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ever known. There are hundreds of practical | ryland about that size; and if a like volume is pre-l stated that fifty pounds per ream was the weight printers in the United States, and why are Donel- pared for every State it will make thirty-one vol- contracted for. son & Armstrong inserted expressly in this reso

Mr. EVANS. I was wrong in the weight. But lation? What are their capabilities for perform- Mr. JONES. If that is so, I will vote against it was proved before the committee of the House ing this work? What are their prices likely to having thein printed at all.

that these contractors used paper weighing six be? How many copies of this census report are A Voice. ' That for Maryland is prepared as pounds per ream less than that contracted for. I we to have published ? Before we rush blindfold a model volume.

made it at the time the cause of a grave and seriinto this matter, and authorize the Committee on Mr. EVANS. I understand that volume is to ous charge in this House, for which I subjected Printing to negotiate this contract, let us at least be a model volume. So we are perhaps to have myself to great censure. However, let those conknow something of the expense to which we are | thirty-one volumes. I suppose we shall have at troversies now sleep with the dead. I do not think to be put. The Superintendent of the Census has least one hundred thousand copies published. that any gentleman should allow any such thing prepared, or is engaged in preparing, a volume Mr. STANTON, of Kentucky. Will the gen- to become indelible; let him rather strike it from with regard to the census of the State of Mary- tleman allow me to ask him whether the volume his memory. The fact which I desire to bring to land. I understand that volume is to be about which is being prepared is for the census prinsing the notice of this House is, that the same thing the ordinary size of a volume of the Congressional or for the Staie of Maryland?

which was approved in Trenholm & Belt is now Globe--not, perhaps, as large as that of the first Mr. EVANS. As a part of the census returns. regarded by the Committee on Printing as a great session of the last Congress, but about the size of Mr. STANTON. I understand that the whole crime in Mr. Boyd Hamilton. Now, what are we that of the second session. It will be a consider- returns will not make a volume larger than the to do with the public printing? Up to the Twentyable sized folio volume. That is what I under- Congressional Globe for the last long session of ninth Congress it was given to the fortunate newsstand. I may be mistaken, but that is my belief. Congress,

paper ellitors of both political parties by the way of I understand that it contains a historical account Mr. EVANS, I do not understand so. But jobs, and it had been a source of great corruption. of every county in the State of Maryland, besides I do not want any gentleman to understand me as That Congress determined to put a stop to all the a complete account of the census of that State, denying the gentleman's assertion. It may beso. iniquity which had or might spring out of the pubinvolving all of the one hundred questions which, Lut'I do say this: we have no positive informa-l lic printing. It was therefore determined by that by a law of the last Congress, the deputy mar- tion upon that subject, and until we have, we Congress that the public printing should be thereshals were required to ask every individual, or at ought not, blindfold, to adopt this resolution. I after let out to the lowesi bidder. It determined least every head of a family. Now, if a similar do assert that this model volume which is being that the old system of corruption and patronage account is to be furnished of every State in the prepared, is not by the order of, or for the State should be done away with, and that the printing Union-and if this is done for one State it of Maryland, but for the use of the House and should be let out to the lowest bidder who would should certainly be done for all the States—then Senate.' And if such a volume is to be prepared give good security. Well, what was the consewe shall have thirty-one folio volumes, each for Maryland, why should Ohio be neglected any quence of that change? Messrs. Wendell & Van of which will comprise the census of one State more than the State of Maryland? And if we Benthuysen, residents of Albany, in the State of alone; and if one hundred thousand copies, or adope this resolution without any knowledge of its New York, came on here to Washington, and perhaps more likely five hundred thousand cop- extent, I know no reason why we should not ex- entered into a contract with the Secretary of the ies, we shall involve the country in an expense pect to see the whole thirty-one volumes. Let gen- ! Senate and Clerk of the House of Representatives, for printing, amounting to millions of dollars. ilemen offer an amendment that the whole shall as directed by law, and they performed the public We are going, blindfold, to make this enormous be included in one volume, and that the whole printing at certain specified prices, and as soon as appropriation, and I do not know for what pur- number of copies shall not exceed fifty thousand They hud finished the printing they informed the pose. How many copies, I will ask the chairinan and the expenses not more than $100,000. You | House that they had lost fisieen or twenty thouof the Committee on Printing, (Mr. Gorman,] will have, then, something reasonable, and the sand dollars by the contract. I must say they is it proposed to publish? How many volumes is House will not be under the necessity of adopting printed the documents required to be printed by it expected it will make? And how much money the resolution without knowing what it is about. them upon inferior paper and with inferior ink; is it proposed to appropriate for that purpose ? I now puss to another branch of this subject. | they did not more than ordinarily delay the pubUnless this information can be given, I will never We should not pass this matter by lightly. This lic printing, but did it in good time-certainly did consent to give the power which is asked for public printing has been the cause of much dis- noi delay it as much as it latterly has been—and in this resolution to any committee however re- sension here. I now mean to refer to the course they manifested in every way a spirit of determinspectable, or however honest--and none can be pursued in the last Congress upon the same sub- asion to comply as nearly as possible with the more so than the present Comınittee on Printing- || ject. It was asserted in the last Congress, that terms of the contract. Now let us see the effect. never, sir! What does this resolution propose? | Messrs. Trenholm and Bell-the printers

Wendell & Van Benthuysen, having lost money It proposes to give the Committee on Printing to Congress-had violated their contract.

by that contract, did not become bidders for the power to enter into an arrangement with Messrs. (A message was here received from the Senate, printing of the Thirty-first Congress, if I recollect Donelson & Armstrong-two gentlemen whom I announcing that several bills had passed that aright--for I have not the documents by me, but do not know-they may be very worthy men and

