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now propose, and no more, we shall have no dif- thus obtained. And I should rejoice to see the nized as being unfortunate, but not vicious. Indeed, they ficulty and no ground of complaint. If it shall greeting of him by his countrymen,

are often noble meni, as are those whose case engages our ask more, we shall be free to reject what is asked, “ Shouting and clapping all their hands on hight,

attention, and who deserve the kind interest of the world, as the British Government is free to reject our ap

both from their motives and their character, and also from That all the ayre it fils and flyes to Heavene bright.”

the position, once high, but now low, to which they have plication.

Mr. BADGER. I had desired to say a few fallen, and in consequence of an effort, inade, not for themSir, this proposition involves a view of the rela- il words on the subject of this resolution, and as the

selves, but for their country. It cannot be-there is not the tions of the parties concerned. The people of honorable Senator from New York has concluded

slightest danger of it--that such a national application will

ever be made, in any case but in one like this, which is as Ireland are affiliated to us, as we are to the people his remarks in briefer space than was expected, I far from moral guilt as innocence is from crime. Let no of Great Britain. Surely there can be no offence do not know of a more suitable occasion. After one fear that this example will ever be used, or abused, for given by a younger member in offering mediation every examination which I have been able to give ceedings of other powers."

the purpose of intermeddling in the ordinary criminal probetween the elder brethren of the same family to this subject, I cannot persuade myself that it is upon a point of difference between them.

proper that the Congress of the United States Again, the honorable Senator says: But what if Great Britain should take offence should pass the resolution in any of the forms in “ As to improper interference, it seems to me an entire at this suggestion? What then? Why then which it has been proposed to our consideration,

misconstruction of the term to apply it to a case like this.. England would be in the wrong, and we in the or in which it has been suggested that it can be

It is not interferelice at all; it is intercession. It is a right. The time has passed when this country hereafter made worthier of our approbation. If I

simple requesi, made from the best motives, in the best

spirit, and presented in the most unexceptionable language; can be alarmed, by fear of war in such a case. could vote for the resolution in any form, I would

and it leaves the British Government free to act its own No one will contess that he indulges any such ap- undoubtedly vote for it in that which it has as

pleasure, without giving us the slightest offence should the prehension. Sir, Great Britain will not take sumed upon the suggestion of the honorable Sen

result be unsuccessful.” offence. She knows that her greatness and her ator from Illinois, (Mr. SHIELDS;) and if anything

Now, I wish to say, in the first place, that this fame are well assured. She has no motive what- could persuade me to forego the exercise of my

is interference. Intercession is one mode of interever to affect wounded sensibility. She will re- own deliberate judgment, and put myself under

ference. It is not an offensive mode of interference; ceive this suggestion in the same fraternal spirit | the mastery of ihose feelings which are apt to be

but it is a mode of interference. He who underin which it is made. Nor will she refuse the excited by discussions of this kind, to savor the

takes to intercede between the judge and the ofboon. She knows as well as we do, that rigor adoption of the resolution, it would be the speech

fender-between the sovereign and his convicted protracted beyond the necessity of security to the delivered on last Saturday by the honorable Sen- subject, undoubtedly interferes. It seems to me Suate, reacts. She knows full well, that for the ator from Illinois, full, as it was, of everything that the honorable Senator is entirely mistaken in present, at least, sedition sleeps profoundly in Ire- || that can do honor to a man's head and heart.

supposing that intercession is not interference. It land, and that the granting of this appeal will pro- But whatever my feelings of attachment, con

is true that all interference is not intercession, betract its slumbers. Great Britain will be thank- | sideration, or sympathy for the other nations and

cause we may interfere by threats, by violence, ful to us for our confidence in her generosity, for races of the world and I trust I am not deficient | by blows; but it is no less true, that every interher mouto is Parcere subjectis el debellare super- in those feelings of consideration and sympathy- cession is an interference. Then I am not exactly,

I must prefer my own country, my own race, the prepared to admit the fundamental, the original While it seems to me that it is certain that we

people and institutions among which I was born, proposition, from which the argument of the honmay, with propriety and success, make this ap- l) and in which I have been reared, to all other na

orable Senator from Michigan starts, which is, peal to Great Britain, the circumstances in which tions and all other races in the world. I cannot, that political offences, though they violate existve sland, in regard to Ireland, render the duty of | therefore, consent to give my support to any meas

ing laws, are yet offences accompanied with no making it imperative. But for the instructions ure, however commended to us by high consider

moral guilt. I can conceive of such a thing as and example of the United States, Ireland would || ations of sympathy, which, in my judgment, is

a political offence, which, though violating muninever have attempted revolution in 1798, nor would capable of having an unjust hand injurious operai but I do not think it is regularly, or generally the

cipal laws, is not accompanied with moral guilt; William Smith O'Brien now have been an exile; for if it had not been for those instructions and that not undertake to say what nation of the earth, if case, or can be affirmed as a proposition either example, Ireland would long ago have sunk into any, is next in my regard to my own; but any

universal, or with but few exceptions. But, asthe slumber of bondage that knows no waking. | all of them if next, must be after a vast interval suming it to be so: then the honorable Senator Again, sir: the failure of Smith O'Brien and his of distance.

says, we come forward and do not intersere, but associates resulted from the exhaustion of Ireland. This resolution proposes that the Congress of intercede for these political offenders, upon the That exhaustion has contributed largely to the ele- the United States shall express, and that the Con- | ground that they are persons free from moral ments of our wealth, strength, and power. If I gress of the United States shall declare, and that | guilt; that they are noble patriots, who have been we had not withdrawn the political and physical wc feel it our duty to express an earnest desire that

condemned to a grievous imprisonment--originally means of self-defence and of resistance from Ire- the Queen of Great Britain will extend her royal

condemned to the forfeiture of life, for the disland during the last sixty years, she would now clemency to certain Irish prisoners now confined, I charge of high acts of patriotic duty to their counhave been able to have maintained a successful re- under a sentence, to Van Diemen's Land. Now, in try; and that the noblest motives influenced them bellion. When O'Connell gathered the populace the first place, I do not feel myself called upon by

in what they had done; and that they are not to upon the hill of Clare, he found that Ireland was my dyly as an American Senator, to express any

be considered as affected with any species of moral deserted by the vigorous, the young, the strong, sentiment upon that subject. But ihat would be guilt. and that he was surrounded by the aged, the poor, that is—the smallest of the difficulties that press

