GENERAL JESUP.

Mr. MACE. I made a few remarks the other day upon the bill for the relief of the heirs of General Watson, growing out of an alleged claim he had against the Government, on account of the purchase which he made of certain slaves captured by the Cherokees in the Seminole war. During these remarks, I incidentally alluded to the capture of Osceola

Mr. CLINGMAN. I insist that it is not a question of privilege.

Mr. MACE. I will let the gentleman know it is a question of privilege.

Mr. CLINGMAN. I beg pardon.

Mr. MACE. During these remarks I cast, by implication, a censure upon one of the most meritorious officers now, or who has been, in the Army of the United States. I allude to General Jesup. General Jesup was the commanding officer atMr.CLINGMAN. I think it is clear that this is no privileged question-one that is acknowledged by the rules-and can only come in by general

consent.

The SPEAKER. The Chair must enforce the rules, and say to the gentleman from Indiana, [Mr. MACE,] that he does not regard the point he has made as involved in a question of privilege. The question pending is to suspend the rules. Mr. MACE. Is there any objection to my proceeding?

Mr. CLINGMAN. There is. Let the gentleman reply through the papers.

Mr. MACE. I will simply say that I did not intend to do General Jesup, upon that occasion, any injustice whatever. I consider him a highminded, liberal man-a man deserving the confidence of the whole country

[Cries of "Order!" "Order!"]

THE EXTENSION OF THE CAPITOL.

Mr. STANTON, of Kentucky. I suggest to the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. CLINGMAN,] before he submits his motion to go into Committee of the Whole, that we can take a shorter method to facilitate the object and dispose of this

matter.

Mr. KING, of New York. I rise to a question of order. I think this discussion in relation to priority of business is not in order.

The SPEAKER. The Chair does not understand the gentleman from Kentucky as discussing anything.

Mr. STANTON. I ask the gentleman from North Carolina to withdraw his proposition to go into committee, and permit me to introduce a resolution to this effect: that the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union be discharged from the further consideration of the special order in reference to the repairs at the Capitol. It can then come before the House.

Mr. CLINGMAN. It can only come in by general consent. I will not object, if nobody else objects.

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Mr. FICKLIN. It is useless to do so, because I shall certainly object.

Mr. HOUSTON. The gentleman from Illinois [Mr. FICKLIN] did not probably understand the motion. I understand the motion to apply to the Library, and not to the extension. Mr. CLINGMAN. To both.

Mr. HOUSTON. With the view of letting it be passed, I will not interpose the least objection. Mr. CLINGMAN. I will not interpose any objection.

Mr. STANTON. I move, then, that the Com mittee of the Whole on the state of the Union be discharged from the further consideration of that part of the special order relating to the reconstruetion of the Library, and that it be now considered by the House.

Mr. ORR. Do I understand the gentleman's motion as including the bill to provide for making appropriations for the Library?

The SPEAKER. That is the bill from the consideration of which the gentleman proposes to discharge the committee.

Mr. ORR. I object to the introduction of the resolution. I am willing that the other matter shall come up.

Mr. CLINGMAN. Irenew my motion to sus pend the rules of the House, and that the House resolve itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, upon the special order. The question was then taken, and it was agreed to accordingly.

HOMESTEAD BILL.

The House resolved itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. HIBBARD in the Chair,) and resumed the consideration of the special order, being House bill No. 7, for the encouragement of agriculture, manufactures, and other branches of industry, by granting to every man, &c., one hundred and sixty acres of land.

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Illi nois [Mr. RICHARDSON] is entitled to the floor.

Mr. RICHARDSON said: During the brief period I have served as a member of Congress, I have never, upon any occasion, arisen to address the House with so much regret as I do upon the present occasion. I shall not allude to the question which is involved in the bill under consideration. The Democratic party of the State of Illinois de mands of some of her representatives, when her favorite son has been assailed upon this floor, to repel the charges made against him, whether made directly or indirectly.at Democracy have some right to be heard." all times past-in all the disasters that have beset the Democratic partywhether weal or woe has attended it-the Democracy of my State have ever stood forth, and have never given way in the darkest hour of battle. For fifteen years, no son of her's has contributed so much to produce these results as my distin guished friend, Judge DOUGLAS. In behalf of that Democracy-in behalf of that leader who has led them on in so many contests, and to victory-l appear here to-day.

