gentlemen go beyond that, I meet them. 1 know
how gentlemen came here with prejudice on their
minds-I know the misrepresentations that have
gone through this nation in regard to my senti-
ments, and the sentiments of those who advocate

that point. Let us repeal your laws involving us
in the support of slavery.

The Congress of the United States never had
the privilege or constitutional authority to involve
the people of the North in the maintenance of
slavery, or of your slave trade. I say to you, one
and all, members of this body, that where you at-
tempt to involve us in the crimes and iniquities of
that institution, or of the slave trade, you can never
settle this question-you might as easily unsettle
the eternal, enduring principles of justice, or tear
Deity from his throne, as to settle this question
while the freemen of the North are involved in the
crimes of this slave trade.

State to effect this object. I go with every man
in this Hall who has spoken upon this subject to
effect this repeal, and thereby prevent agitation.
I go with the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. MUR-
PHY,] when he said we had no authority to carry
slavery where it is not. He then, sir, spoke truth.
I agree with him, although he is a Democrat and
a slaveholder-no, I believe he is a Democratic
Union man. But the truth is this: When we
come to this work gentlemen retreat from their
positions. It is the only subject on which we are
authorized, under the Constitution, to legislate
concerning slavery. On that subject we possess
powers to legislate to a certain extent.

We can prohibit Northern men from preventing you from the capture of your slaves, and that far I am willing to go with you; rather, I would say, there is no constitutional objection to that. That is my doctrine. We have no constitutional objection to fixing a penalty upon any man who shall interfere to prevent the slaveholder from arresting and returning his fugitive slaves. But there I stop. The State of New Jersey, by her Legislature, may proclaim that it is our duty to take upon ourselves the appointment of officers of commissioners to run after and seize your slaves for you, but I deny that position altogether. We have no constitutional authority thus to degrade Northern men. Let me say to Southern men, It But here we stand, and why? Look at the slave is your privilege to catch your own slaves, if any trade in this District-at your slave prisons in this one catches them. It is not our duty to play the District, sustained by laws of Congress, by which blood-hound for you. It is your duty to meet fathers, mothers, brothers and sisters, are now sigh- the expense of it, and not ours. We will not ing, weeping in chains, and the Legislature of New tax our constituents, our laboring men, to defray Jersey sends up resolutions that we shall remain the expense of chasing down and securing your involved in this transcendent iniquity, and sustain fugitives. Catch them yourselves. You have a this market in human flesh, and authorize the sale constitutional right to do it; but we will not turn of fathers and mothers in this city by act of Con- out and play the blood-hound for you. When you gress; that your Southern coastwise slave trade ask us to pay the expense of arresting your shall continue, and the flag of the United States slaves, or to give the President authority to ap shall be prostituted to maintain and protect a com- point officers to do that dirty work, give them merce in the bodies of men and of women; that power to compel our people to give chase to the the American stars and stripes shall float over car- panting bondman, you overstep the bounds of goes of mothers, fathers, and children, by virtue the Constitution; and there we meet you, and of an act of Congress, and yet say we shall remain there we stand. And there we shall remain. We silent upon the subject. I will take this occasion shall protest against such indignity; we shall proto say, that I have prepared a bill, of which I gave claim our abhorrence of such a law. Nor can notice early in the session, to repeal the 9th and 10th you seal our lips, or silence our voices. Do sections of the law of 1801, which constituted and you believe that Northern men are ready and wilestablished this coastwise slave trade. We do ling to surrender their self-respect, their dignity, not ask to interfere with it. We ask to wipe it and pay the expenses of giving chase to your from the statute-book, and leave your slave trade fugitive slaves? If so, let me tell you that there where we found it, with the people of the slave is a sentiment now passing through the whole States themselves. Why, sir, the Legislature of North, and through the whole Union, that will set New Jersey asks us to be quiet-to regard their your calculations at defiance. You cannot quiet compromise measures as a final settlement of the it. Like Banquo's ghost, it will not down at your slave question. Do they wish their constituents bidding. Sir, the popular sentiment of this naand themselves to continue involved in the enormi- tion hurls defiance at this weak and effeminate ties of that traffic in mankind? I would like to body, when it undertakes to tell the people that hear gentlemen meet these points, not to evade, they shall surrender their consciences at your biddodge, or cover them up, but to meet these ques-ding, and engage in the vile work of seizing their tions in a frank, open manner, like men-like statesmen. Here are the statutes.