Now, be it so. Assume that it is so, and that and the spiritless. It is these reflection upon the upon my mind. Though I cannot recognize the

we wish it to be so. How was the transaction propriety of the act itself

, and upon the relations duty, yet if no evil consequences could be readily viewed by the British Government? That Govin which we stand towards the parties to it, that imagined to result from it, I might, nevertheless,

ernment prosecuted these men as traitors-for persuade my vote in favor of this resolution.

be willing to give expression to the wish. But, an attempt to overturn the existing Government I have suggested to the consideration of the sir, I ask you, who have had no little experience

of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Irehonorable Senator from Illinois, (Mr. Shields,] in the state and condition of our foreign affairs, | land. For this offence they were convicted. For some verbal amendments, which seem to me cal- and the management of our diplomatic relations

this offence they received ihe sentence of death; culated to improve and perfect the resolution, in with other countries, and the reciprocal operations but the sentence was afterwards commuted to an accordance with the wish he himself expressed. of proceedings of this kind, whether we can affirm expatriation or exile in Van Dieman's Land. It Their design is to guard more safely the dignity that there is no danger from the precedent which

seems to me that the English Government will of Congress and of the United States. If rightly we are now setting?

scarcely think, that when they have prosecuted conceived, they will have that effect. But I am

My honorable friend from Michigan, (Mr. these men for an offence of this kind, pronounced not tenacious of them. I shall not press them | Cass,] in the remarks which he addressed to the by their laws to be capital, when after conviction against the wishes of the Senator from Illinois. Senate-remarks conceived and expressed, I will and judgment they have not thought proper to If they shall be adopted, the resolution will have

not say with a force and clearness that was not pardon the convicts, but have exchanged the senmy vote. If they shall not be adopted, it will have | usual with him, but certainly with great force and tence of death to that of banishment from the my vote. The resolution as originally introduced clearness—when this subject was under considera- | realm, that they are honorable and noble men, would have received my support. Equally shall it tion some fortnight ago, laid down some proposi- who have been influenced by high and patriotic have my support in the modified form it has as

tions to which I wish to invite the attention of the motives in what they have done. The British sumed, through deference to the wishes of other Senate, and to show, if I can, that the mode by | Government look upon them in a far different Senators. which he undertakes to defend the proceedings 1 how does it follow ţhat we have no reason to fear:

Well, that being the case, And now, sir, when this resolution in any shape | now recommended to us, is one that must, or, at shall have been passed, there can be but one wish all events, one that may lead to mischievous coun- that if we set this example, we shall not have it of mine in regard to the subject, that Congress ter interference with our concerns; and that the

followed with a very unpleasant and disagreeable would have power to gratify That wish would suggestions which he has thrown out for the pur- interference in the administration of our be, that he who is now entitled to be regarded as pose of dissipating the fear of such a result, when

laws? the mover of the resolution, the honorable Sena- || properly considered, are entitled to no weight.

I come from a part of the country which is tor from Mlinois, (Mr. Shields,) should be made

First, the Senator laid down a proposition in

looked upon as especially conservative. When the bearer of this appeal to the Soveraine Queene," these words:

the breezes of public sentiment are blown until in whose will and pleasure the granting of it will

“Mr. President, a great change has taken place in the

they have agitated the community into a state of rest. It is the remembrance of a scene in one of the opinions of the world on the subject of political offences. almost incapacity to judge of what is right and oldest and best of English poems which suggests They nowhere carry with them reproach or shame. They || prudent, in consequence of the proximity to certhis wish. It would be a goodly and a gracious violate, indeed, existing laws; bui they generally originate

tain portions of the United States, of motives, and in the most praiseworthy motives, and are pursued at the sight to see that honorable Senator returning to

considerations, and influences, that are api to stir hazard of every earthly good, as Washington and a host of his native land after his chivalrous and yet modest other illustrious men in ancient and modern days, pursued them into a great degree of excitement; we are sojourn here, the bearer of a proclamation of am- their patriotic enterprises."

in the habit of considering a little, (being ourselves nesty from the sovereign of his native country Again, he says:

somewhat removed from those immediate causes “ They” (allading to political offenders) " are recog- that operate to mislead the judgment,) to look a


little ahead, and to inquire now what we do to. done by. I want no interference of foreign States liberty. And why? Because it is very obrious day, may be done in a very unpleasant manner in or Governments in our internal affairs anywhere, that that places us under an obligation to the British respect to ourselves to-morrow.

and therefore I am not willing to set a practical || Government. It not only entitles them to interfere, Now, let us suppose for one moment that some example of such an interference on our behalf by way of interceding in behalf of our people, if of the actors in the Christiana riot had been found with their internal concerns. I know that this any of them should be convicted of offences simiguilty of high treason. They were indicted for resolution springs from the highest and best mo- lar to that to which I have referred, but it also that crime. High areason is a political offence. I tives. I know that my honorable friend from Illi- entitles them to come with a claim upon us that We know, in this country, of no treason like that nois, (Mr. Shields,) who has moved it, has, at they should be heard. I, for one, am not willing which from time to time has been established by least in my judgment, no superior in the honora- that this country should lay itself under any such particular statutes in England. We know of no ble, the fine, and elevated sentiments that belong obligation to the clemency, or courteousness, or treason except levying war against the United to the human heart. But it was well remarked, kindness of the British Queen. States, or giving aid and comfort to their ene- as I think Sallust, or some of those old Roman I do not join in the denunciation which the hon. mies. Suppose that the transaction in which any writers told us, that Cæsar once said in the Ro- orable Senator from New York has this morning of these parties were engaged, had been declared man Senate, that there was never any course of poured forth upon the conduct and character of to be an act of levying war against the United measures which had brought ruin upon a country ihe British Government, and the conduct and States—and that being an act, adopted in conse- which, at the first outset, did noi spring from character of the British Church. But while I do quence of a concert to prevent entirely and in all some good motive, and in the initiative were in- not choose to enter into such tirades of denuncia. cases the execution of a law of the United States, tended to accomplish some good end.