Sir, it is not remarkable that the Democrats of Illinois should be attached to Judge DOUGLAS. Twenty years ago, he came among them a friendless and penniless young mechanic. Unaided by anything, except by his own talents, he has risen to the position he now so ably fills—at all times struggling, at all times battling for the doctrines which have been, and are, near and dear to Democrats. Is it, then, remarkable that that Democracy should be attached to him? Is it remarkable that they should expect his successor upon this floor, when by imputation his fair fame is sought to be sullied, to defend him?

Sir, the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. BRECKINRIDGE,] in his allusions the other day, drew, in glowing and eloquent colors, pictures of the strug gles of the Democracy of his own State. Sir, it s true that that Democracy have struggled and have not been unmindful of the exertions of her have fought; and the Democracy of this nation leaders. On more occasions than one, the De

mocracy of my State have aided her sons in their aspirations, both to secure nominations and then elections. That distinguished son of Kentucky. Colonel Johnson-distinguished for his long ser vice here, and for his valor on the field-had no

where more zealous or ardent friends than that Democracy which was led by the Senator from my own State. The gentleman who was defended the other day by the gentleman from Kentucky, General Butler, has found in that Democracy warm and reliable friends, both before and after his nomination for the Vice-Presidency. We have not been unmindful of them, while we have looked with hope and expectation that the clouds that lowered over them were soon to pass away. And when, in the recent struggle, her Democracy came out victorious, no son of hers anywhere rejoiced more than I did. I had hoped and trusted that the time was come when that Democracy were permanently in the ascendency.

movement or stimulated it. I spoke of it as a fact-
a fact proceeding from a particular friend, and par-
ticular partisan of that distinguished Senator. 1
spoke of it in connection with other facts subse-
quently occurring; indeed, I would have to read my
whole speech, and comment on every portion of it,
in order to explain the connection. I gave the gen-
tleman an opportunity, as he had requested me to
do, to relieve Judge DOUGLAS. I told the gentle-
and others who came to converse with me
on this subject, that I intended in my speech to no-
tice the course of the Democratic Review, because
I thought that there was a wide distinction be-
tween the ordinary partisan papers of the day, and
a periodical of that kind professing to discuss only

man,

The gentleman requested me, when I came to that
part of my remarks, to afford him an opportunity
to make an explanation that would entirely dis-
connect Judge DOUGLAS from the Review in every
respect. I told him I would do so, and the reason
I mentioned Judge DOUGLAS at all was this: the
gentleman from Illinois was sitting beside me, and
when I got to the end of the first paragraph which
he has read, I turned to him in order that he
might make the disclaimer, according to the un-
derstanding between us; he remarked, sotto voce,
"you have said nothing yet which would authorize
me to rise," and I then mentioned Judge DOUGLAS
as the gentleman who seemed to be the particular
favorite of the conductors of the Review.

Mr. RICHARDSON. I do not propose to
catechise the gentleman from Kentucky. I have
stated that my object is to vindicate, not to assail;
and I intend to carry it out. I am glad to know
that the gentleman from Kentucky acquits Judge
DOUGLAS of all participation in that movement.