upon the question to which I call their attention.
I wish to say to the House and the country, that
I, for one, am one of those now present who pro-
fess to be Free-Soilers. We are ready now, and
at all times, to discuss the questions of the compro-
mise, as they shall come legitimately before us. This Northern rights. Slaveholders, Southern men,
determination upon my part was avowed upon the Northern men, men of all parties have read our
first day of the session. I had hoped that we sentiments, distorted, misrepresented, and falsified,
should have had the privilege of going into a dis- and it becomes necessary at every new session of
cussion of the President's message, and there lay- Congress, that we should avow our doctrines. I
ing our views before the country, to whom we do so now to Southern men; and I assure gentle-
are bound to address ourselves upon this and every men from the South, that if they come up to the
other important question. Let me say to the work and stand by the Constitution, we will meet
House, without intending any disrespect to mem- them upon its very line, and will stand with them
hers here, that, instead of adjourning and spend-shoulder to shoulder, and we will act as friends on
ing something like five weeks of our session, had
we come here and laid our views, in a statesman-
like manner, before the country and before this
body, we should have improved ourselves in states-
manship, and we should now have the respect of
the people. We should have respected ourselves
better than we now do, having spent so much of
our time in idleness. That time has gone by, and
we cannot now recall it. And now, when business
presses, we shall see gentlemen rising upon this
floor and avowing their sentiments upon important
questions, which should have long since been dis-
cussed upon the President's message. The reso-
lutions from the respected State of New Jersey
are before us, and what is the position in which
they place us all? Already the people of New
Jersey, through their Legislature, are avowing
their sentiments in favor of these compromise
measuses, while we, the representatives of the
people of this nation in Congress assembled, are
not permitted to speak on the subject, or to mani-
fest our views, or our intentions, in regard to these
measures. These are called compromise measures,
by which the great question of slavery is to be
silenced forever. I would say to the Legislature
of New Jersey, Send your resolutions to the other
branch of Congress. Send them, where almost from
the first day of our present session down to the
present, the agitation has been going on upon this
very question of suppressing agitation-of silencing
discussion upon slavery. That State is sending to
us their determination of maintaining silence upon
this question, while they proclaim to the world
their intention to uphold the fugitive law, and
the slave trade in this District, and on our south-
ern coast. Far be it from me to object to the
printing of these resolutions. The Legislature of
New Jersey is certainly entitled to our respect,
and so are all other Legislatures. What I protest
against, is this side-bar manner, this insidious
mode of arguing questions from Legislatures, and
from people of different States, while we ourselves
hermetically close our own lips upon the question.
I will not do it for one. They speak in favor of
the fugitive slave law; and let me say here, that
with these resolutions I agree most heartily, so far
as they go for maintaining the Constitution of the
United States. I stand with them in that respect.
And I am the last man to flinch from this position.
Would to God that that State, by her representa-
tives upon this floor, would sustain the Constitu-
tion. When I say that, I say what you know well
to be my sentiments; and they are, that this body
has nothing to do with this question of slavery in
the States-that every attempt upon the part of
this Government to involve us in a discussion of
this question is now, ever has been, and ever
will be, a violation of our constitutional rights.
Hands off! Non-intervention! Keep your slavery
to yourselves! is the motto of the advocates of
freedom from the North. It is your business-it
is your institution, with all its curse, shame, and
iniquity, or its glory, whatever you call it. It is
your business and not ours. Involve us not in
it-keep it to yourselves-maintain it; but do not
involve the freemen of my State, or of the free
States, in it. I will take this occasion to repeat
what I have often said upon this floor, that in one
instance, and but one, under the Constitution of
the United States, are we authorized to legislate
upon the question of slavery, and that is the ques-
tion for the recapture of fugitive slaves; and
upon that question I am willing to give to the
South everything that the framers of the Consti-
tution gave them at the time of its formation, or
rather, I shall urge no constitutional objection to
such legislation. But when I have done that, I
then take my stand; I move no further. Thus far
slavery, with its proud waves, may come; but when