tion upon any foreign nation or establishment, I it was in no judicial sense to be discriminated from Seeing, then, as I think I do, that the step | nevertheless say this, that I wish to be indebted any other atiempt to destroy the authority of the which it is asked of us to take, may lead to the lo them for no such favors as will entitle them to Government, and put an end to the supremacy | unpleasant and disagreeable consequences I have interfere in our domestic concerns in the first place, of the laws: I pray you, sir, if that case would mentioned, I cannot myself vote for this resolu- without any right of complaint on our part; and, not in a few sympathizing minds, on the other tion. But I beg to say, before going further, that in the second place, with the right of complaint on side of the water, have presented a case with all in the illustration which I have selected for the pur- their part, if we do not treat their interposition as the claims which the honorable Senator from pose of conveying to the Senate the notion which favorably as they have treated ours. And if I did Michigan brings forward in behalf of these Irish have of the evils to which we may be subjected, pronounce the denunciation which the honorable exiles, for the interference of the masses, or the I do not mean at all to intimate that the gentlemen, Senator has this morning pronounced on the EngGovernments, or the Parliaments, or the other le- to whom this resolution refers, are lo be for one lish Government and people, I could not make the gislative assemblies on the other side of the water, i single instant confounded with the Christiana riot- il disclaimer which he has made. He speaks of under the strong feelings of modern humanity and ers whom I mentioned. Far otherwise. Tintend Ireland and the Irish as being the victims of the general sympathy for the oppressed everywhere? no such odious or unpleasant comparison.., 1 most detestable, barbarous, and unprincipled opWhy, to those people these Christiana rioters merely selected the case as an illustration of the pression. I do not mean to quote his words. That would have appeared noule men-guilty, it is principle upon which we may be hereafter as- is the substance of what he said. At the same true, of committing the little technical offence of sailed through a proceeding thus instituted by time he says, he has no prejudice ngainst the e violating the municipal laws of the country, con. ourselves.

oppressors. I do not understand how a man can victed, to be sure, of what was called ireason The honorable Senator from New York, (Mr. extend his equal sympathy and regard to the opagainst the United States, but influenced by high SewaRD,) in the remarks which he submitted to pressor and the oppressed, to the wrong-doer and and noble motives, under the full inspiration of the the Senaie this morning, after assuring us that ihe wronged. If the first part of the gentleman's “higher law” enthusiasm, which prompted them there was no danger thai Great Britain would take argument be correct, it appears to me he cannot, to come forward and at every earthly hazard, not any offence at this proceeding, became exceed without inconsistency, do otherwise than not for the benefit of themselves, but, as my friend ingly bold, and held in very slight regard and esti- || merely denounce that Government, but have, if from Michigan said with regard to these gentle- | nation, any, even the mosi serious, displeasure of that is a proper word, prejudices against the Gov. men, for the benefit of their country, to relieve that Power. I am not a very valiant man, and I ernment and people, a just animosity founded upon the oppressed, and to prevent the wronged and confess myself to have a preliy large share of that the fact that, upon his own showing, they are tohunted wayfarer from being dragged back into extreme reluctance as well to cutting the throats tally unworthy of consideration and regard. ! the captiviiy from which he had luckily escaped. i of other people as to having my own cut, enter into none of these matters. I am not called They would be looked upon as men influenced by which is denominated by the word fear. And i upon here to pronounce as to the conduct and a high and lofty spirit of hospitality, who, with go one step further. In my representative capa- character of the British Government. I am not outstretched arms, were willing, even at the hazard city I have a great deal of fear of involving this called upon here to pronounce as to the chara ter of destroying the Constitution of their country, country in collisions wit the great Powers of the and conduct of Messrs. O'Brien, Mitchell, and the to carry into effect the high, noble, and generous

earth. Who should not fear it? Is not war a other gentlemen who are in the calamitous condipurposes and impulses of their nature.

dreadful evil? is not a war with the greatest tion of exiles from their country, under a sentence Mr. President, I confess the idea which has oc- naval and commercial power of the earth, if in the l of banishment. curred to me, that the proceeding instituted by us latter respect our own country be excepted, & It is sufficient for me here, whatever opinions, as might be extremely unpleasant and disagreeable fearful evil? Who does not fear such evils?' I an individual, I may entertain upon the subject

, 40 when resorted to in future contingencies of the fear them for my country. I fear them for those say that, as a Senator of the United States, I cancountry by persons abroad, who would assume why may be called upon on such an occasion to not consent to give my support to a measure precisely, the same position that the honorable wage the battles of the country. It is very easy which, whether it give offence or is met by approSenator' has assumed, that they were not interfer- for us, particularly for those of us who are past bation and accordance on the part of the British ing in our concerns, but only interceding—I say that i that age when we are liable to be called into the Government, seems to me will be followed in my fear has not been removed by the assurances service of the country in the prosecution of any of either case, and in the latter case personally and which he has given. I can well conceive that no the wars in which we may be involved, to talk chiefly, with consequences which we may see ocapplication of this kind will be ever made by a lightly about force, and wounds, and battle, and casion to deplore. foreign Government, that no resolutions will ever death. If we know that the conflict is to be There is one sentiment which was expressed be adopted by the English Government, except in waged by others, and not by ourselves, we can be by my honorable friend from Michigan, which favor of those whom they think to be meritorious very brave with a very small amount of personal commands my most cordial approhation. I was objects for their interposition; nor shall we ever exposure. But I should fear such a result far more struck with it. I felt its force, and the propriety adopt any proceeding, except in behalf of those on another ground, and that is, I should fear my of its application, to the question now under conwhom we regard in that light. But that is not the country producing upon itself the displeasure of consideration, and some kindred subjects which, question. If we are to interpose, and think we other States by going out of its way to do what | though not now before the Senate, lie upon the can interpose without offence, and that we can as a nation it had no right to do. I should fear table. It is in these words: properly interpose, and that it is our duty to putting ourselves wrong in the outset of such a " It is best to let a little common sense into our interpose, because we look upon these persons proceeding. If we must have a conflict with diplomatic questions." who have been sentenced to this punishment Great Britain, or any other nation, let us be right I know of no case which, according to my judg. by a foreign nation as meritorious and noble in the commencement, in the prosecution, and ment, more requires that we should let that whole, men, entitled to our symputhies and accompanied throughout the whole conflict. And rely upon it, some, sound proposition have due weight and inwith no moral blame-how can we resist the right sir, that when such a conflict comes, if come it fluence upon us. Yes, sir, let us have a little comof a foreign State, of a foreign Parliament or legis- || must, which God forbid, those who have some lit- mon sense in the regulation of our concerns. Do lative body, to interfere in precisely the same tle salutary fear beforehand of the coming emer- not let us be carried away captive with emotions mode with regard to citizens of ours whom we gency, will not be found the least resolute to do which, however generous and noble in themselves, may think worthy of the extremest punishment, whai that emergency may require.

