umes. Mr. JONES. If that is so, I will vote against having them printed at all. A VOICE. That for Maryland is prepared as Mr. EVANS. I understand that volume is to Mr. EVANS. As a part of the census returns. ever known. There are hundreds of practical || ryland about that size; and if a like volume is pre- stated that fifty pounds per ream was the weight printers in the United States, and why are Donel-pared for every State it will make thirty-one vol-contracted for. son & Armstrong inserted expressly in this resoMr. EVANS. I was wrong in the weight. But lution? What are their capabilities for performit was proved before the committee of the House ing this work? What are their prices likely to that these contractors used paper weighing six be? How many copies of this census report are pounds per ream less than that contracted for. I we to have published? Before we rush blindfold made it at the time the cause of a grave and seriinto this matter, and authorize the Committee on ous charge in this House, for which I subjected Printing to negotiate this contract, let us at least myself to great censure. However, let those conknow something of the expense to which we are troversies now sleep with the dead. I do not think to be put. The Superintendent of the Census has that any gentleman should allow any such thing prepared, or is engaged in preparing, a volume to become indelible; let him rather strike it from with regard to the census of the State of Maryhis memory. The fact which I desire to bring to land. I understand that volume is to be about the notice of this House is, that the same thing the ordinary size of a volume of the Congressional which was approved in Trenholm & Belt is now Globe-not, perhaps, as large as that of the first regarded by the Committee on Printing as a great session of the last Congress, but about the size of crime in Mr. Boyd Hamilton. Now, what are we that of the second session. It will be a considerto do with the public printing? Up to the Twentyable sized folio volume. That is what I underninth Congress it was given to the fortunate newsstand. I may be mistaken, but that is my belief. paper editors of both political parties by the way of I understand that it contains a historical account Mr. EVANS. I do not understand so. But jobs, and it had been a source of great corruption. of every county in the State of Maryland, besides I do not want any gentleman to understand me as That Congress determined to put a stop to all the a complete account of the census of that State, denying the gentleman's assertion. It may be so. iniquity which had or might spring out of the pubinvolving all of the one hundred questions which, But I do say this: we have no positive informa-lic printing. It was therefore determined by that by a law of the last Congress, the deputy mar- tion upon that subject, and until we have, we Congress that the public printing should be thereshals were required to ask every individual, or at ought not, blindfold, to adopt this resolution. I after let out to the lowest bidder. It determined least every head of a family. Now, if a similar do assert that this model volume which is being that the old system of corruption and patronage account is to be furnished of every State in the prepared, is not by the order of, or for the State should be done away with, and that the printing Union-and if this is done for one State it of Maryland, but for the use of the House and should be let out to the lowest bidder who would should certainly be done for all the States-then Senate. And if such a volume is to be prepared give good security. Well, what was the consewe shall have thirty-one folio volumes, each for Maryland, why should Ohio be neglected any quence of that change? Messrs. Wendell & Van of which will comprise the census of one State more than the State of Maryland? And if we Benthuysen, residents of Albany, in the State of alone; and if one hundred thousand copies, or adopt this resolution without any knowledge of its New York, came on here to Washington, and perhaps more likely five hundred thousand cop- extent, I know no reason why we should not ex- entered into a contract with the Secretary of the ies, we shall involve the country in an expense pect to see the whole thirty-one volumes. Let gen- Senate and Clerk of the House of Representatives, for printing, amounting to millions of dollars. tlemen offer an amendment that the whole shall as directed by law, and they performed the public We are going, blindfold, to make this enormous be included in one volume, and that the whole printing at certain specified prices, and as soon as appropriation, and I do not know for what pur- number of copies shall not exceed fifty thousand they had finished the printing they informed the pose. How many copies, I will ask the chairman and the expenses not more than $100,000. You House that they had lost fifteen or twenty thou of the Committee on Printing, [Mr. GORMAN,] will have, then, something reasonable, and the sand dollars by the contract. I must say they is it proposed to publish? How many volumes is House will not be under the necessity of adopting printed the documents required to be printed by it expected it will make? And how much money the resolution without knowing what it is about. them upon inferior paper and with inferior ink; is it proposed to appropriate for that purpose? I now pass to another branch of this subject. they did not more than ordinarily delay the pubUnless this information can be given, I will never We should not pass this matter by lightly. This|lic printing, but did it in good time-certainly did consent to give the power which is asked for public printing has been the cause of much dis- not delay it as much as it latterly has been-and in this resolution to any committee however re- sension here. I now mean to refer to the course they manifested in every way a spirit of determinspectable, or however honest--and