Now, when I come to offer my bill, which I in-
tend doing, I want to know how many of these
men, from the North and from the South, will
vote to separate the North from the support of
that coastwise slave trade? Let the representa-
tives of New Jersey say, as stated in the resolu-
tions before us, that we have no power over it;
that we never had power over it-and I shall agree
with them. I desire now to address one word to
the slaveholding portion of this House. When I
shall present this bill, it will give a fair opportu-
nity for gentlemen to meet with us here and test
this question, and settle it forever by washing our
hands of it. I expect there will be a mighty
"coming down stairs" about that time. But I
desire to unite with the slaveholding portion of
this body-for there is some generosity with them,
at least they have boldness-and we will smoke
out these dough-faces, and drive them from under
the bush! [Laughter.] Now, I repeat to South-
ern men, that I look to them with confidence,
that they will meet us upon the question fairly,
and come up to the work, and permit me to intro-
duce my bill to repeal that law. Let it be under-
stood, I repeat, that there is nothing in that bill

which seeks to interfere. It is to cease all inter-
ference and repeal the law; not to pass a new law,
but to prevent future agitation, to leave all inter-
ference with the slave trade, and leave it with the
South, where it belongs. This, I believe, is what
New Jersey wants. I go with the people of that

fellow-man, and dragging him to bondage and oppression.

I had no intention, when I rose, of saying more thar. to enter my protest against the manner of interfering here on all sides of this question except upon that of freedom, and that while we, the representatives of the North, remain silent, the States, through their Legislatures, should be permitted to argue this question, and send their arguments to the people. Having uttered my protest on that point, I will resume my seat.

Mr. STANLY. The gentleman from Ohio has given the House some advice as to how we are to improve our statesmanship. If I understand him correctly, he lectures us for adjourning over from Fridays till Mondays instead of staying here to listen to the disquisitions which he is in the habit of pouring out, whenever he gets the floor, upon one subject, with a view to improve our statesmanship. Now, how long is it since the gentleman became so industrious that be undertakes to lecture this House about improving our statesmanship? Let the dinner-bell ring, and the first gentleman that leaves this Hall to go home and appease his appetite, to the neglect of the business of the country, is the gentleman from Ohio. He is as punctual in that respect as any steam-whistle in a factory in the city, or as any bell in town. Who left Congress at the last long session before he had performed his public duties here, and went off home after he had poured out all he had to say upon the subject of slavery, leaving everything in disorder, so far as the nation was concerned, and

Is there a Whig, or a Democrat, or a doughface, who was in the last Congress, who can tell for what-" cui bono"-we remained here for those seven months? As I said before, my voice was to labor, to act, to legislate, to do our business, and go home. And now I come right home Mr. GIDDINGS, (interrupting.) So far as re- to the point-will the gentleman meet it? Ought gards my dinner hour-whether I go to my dinner we not to have done as I state? Ought we not to at one, two, or three o'clock-the gentleman re- have given the people a harbor bill, instead of wastgards it as important to the country. He, sir,ing our time? Ought we not to have disposed of may regard it as the most tremendous subject on the Califormia question in at most three weeks, which he has been called to comment in the course instead of being seven months about it? and then of his statesmanship. I shall only reply by say- passed the harbor bill in another week? Ought ing, that I dine at such hours as suits my mind. I not the gentleman himself to have aided in doing had not consulted the gentleman. I am in the this, and then gone home at least two or three habit of dining regularly and laboring regularly, months before he did, instead of attacking me for unless business prohibits. I had not regarded it going so early? Let the people answer this quesas my duty to consult any one as to my hours of tion. Why, I believe opinions are given very eating. freely here. At home I have to pay for them; but here I give them for nothing. I believe the country would have been under deep obligations to the gentleman, and to the rest of the House, if they had left when I did. I believe it would have been better for the country if we had transacted our business and returned home to our constitu

me to follow him down to the point of ribaldry to which he has descended upon this occasion.

Mr. G., (turning to several gentlemen standing near Mr. STANLY.) I protest against the dough faces crowding around the gentleman from North Carolina, to supply him with matter with which to assail me. I tell them it is too small business for

men.

Mr. STANLY. That's true. It is a mighty small business. [Laughter.]