do not furnish the proper guides for representative bui which they regard as occupying the same I have, however, an objection to this resolution conduct. A man, in the private transactions of relation to moral guilt which we attribute to the of another and different kind from that suggested life, may allow a profuse generosity and inability persons in whose behalf this resolution is now by the Senator from New York. It has been said to refuse any applicants for help, to exhaust his proposed? We should cut ourselves off, by adopt by the Senator from Michigan, that Great Britain purse, and beggar himself for life; and when this ing this proceeding, from any right to object." I will not regard this in the light of an officious in- is done, however severely we may disapprove of see not where the thing would end. Resolutions termeddling with her concerns. We hear from it, we are obliged to have a sympathy for him who, of the British Parliament may be passed and sent various quarters that the probability is, that the under such generous impulses, has sacrificed himto us, or communicated to us, in a kind of indi- British Government, acting upon this intimation of self; but representatives and nations are bound, rect, secret, and unostentatious mode, to which the the wishes of the American people, will gladly in my judgment, to have all their sympathies and Senator has referred, through their Minister in interpose and discharge these gentlemen from their feelings under thorough and complete control—10

hard captivity. For one, I should be sorry that regulate themselves by understanding—to let comUpon this subject I wish to practice upon the the British Government should, at our interposi

mon sense weigh, in all their deliberations, beold-fashioned morality of doing as I would be tion, and as a favor to us, set these gentlemen at cause they are not like a generous man who squan

this country




NEW SERIES.... No. 34.

ders his own, for if they yield themselves up to had not succeeded, it would have been called re- speech the other day, and I repeat it now. If these unguided impulses, they squander what is bellion; and Washington, in those days, would we make this application in this manner to Eng. not their own-the wealth, the power, the re- have undergone that punishment; and English | land, she is just as free to act against the applicasources of the State of which they are only the political writers would have considered him guilty |tion ax for it; and we are just as free to act in any representatives. They sacrifice not themselves, of the greatest moral turpitude. So with respect case for or against an application as though this but their country:

to every effort to change the Government-if it case had never occurred. That is my view of it. With the kindest feelings and the highest re- does not succeed, it is rebellion; if it succeeds, it is Mr. BADGER. Mr. President, I am extremespect for my honorable friend who takes an inter- a revolution; but its condition, in the eyes of God | ly obliged to my friend from Michigan for alluest in che passage of this resolution, I must say, and man, is the same, whether it succeeds or not; | ding to an article which has been published, bethat for these reasons I cannot give it my vote in for it depends on the degree of oppression and on cause it gives me an opportunity of saying, that as any form or shape.

the real object of the persons attempting the revo- I am not a subscriber to that paper, and do not Mr. CASS. Mr. President, I am much obliged lution. That is what constitutes the offence, not take it, I have never seen the article. I have only to the honorable Senator from North Carolina, for these punishments nor this attempt to make it one or two remarks to make further. introducing one or two topics on this occasion, moral turpitude. I contended in my remarks the The honorable Senator seems to suppose that more particularly since I saw them adverted to the other day, that political oflenders-persons oflend- it is a very grievous crime for men to assemble other day, in the principal Administration paper. ing against the laws of the country by attempting and to associate themselves together for the purMr. BADGER. What paper is that?

to make a revolution when they are oppressed, pose of preventing the execution of one of the Mr. CASS. It is called the Republic." were not now in the class of those who are guilty | laws of a Government, but that the parties conMr. BADGER, I never saw the article. of moral turpitude; that no nation under heaven cerned would at once lose the character of men

Mr. CASS. I would not have introduced the now classes them with thieves, robbers, and mur- | influenced by immoral motives if their object was matter myself, but the remarks of the honorable derers; and that because we should interfere for to put an end to all the laws, and destroy the Senator give me occasion to advert to it. That the pardon of such men, it did not therefore follow, whole authority of the Government. paper compared the speech which I made some thai we should enter into the long catalogue of The argument of the honorable gentleman is time ago on this subject to that made by my hon- human offences, and ask for the pardon of every this: that assembling together and concerting by orable friend from Illinois; and said that mine one guilty of them. Why, I think the English force to prevent the execution of one law is not a was a very violent assault on the Government of Government has not shed a drop of blood for a political offence to which the public opinion of England. Nothing could be further from my reasonable political offence for a quarter of a cen- mankind does not annex criminality, and moral intention than to make any such assault. What- tury-perhaps for a third of a century. Look at turpitude ; but if the object be to put down all the ever my opinion may be as to the English Govern- the progress of events in France. For many a laws of ihe Government, and to destroy its ment and people, and there is much to commend long year not a single drop of blood was shed | authority, then the parties concerned in it lose in both,) it would have been a very improper oc- there for political offences. Political offences there the character of moral offenders, and are only casion in me to have indulged here a hostile feeling are recognized as not calling for the effusion of offenders against the municipal law, untainted towards England; and from one end of my speech | human blood, and as not being attended with with moral turpitude. There cannot be any such to the other, there is not one word to which the moral turpitude. Therefore I said the other day, distinction as that. most sensitive person on this subject can object. || that they were indeed offences against existing The honorable Senator referred to the case of From my indistinct recollection of the subject, I laws, but yet were not viewed in the same light Washington and his associates. Surely the vinremember that the only thing which I said which with other crimes; and in saying that I said just || dication of Washington from moral turpitude does could possibly be construed into disapprobation of what is the opinion of the age; and I now repeat, not arise from the fact that he was engaged in an the English Government, was the remark, that an that the turpitude-that the condition of the otiend- enterprise to put down the authority of the British Irishman was the victim of harsh and hard laws er against the laws depends entirely on the state Government here. It arose from the fact that he at home. Well, there is not one Englishman of the country, and on his object in endeavoring was engaged in it, with his fellow-countrymen, from Land's End to John o' Groate's house, that to make a change in the Government.

from justifiable reasons and for ends that in themwould not say the same thing. I am therefore My honorrable friend from North Carolina has selves made a resort to force for that purpose alglad that my honorable friend from North Caro- supposed two or three cases. I shall not go into lowable and justifiable. Therefore the honorable lina has done me that justice, that a man with my them in detail, for I remarked the other day, that Senator's argument has nothing to do in refuting speech before him in that very paper, would not when just such a case as this happens, and the the reasons which I submitted to the Senate. My do when he charged me with using violent and British Government has the same natural interest reasons were not founded at all upon any determihostile language against England.