trust to memory, and if I am not accurate gentle excellent printers. I belive they are the editors of Mr. E. continued. Now, Mr. Speaker, the men will correct me. The bidding was to be relet the Union. The committee have no discretionary | honorable chairman of the Committee on Printing for the Thirty-first Congress. The prices of Wenpowers. They cannot call in anybody else. if (Mr. GORMAN) has told us that the committee had dell & Van Benthuysen were well known, and other printers offer lower or better ierms, they can- unanimously concluded that the present contractors they had a memorial before Congress by which is not accept them. But they are required to make for the public printing had violated their contract was shown how much shey had lost by their cona contract with Donelson & Armstrong. They do in the quality of paper upon which the printing tract--some fitieen or twenty thousand dollars. not tell us beforehand, nor do we limit them in the was done. I want to ask that gentleman if the Now bidders had everything before them to enextent of the contract. Why, we ought at least same thing was not done by the contractors for able them to make their bids fairly, honestly, to insert, Provided, that the expense shall not the prinung in the last Congress? I want to justly, and uprightly-and what was the result exceed so much,” or, “ Provided, the number of know if it was not proved by testimony intro- Mr. John C. Rives was one of the bidders, and copies shall not exceed so many." I do not be- duced before a committee of this House, organ- Mr. Towers, a practical printer in the city of lieve we ought to give an unlimited power to con- ized for that especial purpose, that Trenholm Washington, was another.' Wendell & Van Bentract in this matter, and thus to vote away the & Belt had used paper many pounds less in thuysen were not bidders, but Messrs. Trenholm public money to any man, or set of men, however weight than that specified by the contract, viz., & Belt, two persons entirely unknown to anyhonorable, or however honest, their character that of say fisty pounds to the ream? I want to body, except to some printers in the city of Washmay be. That is a power which belongs exclusive- know if, upon any occasion, Trenholm & Belt ever ington personally acquainted with them, and toly to this House, and we have not the right to used the quality of paper which they contracted tally unknown to every member of this House, delegate it to others. I do not believe any gen- to use? I ask if Mr. Ritchie did noi prove, or if were found to be the lowest bidders, and very tleman will be able to answer these questions, and Trenholm & Belt did not--for I do not desire to low bidders, considerably lower than the prices of unless we receive this information, I will never mention the name of Mr. Ritchie but with respect- Wendell & Van Benthuysen, upon which prices consent that we should rush on, blindfold, to incur I ask if Trenholm & Belt did not attempt to prove, i those parties had lost fifteen or twenty thousand this enormous expense now. Suppose this turns by Mr. Farnham, a bookseller and stationer of dollars. Well, sir, Messrs. Trenholm & Belt went out to be a profitable job. This Committee on this city, that the lighter paper which they used on with the printing, and partially executed it, Printing have the power to go on; and employ was not the better paper! I want to know if he and in so doing-without meaning any unjust reDonelson & Armstrong to print as many copies of was not allowed to go on printing upon that kind flections upon them--if I recolleci aright, and if I these thirty-one volumes as they please—for all of paper, not only without complaint, but with do not I will take occasion to correct it hereafter, the States ought to stand upon the same footing. the express approval and sanction of gentlemen in the great mass of the documents was long delayed If this history of each county is given to Maryland, this House, many of whom are now here! Yet in the delivery, and, if I am not mistaken, the it should also be given to Virginia, and New York, now, when Mr. Boyd Hamilton, of the city of President's message was not delivered to us until and Pennsylvania, and Ohio, and every State in Philadelphia, has done precisely the same thing, i about the month of July or August of the long the Union. Every State has as much right to have what do the Committee on Printing propose to

session. It was a subject of great complaint upon the details of its resources and statistics spread out do? I think no one will deny what I say in rela- the part of members. at length and printed, as the State of Maryland tion to the contractors for the printing of the last Another fact was developed, and it is contained has.

Congress. The gentleman from South Carolina | in the sworn testimony taken before a select comMr. JONES, of Tennessee. I will ask the (Mr. Orn) was a member of that committee, and mittee. There were certain documents laid upon gentleman from Maryland if it is his understand- I call upon him to deny it if I am wrong. the tables of members, as specimen numbers, for ing that there is to be a volume made out for every Mr. ORR. I will state to the gentleman that i them to look at, as is usual here when public docState, as large as the Congressional Globe ?

the paper upon which Messrs. Trenholm & Belt uments come out--for instance, the Patent Office Mr. EVANS. I do not know. The resolution

contracted to use was to weigh thirty-eight pounds report. But documents of the same kind, indoes not state. But I can tell the gentleman that to the ream. They used that weighing thirty-two i tended for distribution, are always left in the foldthey are preparing a volume for the State of Ma- ll pounds. I think the gentleman from Maryland ing-room. Upon an examination by this select


committee it was discovered that those documents, entitled to this printing. I call the attention of why it was that the contract was not proposed to be which were laid upon our tables, were printed the House and of the honorable gentleman from given to John Doe or Richard Roe, or somebody upon good paper, and with good ink; but those South Carolina, Mr. ORR,] to the fact, that the else: That Donelson & Armstrong is put in here in the docunent-room, folded up and requiring to great effort made in the last Congress, and the is the most mysterious part of this matter. It be broken open in order to examine them at all, strong ground upon which Mr. Ritchie fasiened seems to me to be a sacrifice upon the part of were printed upon paper six or eight pounds less himself, and the heft of his argument was this, Donelson & Armstrong of a considerable portion in weight, and with ink which cost several cents that Congress had taken the Census printing away of that fortune they have been all their lives in less per pound, and were every way different from from Mr. Ritchie when he was entitled to it as acquiring for the benefit of the Government. I the contract. Here was a fraud attempted to be public printer; at least, so it was agued upon the am aware of the patriotism of our citizens, that played upon members and upon this House. other side of the House. Noro, they have come they will yield up their lives upon the battle-field,

Now, what was the upshot of this whole mat- to the conclusion that the public printer is not en- that they will give away their estates for taxes, ter of public printing? I must return one moment. titled to this sume printing. Is not that so? Mr that they will give up their all in order to support It was proved in the testimony—and I go upon the Ritchie argued so, and contended ably for it. I the Government, but this seems to be a sublime testimony and notbing else that when Messrs. examined this question with great care, and I think sacrifice. I never yet knew a public printer that Trenholm & Belt took this contract, and entered it was the great ground he had, it he had any. has not professed to have lost money by his coninto it, they declared they did not take it for the And before this Congress is over Mr. Ritchie will tract, and why Messrs. Donelson & Armstrong purpose ot" fulfilling it, but that they expected to come forward in this House, and claim indemnity should be picked out and pressed into this resolumake Congress sick of this whole system of con- upon this very ground. He will be here, my word tion to be sacrificed, to sustain the loss which tract printing, and make them return to the whole for it, asking that real or imaginary losses incurred they must inevitably as public printers, and I job system of giving out the public printing to during the last Congress shall be made good to never knew it otherwise, I cannot tell. I do not editors in this city. It is proved that they de- him. He may perhaps obtain it, for he is power- know why their destruction is resolved upon. I clared, before they took the contract, they took it ful; he holds in his control the destinies of mem- protest, as the friend of Donelson & Armstrong, allow prices for the very purpose of breaking up bers of Congress. And Mr. Hamilton has this with whom I am not acquainted, against their the contract system. They came forward, not- | disadvantage, that he is no partisan editor, while being thrust into this losing business. Now why withstanding this proof of 'iniquity, and made a Mr. Ritchie was. Hence there is sympathy, and does not the House pass a resolution saying that claim upon the House of Representatives, which there are votes, for the one; and no sympathy and the contract shall be let out to the lowest bidwould have amounted, I am told by practical no votes for the other.