Mr. GIDDINGS. This is not a free fight at all. It is between him and myself. I want them to give us a free fight-fair play upon both sides. A VOICE. You shall have that.

Mr. GIDDINGS. I say that the press-the servile press of the North-has chosen to arraign me, and charge upon me the responsibility of defeating that bill, not in this House, for I repeat that it passed this body, but because my influence was not sufficient to pass it through the Senate on the last days of the session. The gentleman from North Carolina consents to be their mouth-piece, to play the bully for them. He arraigns me for that, and tells the country that I did more than any other fifty men in the House to defeat the bill. I am glad that he has given me the opportunity for laying the truth in relation to this matter before the House and the country. Now, sir, how stands the fact? I make the assertion, that it was that gentleman and the Northern serviles in the House who would not permit us to come to a vote upon the California bill, who prevented us from getting through the bill for the improvement of rivers and harbors-who would not allow it to pass this House during the long session to which he refers, nor, indeed, in the last session, in time for it to pass the Senate during that Congress. There is the whole of it. And I say, the gentleman from North Carolina, and those with him who procured that seven months' delay of all business, are the men who are responsible for the loss of that bill, and of other measures which ought to have passed that Congress.

member of the last Congress will bear me witness
that I was ready to come to a vote upon that Cali-
fornia bill at all times, and that my course in this
respect made me an object of assault by certain
gentlemen from the Southern country. I intro-
duced a resolution to close debate upon that bill,
and tried to get it through at a much earlier period
than the honorable member from Ohio himself did.
I say, then, that if there is a single member upon
this floor who is exempt from this charge, I am
the man; for I tried my best to stop debate and get
this bill reported to the House. So I am safe
upon
that subject.

But the honorable gentleman talks about our
adjourning over from Friday to Monday. Now,
I want to know where the gentleman from Ohio
was during nearly a whole week of the present
session, when he was absent from the House? I
know where he was. He was in a Philadelphia
convention. He was embarking in the Kossuth
humbug. He was passing resolutions about Kos-
suth's influence upon the slavery questions in the
United States. But he was not assisting in the
discharge of the duties of this House.

Sir, we do not raise the overseer's lash over our slaves in North Carolina. If that man [pointing to Mr. GIDDINGS] were in the Southern country, Mr. Chairman, there is not a decent man amongst my constituents who would own such a fellow for a slave. He would be a "free nigger," and in less than three weeks would be tied to the whippingpost for stealing or slandering his neighbor. Now the honorable member says, if I say that he was at that convention, when certain resolutions were passed, then I misrepresent him-then I tell a falsehood. Yes, sir, and if I say he is a gentleman, I tell a falsehood; and if I say that these pillars are all made of chalk, I tell a falsehood; and if I say this white piece of paper is as black as the heart of the gentleman from Ohio, I tell a falsehood; but I have said no such thing. But, upon the point of being absent from public business, I charge him with being at Philadelphia in a convention where certain resolutions were passed; and that he made a speech at that convention. That I charged, and that only, and that he does not deny. But he gets Mr. GIDDINGS. The gentleman has, upon a over that by saying, that if I say what I did not former occasion, imputed to me a presence at a say, then I misrepresent. Now I not only charge meeting of Abolitionists in Philadelphia, when that, for the gentleman was not only at that concertain resolutions were passed there. The gen-vention, but he was at some public meeting in man is entirely mistaken. Those resolutions Montgomery county, in Pennsylvania, making were not passed at the meeting at which I spoke; speeches-at Norristown. He can go away and nor were any resolutions passed, save, perhaps, a attend two sessions, andformal vote of thanks to myself and others. The meeting to which the gentleman alludes was at another time and at another place.

Mr. GIDDINGS. Will the gentleman allow ine a moment?

Mr. STANLY. It is evident that no member of this House wants to hear him; but I will allow him to speak. [Laughter.]