I am not here now, Mr. Chairman, for the pur-general principles, as it had done previously. pose of assailing anybody. It is not my habit to do so. I am not unwilling at any time to engage in contests and controversies with political opponents, but not with political friends. My object, my mission, as a representative in Congress, is peace; all of our missions should be peace among ourselves, if we believe that the doctrines we advocate will advance the great interests of our country, for unless we have peace, these doctrines cannot be in the ascendant. Sir, entertaining this belief, I was astonished the other day, when an assault was made by a Democrat from Kentucky upon a Democrat from Illinois. I am not here to follow the example then set me. I mean to confine myself to legitimate defense, and to defence only. I know that in these wars we might do some mischief to political friends. I do not choose to do 80. It is not my purpose to do so. It is not in accordance with my feelings-with my views. While I say this, I must be permitted to make another remark. Wherever and whenever any gentleman wishes to made any assault upon the Senator from Illinois, I desire that he may do it openly and boldly, that it may be met, admitted, explained, or denied. If any gentleman has anything to say in relation to him, I want to hear it. His record is as clean, as clear, as defensible, as that of any man who has been so long and so conspicuously in public life. His political and personal character, from childhood up, is open to the investigation of every one. If charges are to be made, I ask that they may be made publicly and openly. I am ready to discuss with any gentleman, anywhere, the claims, the merits, the political integrity, the personal integrity, honor, and high bearing, of the distinguished Senator from my own State. I seek to shield him from nothing. I ask no concealment in his behalf.

The gentleman from Kentucky, in his remarks the other day, said:

"Now, let me give a brief history of this matter. There was a gentleman, able, full of talent, full of activity, a particular partisan and friend-as he had a right to be-of a particular gentleman mentioned in connection with the Presidency; that gentleman went to the State of Kentucky upon a political pilgrimage last fall, the object of which was, I suppose, to drive General Butler from his own soilto dishonor him at home, by fastening upon him a corrupt political intrigue; but meeting there the same fate as befel those who went to drive the McGregor from his native heath, he came back and bought up the Democratic Review for a political partisan paper for the campaign, and with no names at the mast-head, that Review is now pursuing a course as fatal to the Democratic party, as it is false and unfair.

"Mr. Chairman, every man, whether he be a Whig or a Democrat, has a right to be a candidate for every officethat being one of the elements of freedom in this countryand no man ought to be blamed for the misconduct of his friends, unless he connives at it. The individuals assailed in this paper, either covertly or by name, are Cass, BuCHANAN, BUTLER, HOUSTON-in fact, all the candidates, except the distinguished Senator from Illinois, [Mr. DoudLAS, who seems to be a particular favorite.""

Now, I wish to ask the gentleman from Kentucky if he intends that it shall be inferred from his remarks, that this pilgrimage was had by the advice, procurement, or consent of Judge DouGLAS?

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE. I do not know whether the gentleman from Illinois proposes to ask me a series of questions in the course of his speech. If he does, I desire to say now that the gentleman may go on with his speech, draw whatever inferences he chooses from my remarks as here reported, and, as the matter will assume somewhat the form of a personal explanation, I will afterwards ask, what I believe is the ordinary courtesy of the House, the favor of making an explanation in reply. I will say, however, in direct reply to this question, that I did not intend to intimate that Judge DOUGLAS was cognizant of that

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE, (interrupting.) I have stated distinctly that I made no charge, either that Judge DOUGLAS was cognizant of, or stimulated the political pilgrimage to Kentucky, to which I referred. That was what I stated.

Mr. RICHARDSON. I understand the gentleman's acquittal of Judge DOUGLAS to be only in relation to that pilgrimage.

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE. I make no charges and no acquittals. I make a statement of facts, that are facts; and I afforded the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. RICHARDSON] an opportuity to explain. He arose and explained. There is my speech; there is his explanation. He deems it unsatisfactory and rises now to explain still further. I make no charges, I acquit nobody, I charge nobody. It is in the hands of the gentleman from Illinois.

Mr. RICHARDSON. There is no desire upon my part to bring about any controversy between the gentleman from Kentucky and myself. I have stated distinctly what my object was, and I will state to the gentleman from Kentucky, in the utmost candor, and utmost frankness, that it is not at all times the most advantageous way to say I directly charge a thing. Now, I would rather they would say I charge you with such and such things, than to say by inuendo, by insinuation, what they are not willing to say directly. Now, sir, I want to say in reply to this matter-and I say it here by authority-that so far as this pilgrimage is concerned, of which the gentleman speaks, Judge DOUGLAS knew nothing about it, assented to it in no way, nor did he connive at it in any way. The gentleman says he acquits of nothing, because he charges nothing. The extract which I have read does subject Judge DougLAS to the imputation of aiding and procuring this pilgrimage to be made, and the purchase of the Review. This is a charge. When an opportunity is afforded the gentleman to relieve Judge DougLAS from those charges, if they were not intended to be made by him, his disavowal of them would have been sufficient. It was all I asked, all I wanted, all I desired.