der for cash, who comes with good security, the printers, and those who understand their business, Mr. FULLER, of Maine. Was is not upon Government furnishing the paper? Look to the to the sum of two hundred thousand dollars, be- the ground that Mr. Ritchie was deprived of the State of Massachusetts, which prints highly credcause they had a hard bargain, notwithstanding prinung of the proceedings in relation to the death itable documents. If gentlemen will see the books they took the bargain for the purpose of breaking of General Taylor, and of some Supreme Court published by order of that State, in our Library, up the contract system. Now, how did it event- cases, that he claimed indemnity?

they will acknowledge that they are creditable. uate? It turned out that Trenholm & Belt were Mr. EVANS. The gentleman is mistaken. Mr. So it is with the State of New York, all the New men of straw. The real contractor was Mr. Ritchie sent in a letter, assenting to the printing, England States, and, I might add, of almost all Ritchie, then the editor of the Union. Mr. Ritchie in a northern city, of the proceedings in reference of the States. The only printing in the whole was the actual contractor, and went security for to General Taylor.

country that is wretchedly and miserably exeTrenholm & Belt, and thereby became his own Mr. FULLER. Was not that after he offered

cuted, at the highest price, is that of the Govsecurity, they being merely nominal parties, and he to give up the contract? And was not that one of ernment of the United States. It is a disgrace came forward and asked of this House indemnity, the jobs Mr. Ritchie claimed as falling within his to them. The English, French, and Russian which, it was stated, amounted to two hundred contract, and upon that ground that lie claimed be- Governments furnish us with their public docuthousand dollars. It was not declared that this fore Congress ihat he was relieved from the con- ments, which are magnificently printed and elewas the amount in money, but was covered up in tract?

gantly bound.

We send ours in return, which an indefiniteness, as it is in this resolution. What Mr. EVANS. If the gentleman will allow me, American would be ashamed to know in a foreign did he state? He acknowledged his paper did not

I will state this and I wish to state nothing un- country. If this House resolves that the census weigh enough. He did not pretend to deny it, fair-Mr. Ritchie did certainly claim he had a printing shall be let out to the lowest bidder, the but justified himself by saying the lighter paper right to print the obituary notices of General Government furnishing the paper, and the conwas the better paper. The matter was discussed, Taylor, but he came forward voluntarily, and by tractor to be paid for composition and press-work, at the last Congress, elaborately and at length, by a letter addressed to the Speaker of the House, and nothing else, we will have it well printed, and members upon both sides of the House, and very expressly waived all right to perform such print- will ourselves get rid of the suspicion, that I am ably discussed too, and Mr. Ritchie was, by cer- ing, stating that it would be much better, and sure every member will be unwilling to be attached tain members, justified in using lighter paper. much more speedily executed elsewhere. Thus, to himself, that Donelson & Armstrong are receiv

I wish to call the attention of Congress to this I say, he delivered a message to this House, ex- ing an extraordinary pecuniary compensation. one fact, that Congress adopted the contract sys- | pressly waiving his right.

Your contract will be well executed, and millions of tem, and that contract system was faithfully ob- So with regard to the opinions of the Supreme dollars, perhaps, will be saved to your Treasury: served during the Twenty-ninth Congress, and Court, in the celebrated

passenger cases-Norris

You will receive documents in good time, and, I during the Thirtieth Congress Messrs. Trenholm vs. the city of Boston-those cases which, at the will repeat, you will divest yourselves of all sus& Belt took the contract with the express declara- time, excited so much interest. Mr. Ritchie claimed picion. Your consciences, in future time, will not tion that they intended to break up the system, about $36,000 for that printing, which was very be weighed down, as I know they will if you allow and force Congress to come back to the old and small in amount, and was executed at a special Messrs. Donelson & Armstrong to be put in here. corrupt system, and they nearly succeeded in it. session of the Senate. The committee determined Members are too virtuous, too intelligent to here They got their bill through the House, and would that he was entitled to-say, $500, and he was subject themselves to the suspicion of making a have got it through the Senate, but for want of actually paid $12,000, as I shall always believe job. I should like while I am upon the floor, that time. But it not having been done then, it be- wrongfully and improperly. Mr. Ritchie con- somebody would tell me why Messrs. Donelson & comes necessary for this Congress to step forward tended that he was entitled to a dollar for every Armstrong are selected and put into this resoluand do it—to abandon the contract system, and page, or every line-I forget which of these doc- tion? I do not want Gideon, of the Republic, I go back again to the corrupting old method of uments, and he sent in a bill of $36,500 for print- do not want any Whig to be placed there. If you giving it out to selected favorites and partisan ing these opinions of the Supreme Court of the make a job of the matter, say so, and let the Demeditors.

United States. The commitiee examined it, and ocrats have it, for they have a majority here. If I do not care what amount may be honorably said it came to $500, and that was the whole you go upon principle I demand, 'if Boyd Hamand reasonably realized under a fair contract by amount he was entitled to; but they pushed it so ilton is not entitled to it, that it shall be let the gentlemen' named in this resolution; if they strong, that the Secretary of the Senate allowed out by contract. Is it proposed to build up, on succeed in obtaining the work, I trust they may Mr. Ritchie $12,500, more than twenty times what the eve of a presidential campaign, a formidable meet with just and proper success; neither do I this contract made it. But all this is collateral to press to be sustained out of the Treasury? I canoppose the resolution because Donelson & Arm- the matter in question.

not believe it. I would disdain to see either Whigs strong are Democrats. If I know myself, I would Mr. Ritchie did say that the census printing or Democrats in this House, building up political say the same thing against Gideon, of the Republic, belonged to the public printer, and made an able power in this manner, and I know there are as and Gales & Seaton, of the Intelligencer.