none can be pursued in the last Congress upon the same sub- ation to comply as nearly as possible with the more so than the present Committee on Printing-ject. It was asserted in the last Congress, that terms of the contract. Now let us see the effect. never, sir! What does this resolution propose? Wendell & Van Benthuysen, having lost money It proposes to give the Committee on Printing by that contract, did not become bidders for the power to enter into an arrangement with Messrs. printing of the Thirty-first Congress, if I recollect Donelson & Armstrong-two gentlemen whom I aright-for I have not the documents by me, but do not know they may be very worthy men and trust to memory, and if I am not accurate gentleexcellent printers. I belive they are the editors of men will correct me. The bidding was to be relet the Union. The committee have no discretionary for the Thirty-first Congress. The prices of Wenpowers. They cannot call in anybody else. If dell & Van Benthuysen were well known, and other printers offer lower or better terms, they canthey had a memorial before Congress by which it not accept them. But they are required to make was shown how much they had lost by their cona contract with Donelson & Armstrong. They do tract-some fifteen or twenty thousand dollars. not tell us beforehand, nor do we limit them in the extent of the contract. Why, we ought at least to insert, " Provided, that the expense shall not exceed so much,” or, “ Provided, the number of copies shall not exceed so many. I do not believe we ought to give an unlimited power to contract in this matter, and thus to vote away the public money to any man, or set of men, however honorable, or however honest, their character may be. That is a power which belongs exclusively to this House, and we have not the right to delegate it to others. I do not believe any gentleman will be able to answer these questions, and unless we receive this information, I will never consent that we should rush on, blindfold, to incur this enormous expense now. Suppose this turns out to be a profitable job. This Committee on Printing have the power to go on; and employ Donelson & Armstrong to print as many copies of these thirty-one volumes as they please for all the States ought to stand upon the same footing. If this history of each county is given to Maryland, it should also be given to Virginia, and New York, and Pennsylvania, and Ohio, and every State in the Union. Every State has as much right to have the details of its resources and statistics spread out at length and printed, as the State of Maryland has. Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. I will ask the gentleman from Maryland if it is his understanding that there is to be a volume made out for every State, as large as the Congressional Globe? Mr. EVANS. I do not know. The resolution does not state. But I can tell the gentleman that they are preparing a volume for the State of Ma Messrs. Trenholm and Belt-the public printers [A message was here received from the Senate, Mr. E. continued. Now, Mr. Speaker, the Mr. ORR. I will state to the gentleman that Now bidders had everything before them to enable_them to make their bids fairly, honestly, justly, and uprightly-and what was the result? Mr. John C. Rives was one of the bidders, and Mr. Towers, a practical printer in the city of Washington, was another. Wendell & Van Benthuysen were not bidders, but Messrs. Trenholm & Belt, two persons entirely unknown to anybody, except to some printers in the city of Washington personally acquainted with them, and totally unknown to every member of this House, were found to be the lowest bidders, and very low bidders, considerably lower than the prices of Wendell & Van Benthuysen, upon which prices those parties had lost fifteen or twenty thousand dollars. Well, sir, Messrs. Trenholm & Belt went on with the printing, and partially executed it, and in so doing-without meaning any unjust reflections upon them-if I recollect aright, and if I do not I will take occasion to correct it hereafter, the great mass of the documents was long delayed in the delivery, and, if I am not mistaken, the President's message was not delivered to us until about the month of July or August of the long session. It was a subject of great complaint upon the part of members. Another fact was developed, and it is contained in the sworn testimony taken before a select committee. There were certain documents laid upon the tables of members, as specimen numbers, for them to look at, as is usual here when public documents come out-for instance, the Patent Office report. But documents of the same kind, intended for distribution, are always left in the folding-room. Upon an examination by this select the Committee it was discovered that those documents, which were laid upon our tables, were printed upon good paper, and with good ink; but those in the document-room, folded up and requiring to be broken open in order to examine them at all, were printed upon paper six or eight pounds less in weight, and with ink which cost several cents less per pound, and were every way different from the contract. Here was a fraud attempted to be played upon members and upon this House. Now, what was the upshot of this whole matter of public printing? I must return one moment. It was proved in the testimony-and I go upon testimony and nothing else that when Messrs. Trenholm & Belt took this contract, and entered into it, they declared they did not take it for the purpose of fulfilling it, but that they expected to make Congress sick of this whole system of contract printing, and make them return to the whole job system of giving out the public printing to editors in this city. It is proved that they declared, before they took the contract, they took it at low prices for the very purpose of breaking up the contract system. They came forward, notwithstanding this proof of iniquity, and made a claim upon