Sir, has it come to this, that a gentleman, a native of Kentucky, cannot return to visit the land of his nativity-the scenes of his childhood-to visit his father, without subjecting the man he may prefer for President to the charge of sending him upon a political mission. I submit it to all fair and candid men, is it fair to put such a construction upon such an act? I am in the habit, sometimes, of going to Kentucky, the State that contains many objects near and dear to me. My mother resides there, and I go to see her. I am a friend of Judge DOUGLAS, and when I have been

there I have talked about him; but I have talked more about Democracy than I have about men; and I regret to say that many of my friends and relatives there need a great deal of talking to, for they are not exactly right upon all these matters, and I should dislike to go to Kentucky if all my friends are to be responsible for any indiscretion I may commit when I am there.

The gentleman says, that after Sanders visited Kentucky, he returned to New York and purchased the Democratic Review, to carry out the objects he had failed to accomplish in this pilgrimage to Kentucky. I will repeat what I said the other day:

"I wish to say, in connection with the remarks 'which have been made by the gentleman from Kentucky, that, so far as Judge DOUGLAS is con'cerned, he has no interest in, and no control over, 'the Democratic Review. He is not responsible 'for anything that has appeared in its columns, or 'that may appear, unless it be over his own sig

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And I will add, that Judge DOUGLAS had no knowledge or intimation that the Review was purchased by Mr. Sanders, until he saw it stated in the New York papers, and never knew or suspected that Mr. Sanders intended to purchase it until he saw the notice of the purchase.

I must be permitted, Mr. Chairman, in connection with this matter, to say, that no man regretted the appearance of the article in the January number, entitled " '52 and the Presidency," more than I did. Yet, sir, I do not know of any power in this country, that can control the press. I know of no power competent to do it. Wherever upon earth the liberty of the press has been overthrown, the liberty of its citizens has gone with it. An Executive decree in France muzzles the press, and there it could not be done till every vestige of liberty had been placed beneath the feet of Louis Napoleon. Does any man in this country want a censorship over the freedom of the press? Its excesses can only be restrained by an enlightened public opinion. They should be condemned. I am not here to apologize for the Democratic Re view, or for its indiscretion. I am here to condemn them do condemn them; but I know of no power to establish a censorship over the press by which you can control it. God forbid that the day shall ever come upon this country when the press is to be trampled under foot, or its liberty restrained. When it does come, that proud emblem of your liberties will plume her wing and take her flight

forever.

When I have made the statement, Mr. Chairman, that Judge DOUGLAS had no interest in or control over the Democratic Review, I have said all that can be required by any just man-by anybody-to acquit him of all responsibility for anything that may have appeared, or may appear in its columns. It is most remarkable, most wonderful that such sensitiveness should be exhibited upon this point. Why, has it never occurred to the gentleman, that there is a paper in this city, an organ of our party, looked to as such, which has attacked Judge DOUGLAS, though not by name? No friend of his has made defense here or elsewhere, or complained that it was done; and no man would for a moment hold the gentleman that is favored by that paper responsible for the attack. Presses all over the country attack every candidate but their own favorite-attack them personally; it is all right and proper, but whenever a public press, friendly to Judge DOUGLAS, commits an error or a fault, they seek to fix it upon him, they hold him responsible for it, and let all the balance go scotfree. I submit if you are dealing fairly, if you are dealing manly by your own political friends? Is it the manner in which you and I would act towards one another?

But I will proceed in the line that I laid down for these remarks. After the appearance of the January number of the Democratic Review containing the article entitled "'52 and the Presidency," Judge DOUGLAS called upon a number of gentlemen, sup

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