argument to prove it, and members of this House, a high and honorable men in the other party as are But I feel assured that this is a part of the old great body of them, assented to it, and the commit- to be found anywhere. Do you seek to build up, exploded and heretofore-defeated scheme, to force tee to which it was referred, I think, reported in fa- | on the eve of a presidential campaign, in the city Congress to go back to the old corrupt system, vor of it. Now, the Committee on Printing comes in of Washington, a formidable press, the expenses and abandon the contract system. For that rea- and says it does not belong to the public printer. of which are to be defrayed out of the Treasury? son they have brought in the resolution to-day, it did belong to the public printer when Mr. Is that your design? which says we shall print the Census, without Ritchie was such, but it does not when Mr. Ham- Mr. GORMAN. I apprehend that the gentle. telling us how many volumes it will make, how ilton is public printer. I do not say whether it man, if he will look at the proceedings of a former much it will cost, and how many copies, but goes does or does not, and this House has not inquired extra session of Congress, he will find that the on to designate the names of the very men who

whether it does or not. It has not made a proper contract was taken from the Democratic public are to have it, and nobody else.

investigation. But it becomes this House, and is printers, Messrs. Blair & Rives, when the Whig Every gentleman in this House knows that this consistent with decency, with honor, and with party were in power, and $100,000 voted into the ought not to be. Every one is aware that a fair propriety, before it passes this resolution, to in- pockets of Gales & Seaton. That is an answer to field of competition should be opened to all, and quire whether it does belong to the public printer, the gentleman's inquiry. that we should give that fair arena without lear, i and if it does not fall to Mr. Boyd Hamilton, tó Mr. EVANS. I do not know whether that is favor, or affection.

inquire where does it fall, and to whom it does be- a fact; but the gentleman asserts and I believe it. The honorable gentleman says the Committee | long.

Mr. GORMÅN. I have the vote here. unanimously agreed that Boyd Hamilton is not I should like to have some gentleman to tell me Mr. EVANS. If it be, as the gentleman states,


it was a miserable piece of swindling, and unwor. viduals of this House. But, sir, I have been at their first essays in playing a tune, but soon give thy of an American Congress; I do not stand by all times unwilling that this subject of public print- | you those in which you can perceive no harmony, it. i wash my hands clean of it, for it was ing should pass from before this House until the and which it is a great inconvenience to be coma disgrace to the country. I hope the gentle country should understand, and fully understand, | peiled to dance to after them. I can never consent man will not urge that example by a former Con- all thai was meant by this corruption fund. We ihat the funds of this Government, which have gress, for the action of the present one. Donelson have heard gentlemen make great objections to let- been collected by taxing the people, shall be taken is a man of talents, and has distinguished himself ting the printing out to the lowest bidder, which for the purpose of giving pensions to any indiin the councils of the country, or at least in its has been denounced all around this House as a vidual. While lam willing to pension the soldier, service abroad. I seek to take nothing from him. miserable failure; and, by way of amending it, it and take care of his widow and orphans—the reI am willing to see him prosper fairly and honor- is proposed to let it out to the highest bidder-by ward of actual services-while I am willing to allow ably, but not by this job.

way of relieving the House from difficulty they | all claims of that kind, I am not willing to select Mr. GORMÁN. I would inquire of the gentle- ' let it out to the highest bidder; that is, they limit any individual and give him the means of becoming man, which is the most euphonious to his ear- the committee; they designate the individual with wealthy out of the public purse, and to place him in Gales & Seaton, or Donelson & Armstrong? whom that commitiee is to make the contract, and a position in which he has an opportanity to form

Mr. EVANS. Gales & Seaton are not more they cannot make a contract with anybody else. public opinion, simply because he is an editor of a euphonious than Donelson & Armstrong. I never Now, I should suppose

leading journal disseminated extensively throughvoied a job to Gales & Seaton, nor to any body Mr. GORMAV. The contract is to be made out the country. I want no man to make public else, and never will. This whole matter is all so upon such terms as the committee shall deem rea- opinion for me, nor do my constituents desire it. vague, so misty, so floating, that I cannot make sonable. I ask my honorable friend from North I hope I shall never see the time when party ties out from it any certain statistics; but were I to Carolina if he supposes the gentlemen composing and party allegiance shall be so strongly fixed venture a guess, I would say that $500,000 profit the Committee on Printing will make the contract upon me that I shall be willing to sacrifice princimight be made out of this job. Here is an amend- upon terms unreasonable and unjust to the country ple for the purpose of advancing the position or ment that a partisan press shall be set up, encourand the Government?

standing of any one. I do not mean, under any aged, and paid out of the public Treasury to Mr. VENABLE. My gallant friend is a fair- circumstances, to give a vote in which I shall have endure forever. Gentlemen will find, if that is the minded man. I know he has no purpose, but a to part with the principle for the purpose of prodesign, that it will bring down this evil upon their fair purpose. Why not say, the committee shall | moting the aspirations of any man io the Presiown heads. These men, inflated by prosperity, contract with some person to do the public print-dency. Thank God, I am fooi-loose. I represent having filled themselves to repletion with the pub- ing? Why give it to Donelson & Armstrong? a constituency that require me to be fool-loose, lic patronage, will wreak vengeance upon some of what claims have they upon us, or upon the who have returned me by a large majority. I am you. They will turn upon you if you step over country: Mr. Donelson has been called the ad- || foot-loose, and bound by no party lies or obligathe line they have marked out, and woe unto him ministrator of General Jackson's opinions. I say, tions which require me io abandon any principle who censures any doctrine they advocate, for his he is administrator not only in his wrong, but in which I have asserted. I will take occasion to political grave will be dug! That will be the pay General Jackson's wrong: Aye, sir, he has no say, while I abhor the consolidation doctrines you will receive for your services you now do them. claims upon me, or upon those whom I represent. which have spread over every sheet of the Union Partisan editors of both parties forget when pros- I felt the influence of his power during the last newspaper, while I naturally abhor and eschew perous, their friends, and wreak their vengeance