Mr. STANLY, (interrupting.) The member was not only in the Philadelphia Convention that passed those resolutions, but he was there and made a speech. That he does not deny, although Mr. STANLY. The gentleman from Ohio he will deny anything when the proof is not at says it is a small business for anybody to come hand. He camiot deny that; and, by the way, bere and give hints to me in relation to himself. So there has beer no man who has had a controversy it is. I plead guilty to the accusation. It is not upon this floor with that honorable member who only a very small business, but rather worse than has not raised the issue of veracity with him—no that. It is the business of a scavenger to have any- man, whether from the North or South. Not thing to do with the honorable gentleman from one, that I remember. But, not only was he Ohio; and I feel as if I wanted to wash my hands present, but he made a speech. "The galled jade after I have got through with him. But I cannot winces again," (pointing at Mr. GIDDINGS.) help it. He is here, upon this floor, and thrusts him- Mr. GIDDINGS. Does the gentleman intend self upon us. He holds himself up to us as a light-to say that I was present at a meeting in Philaas a sort of censor morum of this House. Now, in all courtesy and in all decency I say that it is a small business for me. I do not know how I can descend any lower when I descend to attack the honorable member from Ohio.

A MEMBER. "Good!" "Good!"

Mr. STANLY. It is not good; it is very bad, and I wish somebody else would do it. But when he thrusts himself before the House in this manner, I have felt called upon to do it.

delphia when certain resolutions were agitated, or
that I knew they were agitated, or that I spoke in

reference to them?

Mr. STANLY. I say he was at a Philadelphia convention, and made a speech at that convention. Did he not?

Mr. GIDDINGS. If the gentleman intends to

sav

Mr. STANLY. I say nothing about his intent.
But I say what I have said.

Mr. GIDDINGS. That gentleman shall not
crack the overseer's lash in that way, to put me
down. I say, and I say unhesitatingly, that if he
intends to say that I was present, and knew of
such resolutions, or heard of them, or heard of
any agitation of them, at any meeting, he is mis-,
taken. If he intends, however, to be understood
as saying, that late in the day when I was in
Philadelphia, I walked into a convention there,
and when called upon responded in a few words,
he is right. Now, the gentleman may talk about
his question of veracity; but when he attempts, in
that offensive manner, to misrepresent, he need not
undertake to intimidate gentlemen from speaking
the truth, and doing so boldly.

The SPEAKER. Will the gentleman suspend his remarks a moment?

Mr. STANLY. Certainly. I ought to suspend that fellow by the neck, [pointing to Mr. GIDDINGS.]

[A message was here received from the President of the United States, by the hands of MnLARD P. FILLMORE, his Private Secretary.]

Mr. STANLY, (resuming.) The honorable gentleman from Ohio [Mr. GIDDINGS] not only indorsed, but threw the overseer's lash over the whole South. But let any gentleman from the North, no matter how high his character, deviate at all in voting from what the gentlcuñan thinks is right, and that moment he is assailed as a doughface. Let any Southern Democrat vote for any one of these compromise acts, he is a dough-face. Let any Northern patriot vote for any one of them, and at once he becomes a dough-face, and is as sailed by the member from Ohio. Sir, he is in the habit of lecturing this House, and he has done so two or three times this session, while I charge him with neglecting his business and running away; and when he is here, with throwing constant impediments in the way of the transaction of the public business.

I regret that I have been led to say a word about this matter. I did not intend to do so. I have departed from the course of conduct I had prescribed to myself towards that member. But his own insolence has caused me this morning to forget it. When there was no matter of that sort before the House, he has got up and poured out his abuse upon the whole House and upon the whole Southern country. In a moment of excite ment, I was induced to get up and remind him of his misdeeds, when he arose and insolently stated that what I said was false. He has thrown the first stone; he has begun this business; and, disregarding all propriety, has provoked what he has got, and let him take the consequences and bear the blame-though he is to blame enough to sink a navy, and odium enough to disgrace a regiment of free negroes afflicted with the small-pox, if he had the whole poured upon him.