the House of Representatives, which would have amounted, I am told by practical printers, and those who understand their business, to the sum of two hundred thousand dollars, because they had a hard bargain, notwithstanding they took the bargain for the purpose of breaking up the contract system. Now, how did it eventuate? It turned out that Trenholm & Belt were men of straw. The real contractor was Mr. Ritchie, then the editor of the Union. Mr. Ritchie was the actual contractor, and went security for Trenholm & Belt, and thereby became his own security, they being merely nominal parties, and he came forward and asked of this House indemnity, which, it was stated, amounted to two hundred thousand dollars. It was not declared that this was the amount in money, but was covered up in indefiniteness, as it is in this resolution. What did he state? He acknowledged his paper did not weigh enough. He did not pretend to deny it, but justified himself by saying the lighter paper was the better paper. The matter was discussed, at the last Congress, elaborately and at length, by members upon both sides of the House, and very ably discussed too, and Mr. Ritchie was, by certain members, justified in using lighter paper. entitled to this printing. I call the attention of why it was that the contract was not proposed to be given to John Doe or Richard Roe, or somebody else? That Donelson & Armstrong is put in here is the most mysterious part of this matter. It seems to me to be a sacrifice upon the part of Donelson & Armstrong of a considerable portion of that fortune they have been all their lives in acquiring for the benefit of the Government. I am aware of the patriotism of our citizens, that they will yield up their lives upon the battle-field, that they will give away their estates for taxes, that they will give up their all in order to support the Government, but this seems to be a sublime sacrifice. I never yet knew a public printer that has not professed to have lost money by his contract, and why Messrs. Donelson & Armstrong should be picked out and pressed into this resolution to be sacrificed, to sustain the loss which they must inevitably as public printers, and I never knew it otherwise, I cannot tell. I do not know why their destruction is resolved upon. I protest, as the friend of Donelson & Armstrong, with whom I am not acquainted, against their being thrust into this losing business. Now why does not the House pass a resolution saying that the contract shall be let out to the lowest bidder for cash, who comes with good security, the Government furnishing the paper? Look to the State of Massachusetts, which prints highly creditable documents. If gentlemen will see the books published by order of that State, in our Library, they will acknowledge that they are creditable. So it is with the State of New York, all the New England States, and, I might add, of almost all of the States. The only printing in the whole country that is wretchedly and miserably exeMr. FULLER. Was not that after he offered cuted, at the highest price, is that of the Govto give up the contract? And was not that one of ernment of the United States. It is a disgrace the jobs Mr. Ritchie claimed as falling within his to them. The English, French, and Russian contract, and upon that ground that he claimed be-Governments furnish us with their public docufore Congress that he was relieved from the contract? Mr. FULLER, of Maine. Was is not upon the ground that Mr. Ritchie was deprived of the printing of the proceedings in relation to the death of General Taylor, and of some Supreme Court cases, that he claimed indemnity? Mr. EVANS. The gentleman is mistaken. Mr. Ritchie sent in a letter, assenting to the printing, in a northern city, of the proceedings in reference to General Taylor. Mr. EVANS. If the gentleman will allow me, I will state this-and I wish to state nothing unfair-Mr. Ritchie did certainly claim he had a right to print the obituary notices of General Taylor, but he came forward voluntarily, and by a letter addressed to the Speaker of the House, expressly waived all right to perform such printing, stating that it would be much better, and much more speedily executed elsewhere. Thus, I say, he delivered a message to this House, ex I wish to call the attention of Congress to this one fact, that Congress adopted the contract sys-pressly waiving his right. tem, and that contract system was faithfully observed during the Twenty-ninth Congress, and during the Thirtieth Congress Messrs. Trenholm & Belt took the contract with the express declaration that they intended to break up the system, and force Congress to come back to the old and corrupt system, and they nearly succeeded in it. They got their bill through the House, and would have got it through the Senate, but for want of time. But it not having been done then, it becomes necessary for this Congress to step forward and do it-to abandon the contract system, and go back again to the corrupting old method of giving it out to selected favorites and partisan editors. I do not care what amount may be honorably and reasonably realized under a fair contract by the gentlemen named in this resolution; if they succeed in obtaining the work, I trust they may meet with just and proper success; neither do I oppose the resolution because Donelson & Armstrong are Democrats. If I know myself, I would say the same thing against Gideon, of the Republic, and Gales & Seaton, of the Intelligencer. But I feel assured that this is a part of the old exploded and heretofore-defeated scheme, to force Congress to go back to the old corrupt system, and abandon the contract system. For that reason they have brought in the resolution to-day, which says we shall print the Census, without telling us how many volumes it will make, how much it will cost, and how many copies, but goes on to designate the names of the very men who are to have it, and nobody