I will never pay a man to whip me. I them, if the editors will do the printing any upon those who dissent from their dogmas and can get it done cheaper. (Laughter.] The Union | cheaper than anybody else, they are welcome io their dicta. When I have another opportunity | paper contains the highest Federal doctrines-- || do it. If a Mahomeian or Mormon will do the upon a similar question to this, I promise the doctrines with which I never had any sympathy, || printing better and cheaper than anybody else, I House to bring out all the facts with regard to the and never can have, and therefore it has no claims am willing to pay for it. I trust there will be a public printing, in a speech of less than an hour | upon me. If it held the best of principles, I decided effort in this House, to keep this printing in length, and will show them such a system of would oppose it, whether it had claims upon me out of the hands of any men who will be likely fraud and corruption as would be disgraceful to an or upon those whom I represent. I oppose the to make use of so great a power in the presidenAmerican Congress longer to sanction. I hope principle, by which the offer for this printing is tial campaign. I prefer a practical printer who is we will do nothing of the kind proposed in the io be narrowed down, and the contract given not an editor; and I hope we will not be called resolution. I do not object to Donelson & Arm- to a single individual. If there were one hundred upon to give fuel to kindle a fire that will give strong, if they can get it on a fair competition. As men in the country who sell bread, can you say power to any machinery which will generate a fair competitors let them have it, and I will say that the hungry shall trade only with one man? miasma over the whole length and breadth of the amen to it. I wish them success in their paper. There can be no question upon that subject. I country. I take this occasion, and am glad of the When under the editorship of Mr. Ritchie, and Why are Donelson & Armstrong suggested ? | opportunity, to say, that in regard to the vote when it was edited by Donelson & Armstrong, Do we mean to give away the public printing as which I shall give upon this question I consider it advocated principles which I professed, and sus- a pension :-propose to make the public printing myself as detached from any sort of obligations tained measures which I sustained, and I honor a iax upon the Treasury-and say that the present to sustain any man's pretensions for the printing; them for it. I believe it also maintains the great system of giving it to ihe lowest bidder is a bad neither will I'vote for any man for the Presidency compromise principles which have been passed one! I can differ with gentlemen upon a princi- || who does not in his avowed opinions come up to here. Those measures I defend, and those meas- ple, and respect them because they have a right my views of what a patriotic, constitutional ures they have defended. The present editor, I io their opinions. They assert them independently | American statesman ought to hold and adhere to. believe, has never forsaken the great broad Union and act upon them; but I can feel no such sympa- I have been much entertained as well as amused, ground which embraces the whole government, thy or respect when the question becomes one of within the last few days, by the revelations made and for that I honor him, and wish the paper suc- | plunder. I know where it begins, but not where in the discussion between several representatives cess and prosperity; but not for that or anything it ends. Then I ask, is the committee restricted from Massachusetts, There was disclosed by else they can do will I mix in the the dirty mire of to a contract with Donelson & Armstrong, and the recrimination between those accomplices in miserable politics to give them public plunder, or Donelson & Armstrong alone? If that is so, they abolition what I always believed that both the to enable any partisan press to control offices, and have some claims upon us. Let those claims be Whigs and Democrats, as a party, in that State finally to control the very members of this House. 1 pointed out. Let them tell the country, and let were deeply hostile to the peculiar institutions of Mr. Speaker, I hope the House will pardon me us all know how great pension they are entitled the South. I had no interest in such a contest, for detaining them so long upon this question. I to. Let us fix the amount, so if we make the set- except for the information of the people whom I hope it will consider the intrinsic importance of tlement, we will know when we are done paying. represent. I shall take occasion to circulate those this proposition. I assure every gentleman, no If a pension is to be given, let us know how speeches freely amongst them, that they may have matter what his politics are, that if he will exam- much we are giving. If the contract for printing the highest evidence of the correctness of those conine into the subject-and it will not take much is to open it to the world, open it to all competi- clusions with which I had made them familiar in time as the documents can be all found in the pro- i tion, and give the committee ihe discretion to make my intercourse with them. It was a battle in ceedings of last Congress—he will find that it is the contract with individuals who shall execute it which I desired the full exhibition of prowess on worthy of his most serious examination, and he in the best manner and for the least sum. I will go both sides, and that at the close of the combat, bywill discover that this one single job will come to with my friend from Maryland (Mr. Evans) in the standers would have to do the kind office of burnone twenty-fifth part of the whole expenses of the proposition that the Government should furnish ing the slain. Governor Boutwell carried the State Government. I repeat, that it is worthy of our paper, and we should leave nothing but the me- because he and his friends bid higher than their consideration, and I trust every one will see the chanical work to the printer-pay the printer what competitors at the auction. A bid of one quarter necessity of letting out this contract to the lowest his work is worth, and give him fair rates. I shall of a dollar more by the other side would have carbidder, the Government furnishing the paper upon never consent to make a sort of contract where no ried the day against them. The price was the which the matter is to be printed. We will then man in this House but a practical printer ever consideration; the offices and emoluments were get it done honorably and honestly. I move the knows how much is to be drawn from the Treas- irresistible. Did the Democracy coalesce with following amendment :

ury for the purpose of filling the pockets of one the Abolitionists? Let those representatives of To amend by striking ont “ Donelson & Armstrong,

who has, for the time, the favor of a majority that State who here denounce them, say why and to insert “the lowest bidder for cash, the Government here. The remarks made by my friend from they voted for Mr. Winthrop? They professo furnishing the paper."

Maryland [Mr. Evans] deserve thorough consid- be satisfied with the compromise, and yet support Mr. VENABLE. Mr. Speaker, I am very much gratified_being called out of the House by the organs of parties, and thus fixed upon them, passage of those measures, voted in the Senate for business-that I returned during the discussion of of whom the fabled story of Sinbad the Sailor's | a bill abolishing slavery in the District of Columunwilling to have had it passed without expressing con: He first rode by charity, and ended in de setts; endeavored to revive agitation on the slavery my opinion and giving my vote upon it.' When manding to ride by right. They are right gentle question, and upon that achievement was in moe I say this, I do not suppose that any expression men at first, but there is no getting rid of them at nated as a candidate for Governor. He did not of opinion I can present will control that of indi


who supported him have but little cause to com- I want a fair, free fight in the next presidential can- The explanations of the Globe of that day and the plain of any tampering with Abolitionists or com- vass, I mean that I desire that the people may conversations with Mr. Ritchie in some measure binations with them for power. He spread the have some hand in arranging the preliminaries and softened the sternness of the text, but it left a hazy pamer of agitation to the breeze, and was sus- making the selection between the individuals pre- fog in the atmosphere which caused small objects to ained by the Whigs of his State. I have no interest sented as candidates for office. I am very far from loom in the distance. You have experienced this, in the matter further than the truth of history is objecting to a candidate because he is the nominee sir, doubtless, when in a morning mist a cow would concerned, and as a recorded evidence of what sort of the Baltimore Convention. Indeed such a nom- seem to be as large as an elephant. I prefer a reof materials we are called on to rely upon in the hour ination would highly recommend him to my | turn to the clear bright republican days of Mr. Jefof trial. It will teach my constituenis that I am no choice. Such an expression of preference by that ferson, for whom General Jackson cherished the alarmist, and that I have told them the truth. 11 body would demand and receive my respect. If most profound regard. We must return to that is evident, from all the circumstances, that both | he should be sound, true, and capable, frank and simple unsophisticated republicanism of the pure parties had a common purpose, but neither party | honest in the declaration of his republican doc- and almy days of our country, before the dishad any feeling for us. I am neither malignant nor trines, desirous for the repose of the country, and tribution of fifty millions of money, and whole resentful. If iny temper is excitable, it is easily the faithful execution of the laws, the fact of his empires of land gave the means of temptation appeased; but there is one thing which I never nomination would recommend him to my confi- and corruption, and placed in the hands of Conmean to do, and that is, to fawn upon the hand | dence and secure my zealous support.