in interceding as we have in this case, I, for one, nation of the question whether or not Mr. O'Brien, Mr. BADGER. I hope the honorable Senator shall be very happy to hear and listen to them. Mr. Mitchell, and their associates, had or had not does not mean to intimate that I have used any But what similarity is there between the case sup- || justifiable grounds for the proceeding which they such language.

posed by the honorable Senator and this case! || adopted to separate Ireland from her present conMr. CASS. The very reverse. I am much Suppose the Christiana rioters had been found nection with Great Britain. Not at all. My arguobliged for the expression of his opinion on the guilty of treason : what kind of treason would itment is this: Great Britain did not think so; the subject; and I am contrasting that with the ex- have been? Not the treason of which Washington English Government did not think so; that Govpression of opinion in the “Republic.” It did was guilty; not the treason of which Kossuth | ernment considered them as not only engaged in not give me any trouble, but still I thought it bet- was guilty ; not the treason of which O'Brien was an unlawful enterprise, but an enterprise of wickter to advert to it.

guilty; not that treason which shakes govern- edness; because in their view it was an enterprise The honorable Senator has alluded to another ments and establishes republics ; but constructive by which the United Kingdom, and Ireland itself, topic which I find in the same place; and although treason, by which the effort to put down a partic- would have been, if not destroyed, greatly injured; he does not go so far as the paper goes in his views ular law, not aimed at the government at all, is and that inasmuch as the sovereign of Great Britain on that subject, he differs from me. I refer to the construed to be treason. I go for no such purpose having caused these gentlemen to be prosecuted for subject of the moral turpitude now annexed to as that. I would say to England, that that is not an offence which she deemed to be a grave one, strictly political offences throughout the world. the class of offences in which the offenders are re- and they having been convicted of that offence, Why, he who has not marked the signs of the lieved from moral tifrpitude in the eyes of the were sentenced to the punishment of death, and times on that subject, is entirely behind the age. world.

that punishment commuted to banishment from He who does not know, that for the last fifty years Again: the honorable Senator seems to presup- their country, the British Government would rethere has been a wonderful progress and change pose, that because we apply to England to pro-. || gard us as interposing in behalf of men who do not in public opinion in respect to the moral turpitude cure a pardon for these gentlemen, therefore, if merit such interposition. That Government canof the men who are guiliy of political offences, does she applies to us in any extreme case, we must not recognize these gentlamen as being noble panot know the progress of opinion throughout the do the same thing. Why, we are just as free to triots, engaged in doing what was for the good of world upon this subject. In England I do not act before as after; she is just as free to act before their country, and what it was an act of glorious now remember how many species of punishment as after, and after as before. We say, that under self-sacrifice in them to endeavor to achieve. If it there were formerly, but I know there was quar- | the circumstances in which these Irishmen were recognizes that character, why have they been sent tering, and taking off their heads, and cutting out convicted, and a large portion of our people being to Van Dieman's Land ?' If the Queen of

England the bowels, and burning them, and other equally their countrymen, taking a deep interest in their looked upon them as possessing the character horrid punishments. But we lear of no such fate, we ask the British Government to extend its) which the honorable Senator attributes to them, punishments at this day. Who would now stand clemency to them. They refuse it or they grant and very justly, for aught I know, I have no jurisup and advocate such punishments ? The senti- it. If they make us a request, not based on the diction over that question and shall express no ments of the world have totally changed. The same circumstances at all, are we bound to grant opinion upon it-she had as full power to pardon object three hundred years ago was to protect the it? No, sir. It imposes no kind of obligation on as she had to transmute the punishment; and thereperson of the sovereign: that was the whole object us to grant it; and yet, from the tenor of the re- fore the consequence is as I have shown, and which in view; and laws were passed for that purpose. marks of my honorable friend, it would seem as nothing has been said to weaken the force of, that They made it the most infamous crime, which though he bases his argument on the fact, that if our interference here would justify the interposicommanded the greatest moral turpitude of any to we apply to England and she grants our request tion of Great Britain in behalf of just such offendbe found in the long catalogue of human offences, under these circumstances, we must grant any re- ers as the Christiana rioters, if they had been to attempt the subversion of the Government. quest, she may make under any circumstances. 1 convicted of high treason against this country. I According to the English law, if our Revolution 1! totally disclaim any such idea, and I did it in my lI think that if such an application had been made,

triat Government would scarcely have recognized of sympathy--noble patriotis entitled to liberty. St. James. Permit me to say, that while there, the force and validity of the distinction which is | England does not think so, or she would liberate no man ever represented this country at tha: assigned by the honorable Senator from Michigan. them. Then we interpose, because we have a Court, or at any other Court, who was more senWhat would that reason be? “ We asked you to view, with regard to their case, different from that i sitive us to this very question, I very we'l recolinterfere in behalf of Smith O'Brien and his asso- ; taken by the English Government. Then it is leet, that at one time a difficulty arose between ciates because they were high and meritorious men, reasonable that, when political otlences may be him and a very powerful man of the times and of and only sought io destroy the Constitution of the committed here, the English Government has pre- the occasion---Mr. O'Connell --on some question United 'Empire, to throw off the connection and '' cisely the same right to interpose, by their good of this kind. I ask that the letter may be read, destroy the dependence now existing between the offices, in behalf of those whom that Government because I think that he presents the matter about parts of that mighty Empire. That was all they may recognize as champions of humanity-as no- as forcibly as it could be presented in a speech. attempted, therefore it was a proper case for our ble and choice spirits of the earth--but whom our The Secretary read the letter, as follows: interposition; but in this case, these men did not laws condemn to severe and condign punishment.

GEORGETOWN, February 1th, 105. seek to destroy the Government and Constitution. That is my objection.