else. Every gentleman in this House knows that this ought not to be. Every one is aware that a fair field of competition should be opened to all, and that we should give that fair arena without fear, favor, or affection. The honorable gentleman says the Committee unanimously agreed that Boyd Hamilton is not So with regard to the opinions of the Supreme Court, in the celebrated passenger cases—Ñorris vs. the city of Boston-those cases which, at the time, excited so much interest. Mr. Ritchie claimed about $36,000 for that printing, which was very small in amount, and was executed at a special session of the Senate. The committee determined that he was entitled to-say $500, and he was actually paid $12,000, as I shall always believe wrongfully and improperly. Mr. Ritchie contended that he was entitled to a dollar for every page, or every line-I forget which-of these documents, and he sent in a bill of $36,500 for printing these opinions of the Supreme Court of the United States. The committee examined it, and said it came to $500, and that was the whole amount he was entitled to; but they pushed it so strong, that the Secretary of the Senate allowed Mr. Ritchie $12,500, more than twenty times what this contract made it. But all this is collateral to the matter in question. Mr. Ritchie did say that the census printing belonged to the public printer, and made an able argument to prove it, and members of this House, a great body of them, assented to it, and the committee to which it was referred, I think, reported in favor of it. Now, the Committee on Printing comes in and says it does not belong to the public printer. It did belong to the public printer when Mr. Ritchie was such, but it does not when Mr. Hamilton is public printer. I do not say whether it does or does not, and this House has not inquired whether it does or not. It has not made a proper investigation. But it becomes this House, and is consistent with decency, with honor, and with propriety, before it passes this resolution, to inquire whether it does belong to the public printer, and if it does not fall to Mr. Boyd Hamilton, to inquire where does it fall, and to whom it does belong. I should like to have some gentleman to tell me ments, which are magnificently printed and elegantly bound. We send ours in return, which an American would be ashamed to know in a foreign country. If this House resolves that the census printing shall be let out to the lowest bidder, the Government furnishing the paper, and the contractor to be paid for composition and press-work, and nothing else, we will have it well printed, and will ourselves get rid of the suspicion, that I am sure every member will be unwilling to be attached to himself, that Donelson & Armstrong are receiving an extraordinary pecuniary compensation. Your contract will be well executed, and millions of dollars, perhaps, will be saved to your Treasury. You will receive documents in good time, and, I will repeat, you will divest yourselves of all suspicion. Your consciences, in future time, will not be weighed down, as I know they will if you allow Messrs. Donelson & Armstrong to be put in here. Members are too virtuous, too intelligent to here subject themselves to the suspicion of making a job. I should like while I am upon the floor, that somebody would tell me why Messrs. Donelson & Armstrong are selected and put into this resolution? I do not want Gideon, of the Republic, I do not want any Whig to be placed there. If you make a job of the matter, say so, and let the Democrats have it, for they have a majority here. If you go upon principle I demand, if Boyd Hamilton is not entitled to it, that it shall be let out by contract. Is it proposed to build up, on the eve of a presidential campaign, a formidable press to be sustained out of the Treasury? I cannot believe it. I would disdain to see either Whigs or Democrats in this House, building up political power in this manner, and I know there are as high and honorable men in the other party as are to be found anywhere. Do you seek to build up, on the eve of a presidential campaign, in the city of Washington, a formidable press, the expenses of which are to be defrayed out of the Treasury? Is that your design? Mr. GORMAN. I apprehend that the gentleman, if he will look at the proceedings of a former extra session of Congress, he will find that the contract was taken from the Democratic public printers, Messrs. Blair & Rives, when the Whig party were in power, and $100,000 voted into the pockets of Gales & Seaton. That is an answer to the gentleman's inquiry. Mr. EVANS. I do not know whether that is it was a miserable piece of swindling, and unwor-viduals of this House. But, sir, I have been at Mr. GORMAN. I would inquire of the gentleman, which is the most euphonious to his earGales & Seaton, or Donelson & Armstrong? Mr. EVANS. Gales & Seaton are not more euphonious than Donelson & Armstrong. I never voted a job to Gales & Seaton, nor to any body else, and never will. This whole matter is all so vague, so misty, so floating, that I cannot make out from it any certain statistics; but were I to venture a guess, I would say that $500,000 profit might be made out of this job. Here is an amendment that a partisan press shall be set up, encouraged, and paid out of the public Treasury to endure forever. Gentlemen will find, if that is the design, that it will bring down this evil upon their own heads. These men, inflated by prosperity, having filled themselves to repletion with the public patronage, will wreak vengeance upon some of you. They will turn upon you if you step over the line they have marked out, and woe unto him who censures any doctrine they advocate, for his political grave will be dug! That will be the pay you will receive for your services you now do them. Partisan editors of both parties forget when prosperous, their friends, and wreak their vengeance upon those who dissent from their dogmas