A few words in regard to the charge which I made, that the gentleman from Ohio had done more toward defeating the river and harbor bill than any other fifty members in this House. I believe that bill was defeated by the influence of that member, by his violent and insupportable attacks upon Southern members and Southern institutions, while he has set himself up as the "Simon Pure" of this House. That gentleman has spoken of the large amount which that bill appropriated in his own district. Now, it is my belief that the very fact that so large an amount was appropriated for a certain portion of the country, is the very reason why the bill did not pass the Senate of the United States. "Let the galled jade wince." The facts are here, and the country Mr. STANLY. I hope the gentleman will ought to know them. The people of his own dis- not gnash his teeth so hard. He hardly frightens trict ought to know the fact, that whatever measure me by this extraordinary exuberance of passion. that gentleman advocates here he renders odious. The houorable gentleman says I shall not crack The gentleman refers to my course upon the the overseer's whip over him. That is a favorite California bill, by way of a retort, in the spirit of figure with the honorable gentleman. The only mere spleen and spite, in a most contemptible spirit overseer's lash in my part of the country, that I of "tit for tat," and regardless of truth. He says know of being cracked at all, is not with slavethat I was responsible as much as any others, I holders, who manage their negroes without it.¦planation? believe, for the delay in the passage of that bill. We have no crack of the lash with us over our Mr. GIDDINGS. Oh no; I did not say that. slaves. That is a fancy. The lash is only known Mr. STANLY. Well, he says that I am re- to felons and bad negroes. There are bad nesponsible. Now, if there has anything come-be-groes-and there ought to be bad negroes when we fore this House in relation to which, above all see how meanly white men can act, (laughter) others, I am impregnable, it is this charge. Every ¦ who should be punished with it. Who is playing

I beg pardon of this House for having descended-as the gentleman said I did-for having stooped to a controversy with him. I plead guilty

to it.

Mr. GIDDINGS. I wish to say one word.
Mr. STANLY. Does he want to make an ex-

Mr. GIDDINGS. When I spoke of the gentleman, saying that what he stated was false, the House will bear testimony that I did not transgress the parliamentary rules. I know my parliamentary rights. I stepped to the verge of parliamentary rules, but there I stopped. Every member understands

Mr. GIDDINGS. The gentleman says that I
was at Norristown. Where was he when I was
at Norristown? Where was the House when I

was at Norristown? Why, drinking their grog."
[Laughter.] I was among the people of the
Union, endeavoring to impress upon them great
and important principles-which, at least,
lieved to be so. And where was that gentleinaa?
Look at your Journals and you will find the gen-

be

them. Neither is it insuliing or ungentlemanly to
correct a man if he is wrong. I did not say that
the gentleman intentionally spoke falsehood or mis-
represented the facts. No, sir; I knew too well
what belongs to gentlemen; what belongs to my-
self, and to the dignity of this body, to say that.
I therefore kept myself within parliamentary rules.
When that gentleman is put forward by a certain
servile class of the North, as their instrument to
assail me; when he undertakes to play the brag-tleman was at home, or somewhere else, or any-
gart for dough-faces, and serviles for the Swiss
guard of slavery; when he undertakes to draw
me into a controversy with him, I will say to the
gentleman, that when you go so low, as you have
to-day, I cannot follow you. It may, sir, be
suitable for the grog-shop or the bar-room, but it
is not fit for the people whom I represent. Such
language would not be permitted among common
bar-room loafers of my district. Now when any
man expects me to interchange such language with:
the gentleman, I can only say, he is mistaken. I
know whom I represent, and I know that my con- ||
stituents would never justify me in following any
man, or member, to the lowest depths of

Mr. STANLY, (in his seat.) Mr. Giddings's district.

Mr. GIDDINGS. To the lowest depths of ribaldry. Sir, it is unbecoming any member of this House, and I appeal to the members of this body if they ever knew me to assail a man at any time, or in any place, until I myself was first assailed. And let me say, looking that gentleman and every member of this House in the face, that I have never been guilty of such an outrage upon the dignity of this body, as he has perpetrated on the present occasion. The gentleman had better use such language only to those who crouch and shrink and tremble at his frown. It may do well on the plantation, but it is unbecoming towards freemen. It is unsuited to this Hall. Degradation itself would blush, and the man who would do it must have sunken so low, that he would become giddy were he elevated to the level of total depravity.

There are slaveholders in this House-and I take pleasure in saying it—with whom my relations now are, and ever have been, those of gentlemanly deportment and mutual interchange of respect, and nothing else; and while slaveholders shall deinean themselves as gentlemen, no one of them will ever be assailed by me.

I

where else but in this Hall. He was not here.
There was no business transacted in this House
during the holidays for two weeks. I took occa-
sion thea to visit friends, for four days, in other
portions of the country, and the gentleman stands
up here and reads me lectures about it.

Mr. STANLY. I think the gentleman has had
more of my time than I have had myself, to reply¦
to him. I cannot yield further.