MY DEAR SIR: I regret that I was unable to get to the of the country; they only sought to prevent the Mr. Cass.' The Senate will pardou me while Senate Chamber this morning, to hear the whole of your execution of one of its laws; and therefore they are I say a word more. I wish to go baek to my

admirable speech upon the resolution in behalf of O'Brick such great offenders that it is utterly intolerable original proposition, which is precisely this:

and his associates. What I did hear, gave me great pleas

ure, and did you high honor, not only as a man and Irish that you should be allowed to interpose your good That any oppressed people, when they strive to man, but as an American Senator. I hope to see your offices in their behalf, or, at all events, that these change their government--whether the result of speech fully reported and might ask the favor of you to setel good offices can receive the favorable consideration their effort be revolution or rebellion-are not

ing for a few weeks, on a visit. I was forcibly strurk wib of this Government."

guilty of moral turpitude in the eyes of God and the picture you drew of Ireland and her present Fituation, There is nothing in the distinction which the man. That is my proposition; and that is the in connection with Great Britain. It wa# cloquently, tbly, Senator urges, which can have any application to prevalent opinion at the present day. Otherwise : and faithfully done ; and nothing can be more true, than the the objections which I have raised.' I do not under- you make the criminality dependent entirely upon

opinion you expressed, as to the effect of your resoluter,

and the course and policy of the British Government on take to decide the question whether Smith O'Brien ;' ihe event. And you can make no caialogue the subject of it. If it passes t'ongress, it will lead to the and luis associntes were right or wrong. I will which will not include Washington and his coun- immediate relief of those unfortunate men, I venture to say assume, for the purpose of this discussion, that trymen, and-ali that host of patriots who de

The Ministry will seize upon it as the means of extending they were right; that their country was laboring | voted their lives and fortunes to the service of

clemency and mercy, which, without it, they miglit lexi

some difficulty in doing. The true policy now, of England. under intolerable oppression; and that it was at their country. That is my proposition.

is to conciliate Ireland; to compose the dissensions of the once their right and their duty to employ force, in My honorable friend asks: For what were these Irish people, not to fan the embers of subdued rebellion and order to deliver her from the iyrannical conduct of men sent to Van Dieman's Land, if they were not

agitalion; not to array Protestant against Catholic, 39 her oppressors across the Channel. Assuming guilty of moral turpitude?

Catholic against Protestant; but by uniting all classes of the

popalation of this ill-fated country around the Constitutida, that, how completely will it be retorted upon us in M. BADGER.' I did not ask any such ques- and extending mercy to her deluded and misguided people. the supposed events to which I have referred, and tion.

Justice is satisfied, and the laws eindicated. The great Rs which were once supposed likely to have hap- Mr. CASS. I understood my honorable friend pealer and Agitator is in his grave. He and his tensory are pened? And how easily may Great Britain re- also to allude to the case of France, in support of have vanished with him. The great masses now, on bois turn upon us, and say, that these were noble and his proposition. I can tell him why men have sides the Channel, believe that union with Great Brtain generous spirits; vindicators of oppressed human- been sent from France. It is because Louis Na- is essential to the freedom and resuscitation of Ireland; er ity, rushing forward at their personal hazard, poleon has got the power; and no man will say

tainly to its future greatness. Instead, then, of proveru without any individual interest in the question, that such men as young Lafayette and L'Estare l' by kindness and justice and cleinency, that the Irish natie

and chains and gibbets, England knows and feel that it i and sacrificing their all to prevent those who had were guilty of moral turpitude.

are to be governed and deemed worthy of being the ailpe escaped from an unjust and barbarous servitude Mr. BADGER. I never said so.

a mighty Empire. God and nature have made the te from being restored to the dominion of their mas- Mr. CASS. I am happy that I was mistaken.

countries essential to each other, and a final separation

would be fatal to each. This is my opinion, and i hati ters. If we set this example, we shall have no I supposed that my friend went upon the ground, some right to form it, from a knowledge of both. I krok, right, as I conceive, to consider it an improper in- that there was moral turpitude because these men too, that many of the wisest and best inen in England and terference on the part of the Government of Great were sent away. It was simply an act of power;

Ireland concur in this opinion. I hope that the resolution Britain, if, under the circumstances I have men- | nothing less, nothing more.

will pass, and that all the benefits you anticipate may i

sult from it. tioned, she should interpose her good offices. Mr. "BADGER. The honorable Senator per- Very truly and respectfully, your friend and obedient ** The honorable Senator says that he knows sists very strangely in misstating what I say I vant,

A. STEVENSOS. nothing about the spirit of the age for the last fifty li know he does not design it.

General J. Shelps. years, who does not understand that political of- Mr. CASS. Certainly not.

Mr. SHIELDS. I have taken the liberty of tences are no longer regarded as accompanied by Mr. BADGER. I have given no expression of having that letter read, because this gentleman, moral turpitude. I do not inderstand that any my opinion on the question of moral turpitude. who is well acquainted witli diplomatic propriety, such proposition has gone forth to the world. I have said over and over again, that I gave no seems to regard this as wholly harmless in this We all know this: that political offences are looked opinion on any such matter. I say that the Gov- respect. He is well acquainted, too, with the disupon as very venial by all nations in the world, ernments against which political offences are com- ; position of the English Government, and with the except those against which they are committed. mitted do not regard political offenders as being condition of the English and Irish people. But does the Czar of Russia look upon a political patriots influenced by high and lofty motives, and With respect to the amendments to my amendoffence against his crown and government as ac- worthy of consideration and regard. They look ment which have been submitted by the Senator companied with no moral criminality? Does upon them as criminals, and therefore punish them. from New York, I am quite willing to accept them, England, as in this very case of the exiles in Van That is what I have said, and all that I have said if it can be done consistently with the rules of the Dieman's Land? Does France, under the model on that point. My argument is entirely depend. Senate. Republic, in which has terminated the glorious con- ent on that, as I have endeavored to explain more The PRESIDENT. The Senator cannot accep: solidation of liberty with the name of democracy, || than once. It depends on the proposition which I them. The question is on amending the amenuover which we sung our jubilantes a few years ago? have stated, and now restate, that if we interfere ment as proposed. Does her Government look upon those offences in in behalf of those whom another Government Mr. MASON. Mr. President, 1 listened with that light? Does her government look upon polit- |; deems worthy of punishment, because we think very great pleasure, on a former day, to the res ical offences as matters of trivial concern, not ac- them excellent persons, deserving no punishment, l: marks which fell from the Senator from Illinois

, companied with moral culpability? Why are the they may interfere in regard to persons they who stands here now, I believe, the immediate vessels of the French marine now put into requi- may deem engaged in laudable etloris to set aside patron of this resolution. None can doubt that sition for the purpose of carrying away hun | our laws for the purpose df setting up a higher the interest which he takes in this subject, besides dreds and thousands of the citizens of the French system in obedience to the higher law, thongh we the general interest actuating an American siates nation--I had almost said Republic? We know

deem them criminals, and wish to subject them man, is of a character peculiar and appropriate i that some of the best and most excellent peo- to the severest punishment.