and their dicta. When I have another opportunity upon a similar question to this, I promise the House to bring out all the facts with regard to the public printing, in a speech of less than an hour in length, and will show them such a system of fraud and corruption as would be disgraceful to an American Congress longer to sanction. I hope we will do nothing of the kind proposed in the resolution. I do not object to Donelson & Armstrong, if they can get it on a fair competition. As fair competitors let them have it, and I will say amen to it. I wish them success in their paper. When under the editorship of Mr. Ritchie, and when it was edited by Donelson & Armstrong, it advocated principles which I professed, and sustained measures which I sustained, and I honor them for it. I believe it also maintains the great compromise principles which have been passed here. Those measures I defend, and those measures they have defended. The present editor, I believe, has never forsaken the great broad Union ground which embraces the whole government, and for that I honor him, and wish the paper success and prosperity; but not for that or anything else they can do will I mix in the the dirty mire of miserable politics to give them public plunder, or to enable any partisan press to control offices, and finally to control the very members of this House. Mr. Speaker, I hope the House will pardon me for detaining them so long upon this question. I hope it will consider the intrinsic importance of this proposition. I assure every gentleman, no matter what his politics are, that if he will examine into the subject—and it will not take much time as the documents can be all found in the proceedings of last Congress-he will find that it is worthy of his most serious examination, and he will discover that this one single job will come to one twenty-fifth part of the whole expenses of the Government. I repeat, that it is worthy of our consideration, and I trust every one will see the necessity of letting out this contract to the lowest bidder, the Government furnishing the paper upon which the matter is to be printed. We will then get it done honorably and honestly. I move the following amendment : To amend by striking ont "Donelson & Armstrong," and to insert "the lowest bidder for cash, the Government furnishing the paper." Mr. VENABLE. Mr. Speaker, I am very much gratified-being called out of the House by business-that I returned during the discussion of this question. I should have been exceedingly unwilling to have had it passed without expressing my opinion and giving my vote upon it. When I say this, I do not suppose that any expression of opinion I can present will control that of indi all times unwilling that this subject of public print- Mr. GORMAN. The contract is to be made and the Government? their first essays in playing a tune, but soon give you those in which you can perceive no harmony, and which it is a great inconvenience to be compelled to dance to after them. I can never consent that the funds of this Government, which have been collected by taxing the people, shall be taken for the purpose of giving pensions to any individual. While Iam willing to pension the soldier, and take care of his widow and orphans-the reward of actual services-while I am willing to allow all claims of that kind, I am not willing to select any individual and give him the means of becoming wealthy out of the public purse, and to place him in a position in which he has an opportunity to form public opinion, simply because he is an editor of a leading journal disseminated extensively throughout the country. I want no man to make public opinion for me, nor do my constituents desire it. I hope I shall never see the time when party ties and party allegiance shall be so strongly fixed upon me that I shall be willing to sacrifice principle for the purpose of advancing the position or standing of any one. I do not mean, under any circumstances, to give a vote in which I shall have to part with the principle for the purpose of promoting the aspirations of any man to the Presidency. Thank God, I am foot-loose. I represent a constituency that require me to be foot-loose, who have returned me by a large majority. I am foot-loose, and bound by no party ties or obligations which require me to abandon any principle which I have asserted. I will take occasion to say, while I abhor the consolidation doctrines which have spread over every sheet of the Union newspaper, while I naturally abhor and eschew them, if the editors will do the printing any cheaper than anybody else, they are welcome to do it. If a Mahometan or Mormon will do the printing better and cheaper than anybody else, I am willing to pay for it. I trust there will be a decided effort in this House, to keep this printing out of the hands of any men who will be likely to make use of so great a power in the presidential campaign. I prefer a practical printer who is not an editor; and I hope we will not be called upon to give fuel to kindle a fire that will give power to any machinery which will generate a miasma over the whole length and breadth of the country. I take this occasion, and am glad of the opportunity, to say, that in regard to the vote which I shall give upon this question I consider myself as detached from any sort of obligations to sustain any man's pretensions for the printing; neither will I vote for any man for the Presidency who does not in his avowed opinions come up to my views of what a patriotic, constitutional American statesman ought to hold and adhere to. I have been much entertained as well as amused, within the last few days, by the revelations made in the discussion between several representatives from Massachusetts. There was disclosed by the recrimination between those accomplices in abolition what I always believed-that both the Whigs and Democrats, as a party, in that State were deeply hostile to the peculiar