Mr. GIDDINGS. One word more.
Mr. STANLY. I will wait a little longer.
Mr. GIDDINGS. Never mind.

Mr. STANLY. The honorable member from
Ohio stated in the beginning of his last speech,
that there was nothing wrong at all in telling a man
that what he said was false. Now that is his idea
of decency and propriety. He thinks it is not
wrong. He is called a liar so often at home, where
he is well known, that he thinks it is right, as a "
matter of course. Here is his idea of decency. He
says that I was put forward to make this attack
upon him. If I thought I was so considered by
anybody in the House, I would resign my seat and
go home, because I believe that if the whole Whig
party came forward to attack him, they would
have picked the meanest man in the House to do
it. [Laughter.] He has made such a show of
himself this morning that he has not only disgraced
free-soilism, but human nature.

a temperance man myself, and do not often drink. Judge, ye! He was much better employed than we were, no doubt, in the company of those where to tell a man he is a liar, is an everyday courtesythat it is to be expected. (Help him-do! He stands in need of it. Whisper into his ear some little more poison, good Free-Soiler from New York, [Mr. KING.]) He says that I stated this morning that the Speaker was out of order. Have I said any such thing? The honorable meinber gets the floor, makes a speech, and no one notices him-no one raises a point of order upon him, and the Speaker does not interfere. He says that I charged the. Speaker with being out of order. What relevancy had his speech about slave trade in the Southern States with the printing of joint resolutions from New Jersey? I raised no such point-not at all. I quit this subject in disgust. I feel as if I had been in a dissecting-room cutting up a dead dog. [Laughter.] The House will excuse me. I will treat the honorable member from Ohio hereafter as he ought to be treated by the members of this House-as an insane man, who never was taught decency or propriety of conduct. His associations show him never to have mingled among gentlemen. I hope I shall not be again provoked from what is due to myself to descend so low as to notice him.

Mr. HOUSTON. I move the previous question upon the motion to print.

Mr. GIDDINGS. Will the gentleman permit me one word of explanation?

[Cries of "No! no! We have had enough."] The call for the previous question was seconded, and the main question ordered to be put. The question was then taken, and the motion to print was agreed to.

DEBATE ON THE ANNUAL MESSAGE. Mr. HOUSTON offered the usual resolution in blank for closing debate upon the President's message in the Committee of the Whole upon the state of the Union.

Mr. H. I have left the time blank, that an hour may he fixed by the House at which it may be their pleasure to close the debate in committee. I will propose Thursday (to-morrow) at two o'clock,

been in Committee of the Whole upon the PresMr. STEPHENS, of Georgia. We have not ident's message more than three hours this ses

sion.

Mr. HOUSTON. I think we have been in committee two or three days.

Mr. STEPHENS. I think not exceeding three hours.

Mr. HOUSTON. I understand that the reso

The SPEAKER. That has been the custom of the House..

I hope the reporters will take notes of what he has said, and what I have said, and that they will allow neither of us to see them. If he gets them into his hands--have mercy upon me! if he serves this debate as he has everybody. My colleague from the Orange district [Mr. VENABLE] and the member from Ohio [Mr. TAYLOR] got into a controversy with him the other day, and how were they represented? His speeches were entirely different as spoken and as published. He gets up one day and reads a resolution out of the Congressional But the gentleman says I charge Northern men Globe, and says these gentlemen voted so and so with being dough-faces. Well, sir, he takes it upon a year ago, and the next day he has a different set himself to be the representative of all the dough- || of resolutions reported. I charge the reporters to faces of the North to-day. He speaks for them-he see that his felonious hand touch not one word of comes here as their agent and attorney, and assails what I have said. Let what has been said appear me. And how does he do it? Why he says precisely as delivered. Let his remarks appear as am out of order. Mr. Speaker, (the presiding offi- spoken and not as made out after he gets home in cer of this House [Mr. BoxD] being in the chair,) his room with some of his colored friends. [Laugh-lution is not debatable. you yourself made the question as to the order of ter.] The honorable member talks of associations debate upon this resolution. I believe (alluding here. Who ever saw him, except upon this floor, to Mr. JONES, of Tennessee, who was then in the with a decent man in Washington city? He rechair,) you called me to order, and that gentle-ceives visits from free negroes sometimes. The man, [Mr. Born,] a slaveholder, a man whom I respect and honor, declared that I was in order; and an appeal taken from that decision was laid upon this table; and now this gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. STANLY] insists that it shall go out to the country that I was out of order, when the Speaker of the House expressly decided that I was in. order. Now, I heard that gentieman Mr. STANLY] oncfell an anecdote upon this floor, about a boy, who whirled himself about so rapidly that the hind part of his breeches got on the fore side, (laughter;) but the gentleman changes his position much more rapidly, for the purpose of assailing me, and making a personal altercation between him and myself; pronouncing the Speaker out of order, pronouncing the House out of order,