gress the control of jobs by which opulence may that strikes me. No, sir, I will never do it. I But, sır, the Baltimore Convention might make be attained in a few months or a year. To such will never be brought to sustain the pretensions of a nomination of those who do not answer this de- a candidate who believes in the sovereignty of the any man for the Presidency who is not a republi- scription-who do not possess these qualifiations; States, I care not whether he approved or disapcan; wbo does not distinctly acknowledge State and I will not support any such nominees. No proved of the series of measures called the comsovereignty and State rights upon the principles party ties shall induce me to perform an act by i promise, but who is determined to execute the laws of their

great apostle, Mr. Jefferson; who does not which I lose my self-respect. I am not ignorant || and preserve the repose of the country, there will pledge himself to arrest agitation of the slavery that all liberty-all that is valuable in free govern- | be such a gathering as we have not seen for many question, and carry out the fugitive slave law by ments—have been often lost agreeably to the years. all the power with which he is clothed. I will usages of parties, and in due form of party disci- To endeavor now to agitate the public mind on the make no compromise here. I opposed every meas- i, pline. An empty shadow takes the place of sub- measures of the last session would be the extreme ure of the compromise except the fugitive slave | stance the power transferred to the few from the l of folly. The most of them are res perfecta. Callaw; and I regretted that I was not able to defeat many, and the screws of party discipline may be ifornia is a State. Texas has accepted the ten all of them against which I voted. The State to applied to crush all who have independence to millions. Utah and New Mexico are complete in which I owe my allegiance, and the people whom speak the honest convictions of their own hearts. il their organization as Territories, and the other I represent, were willing to try the experiment should they nominate a man who dodges votes, laws stand on the statute-book. Who would enof these measures, as they had become a part and who is not to be found in his place when vital | gage in the peurile, as well as wicked purpose of of the laws of the land. They are a law-abiding questions are to be decided-whose letters and again agitating the public mind, without any prospeople, and I acknowledge the authority of the will communications require a second Daniel to inter- pect of a good result? And whilst I do not apof my people. I voted for the fugitive slave law; pret them-or, like the riddles of antiquity, give prove of a policy which would assume the necesand it is the only one of the compromise measures employment and reputation to a second Edepussity of sustaining those laws of last session by a for which I voted. But though I acquiesce in for his skill in unravelling the mysteries which buitress of resolutions this session, and whilst I do them, no man has a right to inquire as to whether they contain; or, like the Delphic oracle, which not perceive the wisdom of making the move, and I do so cordially or not. I will say, that I have made response to a certain king, who inquired | amend the Constitution which recognizes its imperchanged no opinion as to the character of these whether he should go to war with the Romans, infections and provides the mode of amendment, I measures, and I feel now as I felt then. My con- | the following oracular words: " Ibis, redibis, nun- am utterly averse to any course which would restituents feel now in regard to this subject, as quamque pevibis"-words admitting the double vive agitation or revive discontent. every good citizen ought to feel, a strong desire translation: " You shall go, you shall return, you Mr. POLK, (interrupting.) I call the gentlefor the repose of the public mind by a general ac- shall not perish”-or You shall go, you shall || man to order.

quiescence in and faithful execution of these laws. not return, you shall perish." The inquiring king Mr. VENABLE. Will the gentleman state his i I am for preserving the Government upon the took the first interpretation-he went, he did not point of order? i principles of the Constitution, and for obedience return, he perished. Other followers of the pro- Mr. POLK. My point of order is this: That i to the law in every part of the United States. So pounders of oracles have in recent times renewed | I cannot see what connection the coalition in Mas

far as I am concerned, the recipient of my vote for the experience of this ancient king—they inter- || sachusetts, and the State-rights doctrines have to President must be willing to carry out the law of preted for themselves—they went, and did return, do with passing a resolution about public printing, the land. I have no sympathy with those who | but sadly beaten in the struggle.

and as a general charge that he is laying about so are disunionists per se, and have never been will- The handwriting on the wall and the dream of loose that I cannot see what he is at myself. ing to resort to the highest remedy without the Nebuchadnezzar were explained by the prophet; (Laughter.] most serious cause and the general approbation of but in these days we are without prophets or The SPEAKER. The Chair, in obedience to a majority of those who felt the grievance of un- | priests. Experience must be our instructor, and what seemed to be the desire of the House, did constitutional oppression. When I differ with history our guide. I desire a matter-of-fact man, I not feel at liberty to arrest the course of remark gentlemen upon principle I can understand them. I whose heart delights in an honest declaration of made by the gentleman from North Carolina. The It may be that I shall be compelled to act with gen- his opinions; who will leave plain men, like my | Chair, however, the point being raised, feels called tlemen with whom I differ as to some minor ques- self, in no doubt as to his meaning. Nó conven- | upon to say, that, in his opinion, the gentleman is tions not involving great principles. But when it'tion can have authority to discharge a candidate | wandering from the question before the House. is a perfectly clear and conclusive indication that for the highest office in the gift of the people for Mr. VĒNABLE. ' I think I can satisfy the the difference between us will be about plunder, such a frank and open avowal of his views. Speaker that I am not wandering from the quesand not about principle-about the disposition of Timidity and reserve presuppose a state of things tion. the offices and emoluments of Government, there which must create distrust." No honest politician The SPEAKER. The Chair is very well satcan be neither coöperation nor confidence. I repre- dreads the disclosure of the fixed convictions of isfied that the remarks of the gentleman' have been sent a plain, unsophisticated, agricultural people, his mind. There is a captivating beauty about | irrelevant. who do not look to this Government for anything the boldness of integrity. "You see it in the fear- Mr. JOHN W. HOWE. Will the gentleman by way of support. They acquire an independ lessness, in the demeanor even of a child who has from North Carolina allow me to ask him a quesence by cultivating the earth. They do not look never been depraved by deception. Conscious tion? here for laws to put money in their pockets, nor purity of purpose desires no concealment. A Mr. VENABLE. I want first to put myself to the Federal Treasury to supply their wants. triumph of principle binds honest men together; || right with the Speaker. They labor not only to supply themselves, but to but woe to that party who are united only by the Mr. HOWE. I merely want to ask whether aid in maintaining here an efficient and economical system which derives its strength from the desire we are to understand that you will not vote for Government; to manage affairs in which all the of plunder. Should that Convention give us the Cass or Douglas! [Laughter.). States are concerned; and I can vote fur no measure man who does not require and would scorn to have The SPEAKER. The Chair decides that the which is to take the public treasure to sustain a a new version put on his declarations-one who remarks of the gentleman from North Carolina are paper which sets itself up here as the organ of any will not hesitate to declare that he holds the re- not in order. particular party. I will vote for no measure publican doctrines of Mr. Jefferson, our acknowl- Mr. VENABLE. And I propose to show that which will place an immense money power in the edged leader, I say Mr. Jefferson, because I the course of remark which I was pursuinghands of metropolitan editors, and thus add to think it unwise to refresh ourselves at the branch Mr. SWEETSER, (interrupting.). I ask for their peculiar advantages for forming public opin- when we can come at the spring Besides, sir, | the enforcement of the rule. The gentleman from lon in the next presidential canvass.