institutions of the South." I had no interest in such a contest, except for the information of the people whom Í represent. I shall take occasion to circulate those speeches freely amongst them, that they may have the highest evidence of the correctness of those conclusions with which I had made them familiar in my intercourse with them. It was a battle in which I desired the full exhibition of prowess on both sides, and that at the close of the combat, bystanders would have to do the kind office of burn Mr. VENABLE. My gallant friend is a fairminded man. I know he has no purpose, but a fair purpose. Why not say, the committee shall contract with some person to do the public printing? Why give it to Donelson & Armstrong? What claims have they upon us, or upon the country? Mr. Donelson has been called the administrator of General Jackson's opinions. I say, he is administrator not only in his wrong, but in General Jackson's wrong Aye, sir, he has no claims upon me, or upon those whom I represent. I felt the influence of his power during the last summer. I will never pay a man to whip me. I can get it done cheaper. [Laughter.] The Union paper contains the highest Federal doctrinesdoctrines with which I never had any sympathy, and never can have, and therefore it has no claims upon me. If it held the best of principles, I would oppose it, whether it had claims upon me or upon those whom I represent. I oppose the principle, by which the offer for this printing is to be narrowed down, and the contract given to a single individual. If there were one hundred men in the country who sell bread, can you say that the hungry shall trade only with one man? There can be no question upon that subject. Why are Donelson & Armstrong suggested? Do we mean to give away the public printing as a pension ?-propose to make the public printing a tax upon the Treasury-and say that the present system-of giving it to the lowest bidder is a bad one? I can differ with gentlemen upon a principle, and respect them because they have a right to their opinions. They assert them independently and act upon them; but I can feel no such sympathy or respect when the question becomes one of plunder. I know where it begins, but not where it ends. Then I ask, is the committee restricted to a contract with Donelson & Armstrong, and Donelson & Armstrong alone? If that is so, they have some claims upon us. Let those claims be pointed out. Let them tell the country, and let us all know how great pension they are entitled to. Let us fix the amount, so if we make the settlement, we will know when we are done paying. If a pension is to be given, let us know how much we are giving. If the contract for printing is to open it to the world, open it to all competition, and give the committee the discretion to make the contract with individuals who shall execute it in the best manner and for the least sum. I will go with my friend from Maryland [Mr. EVANS] in the proposition that the Government should furnishing the slain. Governor Boutwell carried the State paper, and we should leave nothing but the mechanical work to the printer-pay the printer what his work is worth, and give him fair rates. I shall never consent to make a sort of contract where no man in this House but a practical printer ever knows how much is to be drawn from the Treasury for the purpose of filling the pockets of one who has, for the time, the favor of a majority here. The remarks made by my friend from Maryland [Mr. EVANS] deserve thorough consideration. I have seen men made public printers, the organs of parties, and thus fixed upon them, of whom the fabled story of Sinbad the Sailor's because he and his friends bid higher than their competitors at the auction. A bid of one quarter of a dollar more by the other side would have carried the day against them. The price was the consideration; the offices and emoluments were irresistible. Did the Democracy coalesce with the Abolitionists? Let those representatives of that State who here denounce them, say why they voted for Mr. Winthrop? They profess to be satisfied with the compromise, and yet support Mr. Winthrop, who within a few days after the passage of those measures, voted in the Senate for a bill abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. He bid for the Abolitionists of Massachusetts; endeavored to revive agitation on the slavery question, and upon that achievement was nominated as a candidate for Governor. He did not bid enough, but showed a willing mind. Those who supported him have but little cause to complain of any tampering with Abolitionists or combinations with them for power. He spread the banner of agitation to the breeze, and was sustained by the Whigs of his State. I have no interest in the matter further than the truth of history is concerned, and as a recorded evidence of what sort of materials we are called on to rely upon in the hour of trial. It will teach my constituents that I am no alarmist, and that I have told them the truth. It is evident, from all the circumstances, that both parties had a common purpose, but neither party had any feeling for us. I am neither malignant nor resentful. If my temper is excitable, it is easily appeased; but there is one thing which I never mean to do, and that is, to fawn upon the hand that strikes me. No, sir, I will never do it. I will never be brought to sustain the pretensions of any man for the Presidency who is not a republican; who does not distinctly acknowledge State Sovereignty and State rights upon the principles of their great apostle, Mr. Jefferson; who does not pledge himself to arrest agitation of the slavery question, and carry out the fugitive slave law by all the power with which he is clothed. I will make no compromise here. I opposed every measure of the compromise except the fugitive slave law; and I regretted that I was not able to defeat all of them against which I voted. The State to which I owe my