and the rules themselves out of order; and that in discussing these resolutions I was out of order.

The gentleman says I speak of Northern men as dough-faces. Why, the term dough-faces has become honorable among some of those associated with him. He calls me an Abolitionist; I call him a slaveholder.

At the North we have two classes-doughfaces and free-soilers. I acknowledge the name they give me there is not much in a nume-and I permit them to use it; and I give to them the only cognomen, known in the English language, that befits their position.

Mr. STANLY. How many minutes have I left of my time?

The SPEAKER. Seventeen minutes.

charity he dispenses no man knows. He never
lets his right hand know what his left hand does,
nor his head what is done by either. But he will
write a nice letter, full of sympathy about chains,
and oppression, and overseers. He remains with
his free negro friends when they call to see him;
and that is the way he spends his extra hours, and
the reason that he goes home about dinner time.
The honorable gentleman talked the other day, in
my absence, that he would like to have a bout
with me, but this morning he asserts that I have
been set upon him-that I am urged to attack him,
and in his crazy fancy, every one who says a word
to me, is giving me some hint about his course.
No such thing. A gentleman mentioned to me
that he was taking up the whole of my time, and

that I had better continue. That was all the in-
formation given to me. I want no information in
relation to the course of the honorable member
from Ohio.

'

Mr. HOUSTON. I will not, then, move the previous question, but will leave the House to fix

the time at which debate shall be closed in the committee.

Mr. SEYMOUR, of New York. I move this day week.

Mr. STEPHENS moved to lay the resolution upon the table; which motion was agreed to.

Mr. HOUSTON moved that the rules of the House be suspended, and that the House resolve itself into Committee of the Whole upon the state of the Union, for the purpose of taking up those resolutions on the President's message.

Mr. GORMAN. I wish, before that is done, to make a report from the Committee on Printing. The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Alabama has made a privileged motion, which cannot be superseded while pending by another privileged

motion.

Mr. GORMAN. I understand the motion of the gentleman has precedence to certain other motions; but if the Chair will permit me, a rule of the House says that the Committee on Printing can report at any time. A privileged question certainly takes precedence.

Where was I at the time of the sitting of the Philadelphia Convention? I have not set myself up as the standard of general attention here. He is the man who arraigns everybody, and therefore The SPEAKER. The rules say, also, that a I come upon him. I do not say, that during the majority may at any time suspend the rules and sessions I have always been in the House. We resolve itself into the Committee of the Whole were drinking our grog Christmas week! Where House upon the state of the Union; and each being, was he? In Philadelphia, drinking beer in oyster-in the opinion of the present incumbent of the cellars with free negroes. [Laughter.] Who was best employed--those who drank good liquor in the city of Washington, or the honorable member in his employment in Philadelphia? I am rather

il

chair, [Mr. JONES,] of the same character, the first made must be the first put. If the chairman of the Committee on Printing had first made his motion, of course he would have had the precedence

Mr. HOUSTON. Is the appeal debatable? Mr. JONES. I am not debating it. I merely wish to know, if I understand the question. The point the gentleman from Indiana makes is, if I understand him rightly, that because the Committee on Printing have the right, under the rules, to report at any time, their report should take prece-provisions of the acts of Congress, and the regulations of dence of all other business, even of special orders in Committee of the Whole. It loses all its privilege when it gets into the House.

The question was then taken upon the appeal, and the decision of the Chair was sustained. Mr. GORMAN. I move to lay the bounty land bill aside.

The CHAIRMAN. The Chair supposes the il committee have no power to lay aside the special