we have had many mutations and interpolations North Carolina being called to order, and the But, sir, I do not wish to be misunderstood. I in the creed since his day. Although having Chair having decided that he is out of order, he must ask the indulgence of the House for a short the highest confidence in the purity as well as must take his seat, under the rule. time longer. Having been exceedingly unwell all the great ability of General Jackson, I never The SPEAKER. The Chair decides that the the morning, I had not anticipated this debate. adopted or approved of many of the doctrines of gentleman from North Carolina is not at liberty, Nothing would have induced me to make a single the proclamation. I adhered to him, however, under the rules, to discuss the presidential quesremark now, but that I had determined since the || and none feel a more profound reverence for his tion upon the proposition now before the House, commencement of the session that upon the very services and his memory than myself. I would and that his remarks were consequently irrelearliest opportunity I would be distinctly under- not abandon him, as some did with whom I agreed evant. stood upon those great questions which now so about everything but some doctrines of the procla- Mr. VENABLE. I hope I may be allowed to much agitate the public mind. In order that I may mation, and go over to a party with whom I dis- ll proceed in order. not be misunderstood, I ask gentlemen to attend to | agreed about everything, and the proclamation too. Mr. WILCOX. I hope the gentleman will be the remark that I am about to make. When I say II Those who did so, were placed in a false position. Il permitted to proceed with his remarks, and that


the same latitude of debate will be extended to lished in an organ, and editorially introduced, as more cautious, and we repeat the same blunder. others.

possessing the entire proportions of the original It is best that you should strike out the names of Mr. CLINGMAN. I move that my colleague publication, when, in faci, one half of the original the individuals designated from the resolution. have leave to proceed in order.

article which it professed to quote, was excluded, They may obtain the contract if they will perform The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the pro- and the portion republished was turned to an en- it cheaper and better than anybody else. But position?

tirely different purpose from that designed by its prudence demands that whenever this bargain is Mr. SWEETSER objected.

author. The first part published apparently as a made, that propositions should be received from The question was then taken on Mr. Cling- whole was quite unexceptionable, and this latter any and all practical printers to do the mechanical man's motion; and it was agreed to.

portion which did not appear giving an offensive work, and the Government furnish the paper. I Mr. VENABLE, (resuming.) I profoundly character to it all. It reminded me of Milton's ask, and I hope some gentleman will tell me, why regret that I should have been so unfortunate in archangel, ruined, still beautiful and imposing in Donelson & Armstrong are to have this printing? presenting my views, as that any gentleman, or the upper portion of his person, but very much I ask again, and I receive no answer, why are the Chair, should have supposed that I was out of deformed about the lower extremities, (laughter.) they selected from all others to do this work? order. I was

was arguing to show, that my objection For myself I decline to give such papers the pub- What peculiar claim have they? to the proposition to give this printing to the par- lic patronage. While I am for paying to the last A VOICE. Why should they not have it? ticular individuals named in the resolution, might cent every man in our employ, and while I am Mr. VENABLE. Why should they have it? give color to the charge that this House were sus- for making a liberal allowance for that time. They have no claims upon me that I know of. taining a press with the view of giving it weight while I am unwilling that any man should | They have held me up in common with those with in the coming presidential election; that this Con- work for me, or the people I represent, or the whom I have acted as Southern fanatics coopergress was making themselves a party to such government to which I belong, without a full

, ating with Northern Abolitionists! They have dean arrangement, and identifying themselves with fuir, liberal, and generous compensation, yet I de- nounced us in the strongest terms which they were a party struggle by pensioning a press, which mand that our accounts shall be settled in a busi- | capable of using. They have no claims upon me, would be active in the formation of public opin- ness-like manner. I wish to know for what we and I wish to let them know it. A course such ion. It seems to me that this was relevant, as an are contracting. When the bargain is to be made, as this journal has pursued can never create a argument why the printing should not be given to all the printers in the country, all the press of the claim upon the confidence of those who received Donelson & Armstrong. I assure the House, country, should be invited to come into fair and their denunciations. What claims have they upon however, that I had no purpose to say anything honorable competition. Let the committee receive the Government? What claims have they more that was not directly relevant to the subject before propositions from any who may propose to do the than any other printers? What more than Blair

But suppose that this proposition—as is not work, and then let them decide as they may think & Rives—more than Boyd Hamilton, already exthe case-limited the committee to bargain with a proper, according to the merits of the several com- ecuting a ruinous contract, struggling with the notoriously corrupt man--and I am only putting petitors. I am in favor of the amendment of my embarrassments arising out of that contract, and an extreme case--it would then be certainly in Triend from Maryland, (Mr. Evans,] that the pa- | claiming this printing at our hands. It is a job order to say that the resolution was wrong, be- per shall be furnished by the Government, and of practical printing, and practical printing alone; cause it limited the committee to bargain with a the names of the individuals in the resolution be but Boyd Hamilton is no editor, merely an hum. very unsuitable person. And that was the whole stricken out.