allegiance, and the people whom I represent, were willing to try the experiment of these measures, as they had become a part of the laws of the land. They are a law-abiding people, and I acknowledge the authority of the will of my people. I voted for the fugitive slave law; and it is the only one of the compromise measures for which I voted. But though I acquiesce in them, no man has a right to inquire as to whether I do so cordially or not. I will say, that I have changed no opinion as to the character of these measures, and I feel now as I felt then. My constituents feel now in regard to this subject, as every good citizen ought to feel, a strong desire for the repose of the public mind by a general acquiescence in and faithful execution of these laws. I am for preserving the Government upon the principles of the Constitution, and for obedience to the law in every part of the United States. So far as I am concerned, the recipient of my vote for President must be willing to carry out the law of the land. I have no sympathy with those who are disunionists per se, and have never been willing to resort to the highest remedy without the most serious cause and the general approbation of a majority of those who felt the grievance of unconstitutional oppression. When I differ with gentlemen upon principle I can understand them. It may be that I shall be compelled to act with gentlemen with whom I differ as to some minor questions not involving great principles. But when it is a perfectly clear and conclusive indication that the difference between us will be about plunder, and not about principle-about the disposition of the offices and emoluments of Government, there can be neither coöperation nor confidence. I represent a plain, unsophisticated, agricultural people, who do not look to this Government for anything by way of support. They acquire an independence by cultivating the earth. They do not look here for laws to put money in their pockets, nor to the Federal Treasury to supply their wants. They labor not only to supply themselves, but to aid in maintaining here an efficient and economical Government; to manage affairs in which all the States are concerned; and I can vote for no measure which is to take the public treasure to sustain a paper which sets itself up here as the organ of any particular party. I will vote for no measure which will place an immense money power in the hands of metropolitan editors, and thus add to their peculiar advantages for forming public opinion in the next presidential canvass. But, sir, I do not wish to be misunderstood. I must ask the indulgence of the House for a short time longer. Having been exceedingly unwell all the morning, I had not anticipated this debate. Nothing would have induced me to make a single remark now, but that I had determined since the commencement of the session that upon the very earliest opportunity I would be distinctly understood upon those great questions which now so much agitate the public mind. In order that I may not be misunderstood, I ask gentlemen to attend to the remark that I am about to make. When I say I want a fair, free fight in the next presidential canvass, I mean that I desire that the people may have some hand in arranging the preliminaries and making the selection between the individuals presented as candidates for office. I am very far from objecting to a candidate because he is the nominee of the Baltimore Convention. Indeed such a nomination would highly recommend him to my choice. Such an expression of preference by that body would demand and receive my respect. If he should be sound, true, and capable, frank and honest in the declaration of his republican doctrines, desirous for the repose of the country, and the faithful execution of the laws, the fact of his nomination would recommend him to my confidence and secure my zealous support. But, sir, the Baltimore Convention might make a nomination of those who do not answer this de The explanations of the Globe of that day and the conversations with Mr. Ritchie in some measure softened the sternness of the text, but it left a hazy fog in the atmosphere which caused small objects to loom in the distance. You have experienced this, sir, doubtless, when in a morning mist a cow would seem to be as large as an elephant. I prefer a return to the clear bright republican days of Mr. Jefferson, for whom General Jackson cherished the most profound regard. We must return to that simple unsophisticated republicanism of the pure and palmy days of our country, before the distribution of fifty millions of money, and whole empires of land gave the means of temptation and corruption, and placed in the hands of Congress the control of jobs by which opulence may be attained in a few months or a year. To such a candidate who believes in the sovereignty of the States, I care not whether he approved or disapproved of the series of measures called the compromise, but who is determined to execute the laws and preserve the repose of the country, there will be such a gathering as we have not seen for many years. scription-who do not possess these qualifiations; and I will not support any such nominees. No party ties shall induce me to perform an act by which I lose my self-respect. I am not ignorant that all liberty-all that is valuable in free governments have been often lost agreeably to the usages of parties, and in due form of party disci- To endeavor now to agitate the public mind on the pline. An empty shadow takes the place of sub- measures of the last session would be the extreme stance the power transferred to the few from the of folly. The most of them are res perfecta. Calmany, and the screws of party discipline may be ifornia is a State. Texas has accepted the ten applied to crush all who have independence to millions. Utah and New Mexico are complete in speak the honest convictions of their own hearts. their organization as Territories, and