himself; and he has presented this resolution, and ple of that country have been deported to pe: Mr. SHIELDS. I do not mean to enter into has sustained it in a manner which, while it reflects nal colonies--banished from their country. The, this debate on the present occasion, and I shall not credit on him as a statesman, does even greater States against which political offences are conn- make any remarks of my own. Since I made a credit to his heart than his head. It is not my mitted, never regard them in the light which the few remarks on Saturday last, I have received a design at all to enter into the merits of these prop: Senator supposes. There may occur cases in the letter from a gentleman whose opinions I think ositions, further than to express my opinion of history of such Governments in which the formal this Yemte will respect. He is a Southern gentle its poliey. It is a measure of kindred character what is supposed to be the essence of the crime is Southern rights as my honorable friend from honorable Senator from Michigan, (Mr. Cass. wanting; and when these cases occur the Govern- ' North Carolina. I at one time felt disposed to. It is a measure which commits this Government to ment shows it by extending a pardon, or discon-, souch upon this very point. Were I a Southern tinuing the prosecution, or passing it over.

& step never heretofore taken; to an interference I wish it to be understood, in conclusion, that

man, I should be proud of it; but certainly, with ---a direct interference-with the policy of foreign

all respect for the South, I should hesitate as to my objection to this measure is not founded on

Governments. It is in that light alone that I am the determined, or asserted, or intimated ground, question upon all occasions. I should not feel that

the propriety of bringing in that very sensitive permitted, as a Senator from one of these States, that these unfortunate gentlemen were morally, I was estopped from expressing my sympathy! acknowledge that the most deep and, carnese criminal; that they were not politically justifiable; with the unfortunate, because I happened to be a sympathies of the American people are with these that the condition of things did not warrant, and Southern man. But I do not mean to touch on even require, them to resort to force to arcom- ; that point.

men, whom we justly call patriols, now in exile plish the object which they had in view. Not at


their fatherland, I feel bound to declare that

Here is a letter which I have received from a all. On that I give no opinion. But my objection highly cultivated Southern gentleman- Virgin

this Government is forbidden from interference. is this: we think many of them worthy subjects |; ian, who represented this country at the Court of here, on a self-accredited mission to this country,

Sir, we have seen lately a gentleman from abroad

for the purpose of unsettling its policy in relation his approbation that the resolution might lie over cannot debate the question of printing unless septo foreign Governments. We have seen the coun- until we get through the discussion of the subject arated from the motion to lie upon the table. tenance he has met with from men of every de- which was under consideration yesterday. It Mr.GIDDINGS. If the gentleman from Tengree and every station. We have seen, I fear, seems to me that it would be better to get throughnessée rises to a point of order, I wish he would that he has made a deep impression upon the feel- the whole discussion before we vote. I feel dis- state it. ings of a portion of the American people as to that posed to make some remarks upon these subjects

The SPEAKER. The question is upon the foreign policy; and we have witnessed the fact, that before we finally dispose of them; but I am not motion to lay the resolutions upon the table, and thousands have hung listeners to him when he has prepared to make those remarks now, and I do ordering them to be printed. attempted to show them that Washington, who not wish the question to be taken at this time. Mr. GIDDINGS. Upon the latter motion ! laid the foundations of this policy deep and broad, Several Senators expressed a desire to adjourn. I have a word to say. was mistaken; and who listened to him when he Mr. UNDERWOOD. Well, then, without 1 Mr. JONES. It is a joint motion, sir. told them, that although he was aware the Gov- wishing to take the floor on the resolution, I move The SPEAKER. The gentleman cannot deernment was agaiust a change in that policy, he that the Senate do now adjourn, as it is past three bate the motion to lie upon the table. was equally aware that the people could control o'clock. Perhaps when the subject comes up Mr. GIDDINGS. I do not ask that, but to the Government; and he declared and avowed that agnin, we shall be able to make some disposition make a few remarks upon the question of printhe was here to induce the American people to of the resolution.

ing: overrule the Government-in what? In a matter The motion was agreed to, and the Senate ad

The SPEAKER. So long as the questions are of policy in relation to foreign nations, which has journed.

connected they are not debatable. never been departed from since Washington pro

Mr. GIDDINGS. I then ask for a division of mulged it.

them. I have heard with great and deep regret, that the


Mr. JONES. I hope that will be voted down. jusuy-distinguished Senator from Michigan, whose WEDNESDAY, February 11, 1852.

Mr. WILLIAMS demanded the yeas and nays. words almost carry the weight of authority before The House met pursuant to adjournment. Prayer The SPEAKER. The Chair thinks it is comthe American people, has told us, as late as yes. | by the Rev. C. M. Butler.

petent for the gentleman to call for a separate vote, terday, that we had need of no fear in taking the step which he recommended; that it would not

The Journal of yesterday was read and approved. I first upon the motion to lie upon the table, and

next upon the motion to print. lead to war; but that it would exercise a moral


Mr. HOUSTON. I will make a suggestion to and suasive influence on things abroad; and he

Mr. STRATTON. I ask the unanimous con- the gentleman from Ohio. I intended to endeavor cited numerous instances where foreign Govern- sent of the House to present certain joint resolu- to get the floor as soon as these resolutions should ments had expressed their opinions

of the intended tions of the Legislature of the State of New Jer. be disposed of, for the purpose of moving that the actions of others, and we had seen them carried sey, and that they be read, laid on the table, and House resolve itself into the Committee of the into execution, and yet they stood silent and inac- printed.

Whole upon the state of the Union, to take up tive. What were these foreign Governments?