ble laborer at the press. Then I should like to drift of my remarks. Such a press, fed by the Mr. GORMAN. Will the gentleman from know—and the question has not been answeredGovernment out of the public Treasury, might North Carolina allow me for a moment? That from whence and how did this claim of Donelson succeed in forcing upon the country one who was gentleman is aware that Blair & Rives did the & Armstrong originate? not suitable for the object in view. The commit- printing for the last census. Now, the price paid Mr. Speaker, I have spoken plainly, because I tee, in no event, should be limited by a vote of this in that case may be a guide for the price in this. think plainness and candor becoming and proper. House to any particular individual, inasmuch as Now, I ask the gentleman from North Carolina, I have, without resentment, given expression to it narrowed down the field of selection, and must if he supposes any committee composed of honor- the convictions of my understanding, and the feel. result, in the progress of events, in a system of able men, and honest men, who have the letting ings of my heart. I mean to act independently favoritism, which neither the principles of justice of that contract, will, for the purpose of allow- and without any concealment of my views. The nor the good sense of the people would tolerate. ing any party to make money for any political time when I had feelings of resentment has passed

When called to order by the gentleman from purpose or any other purpose, make an arrange- away. The assault upon the old line Republican Tennessee, (Mr. Polk,] I had yielded the floor to ment for this census printing at rates above those State-Rights Democracy was, so far as I was conthe gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Howe,] generally paid for the same kind of work? cerned, fierce, but impotent. But the memory who asked me whether I would vote for General Mr. VENABLE. The gentleman knows that of events is not so easily obliterated. I believe Cass or Mr. Douglas? I hope it is not out of I do not doubt the honesty and integrity of any that we are deeply responsible for the disseminaorder to be respectful to the gentleman, and I re- member of that committee.

tion of unsound opinions—more so, indeed, than ply-that I drew a character for whom I would Mr. GORMAN. Then I hope the gentleman for criminal acts. The one is a general and ex. not vote; if it fits no person, it damages no one; will not continue to insist that the course of pro- tensive evil; the other limited it its effect, and disif it does, it is his fault, not mine; but I decline to ceeding proposed in this resolution will result in armed by the deformity of the vice. I confess make a personal application of my remarks upon corruption. If I supposed myself capable of an that my spirit chafed when I saw in a paper pur. the call he has made. I have now said what I action of this kind, I should consider myself un- porting to be the organ of the party to which, from intended to say relative to the Presidency, and worthy of a seat in this body.

my youth up, I had belonged, denunciations on what I have said was legitimately connected with

Mr.'VENABLE. It was no part of my pur- those, the gravamen of whose offence was, that the subject-matter before the House. I have said pose in making these remarks, to implicate my they concurred with Jefferson and the Republican it because I think it due to the country, that its honorable, gallant friend, the chairman of the Com- fathers—that they adhered to the ancient Repubrepresentatives should not adopt an indirect sys- mittee on Printing. I know that he would recoil lican landmarks, and venerated almost to idolatry, tem of pensioning the press,

No editors of the from contamination or the suspicion of corruption the Constitution. The selection of the editors of journals of the country should be enabled by jobs with the sensibility of a wound-his nature is too that organ as the peculiar favorites of this body is thrown in their way to make a fortune out of the elevated, and his heart too pure. This is also true the exclusion of all others—the extinction of any Treasury for mere party purposes. I appeal to of honorable gentlemen connected with him upon chance of competition; a selection which, to be this House to say whether it is proper that this that committee. I have the highest confidence in just, must be founded upon acknowledged public job should be approprinted in the manner which them. But they are not practical printers. They service and extraordinary individual capabilities. this resolution proposes, merely because a major- do not understand the art and mystery of printing, ! No evidence of either has been furnished, and I ity of this House have the power to do it. If the and therefore I say that the contract should not be insist that so extensive and costly an operation be House desires to elect a public printer, let it be given unconditionally to Donelson & Armstrong, | submitted to the ordinary competition which the done, and the rates and compensation fixed. But and leave them to set their own prices. Besides, custom of the country has made law; that the law it is certainly wrong to do so by indirection. I will show that the census printing under Blair & requiring the printing to be let by contract to bidEvery man should have his just dues. But if it | Rives was very different from the census printing ders be complied with, for it is unrepealed, and is a bad plan to let out the public printing to the now, and that ihe prices of printing and paper are that our present printer at least have a chance to lowest bidder, do not adopt the other extreme of now greatly below the rates at the date of their recuperate from the effects of a b d contract, by a letting it out w the highest bidder! If we pass

chance for a better one. this resolution, and give the contract to Donelson Mr. GORMAN. If the gentleman will allow Mr. NABERS. I shall take particular pleasure & Armstrong, we exclude competition; and if they me I will tell him that one member of the Com- il in paying a little attention to a few of the obserwill not do it at what the commitee consider a mittee on Printing, upon the part of the Senate, vations which have fallen from the lips of the disreasonable price, you will have no printing done, (Mr. Hamling) is a practical printer.

tinguished gentleman from North Carolina, (Mr. or you will have this subject back again in this Mr. VENABLE. That makes the chance a VENABLE.) I am prepared, to some extent, to apHouse for discussion. The whole matter will have great deal better. But, as I was proceeding to say, I preciate his allusion to the Washington Union. another hearing and another decision. I trust the I will show that the census printing under Blair And I am prepared, to a limited extent, to appretime is near for us to have a printing bureau, as a & Rives was a very different matter from what ciate the feelings of the gentleman, for he has, no part of our organization, and the printing executed the census printing is now. We have been shown doubt, felt the weight of that paper during the last by our own employees--when the whole work that it will take volumes upon volumes to com- summer and the last fall. shall be done by us, and the entire matter be un- plete it. The office of Superintendent promises to Mr. VENABLE. If the gentleman will allow der our own control-that the time is near when fill the coming decade. I have not stated, nor do me, I will merely say, that I was elected by one we shall get rid of this job work—this bleeding the I intend to state, what Blair & Rives made by thousand four hundred and forty majority of the Treasury in order to obtain the means of propa- that contract. They confess to a large amount voters in my district. gating particular political doctrines, and for the made by contract, and it is theirs. But if I have Mr. NABERS. I will say to the gentleman, purpose of controlling public sentiment. We made an improvident bargain once, and did not if that will give currency to a speech, I was elected have already had a good deal of experience in this avoid the mistake the next time, then experience by three thousand majority of the voters in my matter. T have lately seen at least one article pub- ll would be worthless. We learn nothing if not made district. But I am going to speak of the doctrines


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