There being no objection, the preamble and res- for consideration the President's message. Then They were the Governments of kings and poten-olutions were read, as follows:

he can make whatever remarks he desires. tates; of princes, who were actuated by selfish Whereas the Constitution of the United States is a com- Mr. GIDDINGS. I am very much pleased to considerations alone in whatever they suggested

pact between the several States, and forras the basis of our hear that. I have waited almost three months for or recommended to those around them. What is

Federal Union :
And whereas the said States, through their Representa-

that motion. I shall not surrender the floor which our Government? A Government of the people. tives, in sovereign capacities as States, by adopting said Con- I legitimately possess upon the question of printAnd is it to be believed, will it be credited, that it stitution, coyceded only such powers to the General Goy. ing. should be recommended to the American people,

ernment as were necessary “ to form a more perfect union, Mr. JONES. I understand the motion originin wielding this Government, to declare a purpose

i establish justice, insure domestie tranquillity, provide for

the common detence, promote the general welfare, and ally to have been a joint one to lay upon the which they do not mean to execute? Sir, the i secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and pos- table and print. I say this motion cannot be very man to whom I have alluded—the Hunga- terity:"

divided at the instance of one member. rianavowed in one of his public addresses, that

And whereas the questions which agitated the country, The SPEAKER. The Chair thinks it compealthough it was not intended that the policy which

and abzorbed so large a portion of the time of the last ses-
sion of the Congress of the United States; questions in

tent for the gentleman to call for a division---lo he recommended should lead to war, yet it was their nature directly opposed to the spirit and compromises have a separate vote upon each proposition. true that it became a nation, as he expressed it, to of the Constitution, calculated to destroy our doinestic Mr. JONES. The question of division should back its diplomacy with the power of the country.

tranquillity, and dismember our glorious Union, were hapI did not intend when I rose to discuss these pily terminated by the Compromise Measures, it is deemed

be put to the House. the imperative duty of this Legislature to express their

The SPEAKER. The Chair is of the opinion questions. They are kindred. However little sentiments in relation thereto: Therefore,

that the propositions are divisible; that a member allied, in fact or in purpose, they are of kindred 1. Resolved, (Senate concurring,) That the Constitution has a right io call for the separation, and that it is origin, and will lead to kindred results. I may

of the United States was framed in the spirit of wisdom
and coinpromise, is the bond of our Federal l'nion, and

not necessary a vote shall be taken upon the divifeel it to be a duty devolved upon me, before the can only be preserved by a strict adherence to its express sion. measure discussed yesterday shall be brought to a and implied powers; that New Jersey, one of the original Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia. There can be final vote, to express my opinions at length upon

thirteen States, has always adhered to the Constitution, and no doubt about it. this subject. I ineant only now to express more is unalienably attached to the Union, and that she will re

The question was taken upon the motion to lay particularly to the Senator from Illinois, the feels sist, to the extent of her ability, any infraction of that


resolutions upon the table, and it was agreed to. ing of regret with which I am constrained to vote 2. Resolred, (Senate concurring, ) That this Legislature The question recurred on the motion to print. against the proposition which he has so ably sus

cordially approves the meastires adopted by the last session Mr. ORR. I rise to a question of order. Intained. I shall feel it to be my duty, with whatof Congress, known as the “Compromise Measures," and

asmuch as the House have laid the resolution upon erer reluctance, at once to vote in the negative, if country,

that every patriot, in every part of our widely extended
has causc to rejoice in the adoption of said meas-

the table, no mption to print, or any other motion it shall come to a vote. But I should be better sures, as a triumph of constitutional rights over a spirit of in connection with the subject, can be entertained satisfied, entertaining the feeling I do entertain wild and disorganizing fanaticism.

until the resolutions are taken from the table.

3. Resolved, (Senate concurring,) That New Jersey will towards the gentlemen in whose behalf it has ori- abide by and sustain the compromise measures, and that

The SPEAKER. The Chair overrules the ginated, that it should be laid on the table. If not her Senators in the Senate of the United States be in- point of order raised by the gentleman, upon the unacceptable to him, I make that motion. structed, and our Representatives in Congress be requested, ground that it has been the practice of the House Mr. SHIELDS. Unless some one is disposed

to resist any change, alteration, or repeal thereof.
4. Resolred, (Senate concurring,) That ibefugitive slave

to order a paper which may have been laid upon to speak on the subject, I would like to have the law is in accordance with the stipulations of the Constitu

the table to be printed. resolution disposed of at once. I think that, gen- tion of the United States, and, in its provisions, carries out

Mr. ORR. I understand the Chair to decide, erally speaking, the longer these questions are kept the spirit and letter of the Constitution in its compromises, ! then, that it is competent for the House to consider in suspense, the worse feeling arises out of them.

upon which our Union is founded. Hence I would like to see the resolution disposed patriotic stand taken by the Executive of the United States,

5. Resolved, (Senate concurring,) That we approve of the

a motion to print a proposition which has been

laid upon the table, of now. But I must state, that I cannot, in jus- in declaring his determination to execute and enforce alí

The SPEAKER. The Chair decides the ques. tice to myself, accede to the suggestion of the laws constitutionally enacted, and that the people of New tion now before the House is upon the motion to honorable Senator from Virginia, and allow the Jersey will sustain him in so doing. resolution to be laid on the table.

6. Resolved, (Senate concurring,) That the Governor of print. the State be requested to transmit a copy of these resolu

Mr. ORR. To print resolutions that have been Mr. MASON. I will not insist on the motion, tions to the Governor of each State in the Union, and to laid upon the table? if it is unacceptable to the Senator from Illinois. each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress. The SPEAKER. Yes, sir.

Mr. UNDERWOOD. I am highly gratified Mr. GIDDINGS. Is not the question of print- Mr. ORR. I then take an appeal from the dewith the suggestion made by the Senator from ing debatable?

cision of the Chair. Virginia. The resolutions offered by the Senator Mr. BAYLY, of Virginia. But the question to Mr. HALL moved to lay the appeal upon the from Rhode Island, [Mr. Clarke,) in reference to lie upon the table is not.

tsble. the question of intervention, and this resolution The SPEAKER. The question of printing, in The question was then taken, and it was agreed of the Senator from Illinois, are certainly kindred | the opinion of the Chair, is debatable. subjects. They have their origin in the same Mr. GIDDINGS. Upon that question, then, I

Mr. BRIGGS asked the unanimous consent of feelings growing out of recent events. I think it have the floor.

the House to withdraw certain papers from the will become the Senate, as the discussion is to Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. I think the ques- files of the House. go on upon the resolutions offered by the gentle- tion, in its present condition, is not debatable. Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia, objected. man from Rhode Island, to postpone action upon The motion to print, when connected with the mo

Mr. HEBARD asked the unanimous consent of this resolution, until we have heard the discussion tion to lie upon the table, is not debatable. the House to withdraw the papers of Stephen upon the whole subject. I do not wish to in- The SPEAKER. The motion to print is de : Hoyt from the files of the House. terfere with my friend from Illinois in his move. | batable.

Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia, objected. ment at all, but I wanted to throw myself upon Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. The questions can Mr. GIDDINGS. Nothing is further from my his courtesy, to know whether it would not meet li only be separated by the House. The gentleman ' intention than to occupy the time of the House


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