the other Should they nominate a man who dodges votes, laws stand on the statute-book. Who would enand who is not to be found in his place when vital gage in the peurile, as well as wicked purpose of questions are to be decided-whose letters and again agitating the public mind, without any proscommunications require a second Daniel to inter-pect of a good result? And whilst I do not appret them-or, like the riddles of antiquity, give prove of a policy which would assume the necesemployment and reputation to a second depus sity of sustaining those laws of last session by a for his skill in unravelling the mysteries which buttress of resolutions this session, and whilst I do they contain; or, like the Delphic oracle, which not perceive the wisdom of making the move, and made response to a certain king, who inquired amend the Constitution which recognizes its imperwhether he should go to war with the Romans, infections and provides the mode of amendment, I the following oracular words: " Ibis, redibis, nunquamque pevibis"-words admitting the double translation: "You shall go, you shall return, you shall not perish" or "You shall go, you shall not return, you shall perish." The inquiring king took the first interpretation-he went, he did not return, he perished. Other followers of the propounders of oracles have in recent times renewed the experience of this ancient king-they preted for themselves-they went, and did return, but sadly beaten in the struggle. am utterly averse to any course which would revive agitation or revive discontent. Mr. POLK, (interrupting.) I call the gentleman to order. Mr. VENABLE. Will the gentleman state his point of order? Mr. POLK. My point of order is this: That I cannot see what connection the coalition in Masinter-sachusetts, and the State-rights doctrines have to do with passing a resolution about public printing, and as a general charge that he is laying about so loose that I cannot see what he is at myself. [Laughter.] The handwriting on the wall and the dream of Nebuchadnezzar were explained by the prophet; but in these days we are without prophets or priests. Experience must be our instructor, and history our guide. I desire a matter-of-fact man, whose heart delights in an honest declaration of his opinions; who will leave plain men, like myself, in no doubt as to his meaning. No convention can have authority to discharge a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the people for such a frank and open avowal of his views. Timidity and reserve presuppose a state of things which must create distrust. No honest politician dreads the disclosure of the fixed convictions of his mind. There is a captivating beauty about the boldness of integrity. You see it in the fearlessness, in the demeanor even of a child who has never been depraved by deception. Conscious purity of purpose desires no concealment. A triumph of principle binds honest men together; but woe to that party who are united only by the system which derives its strength from the desire of plunder. Should that Convention give us the man who does not require and would scorn to have a new version put on his declarations-one who will not hesitate to declare that he holds the republican doctrines of Mr. Jefferson, our acknowledged leader,-I say Mr. Jefferson, because I think it unwise to refresh ourselves at the branch when we can come at the spring. Besides, sir, we have had many mutations and interpolations in the creed since his day. Although having the highest confidence in the purity as well as the great ability of General Jackson, 1 never adopted or approved of many of the doctrines of the proclamation. I adhered to him, however, and none feel a more profound reverence for his services and his memory than myself. I would not abandon him, as some did with whom I agreed about everything but some doctrines of the proclamation, and go over to a party with whom I disagreed about everything, and the proclamation too. Those who did so, were placed in a false position. The SPEAKER. The Chair, in obedience to what seemed to be the desire of the House, did not feel at liberty to arrest the course of remark made by the gentleman from North Carolina. The Chair, however, the point being raised, feels called upon to say, that, in his opinion, the gentleman is wandering from the question before the House. Mr. VENABLE. I think I can satisfy the Speaker that I am not wandering from the question. The SPEAKER. The Chair is very well satisfied that the remarks of the gentleman have been irrelevant. Mr. JOHN W. HOWE. Will the gentleman from North Carolina allow me to ask him a question? Mr. VENABLE. I want first to put myself right with the Speaker. Mr. HOWE. I merely want to ask whether we are to understand that you will not vote for Cass or Douglas? [Laughter.] The SPEAKER. The Chair decides that the remarks of the gentleman from North Carolina are not in order. Mr. VENABLE. And I propose to show that the course of remark which I was pursuing Mr. SWEETSER, (interrupting.) I ask for the enforcement of the rule. The gentleman from North Carolina being called to order, and the Chair having decided that he is out of order, he must take his seat, under the rule. The SPEAKER. The Chair decides that the gentleman from North Carolina is not at liberty, under the rules, to discuss the presidential question upon the proposition now before the House, and that his remarks were consequently irrel evant. Mr. VENABLE. I hope I may be allowed to proceed in order. Mr. WILCOX. I hope the gentleman will be permitted to proceed with his remarks, and that the same latitude of debate will be extended to others. Mr. CLINGMAN. I move that my colleague have leave to proceed in order. The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the proposition? Mr. SWEETSER objected. The question was then taken on Mr. CLINGMAN's motion; and it was agreed to. lished in an organ, and editorially introduced, as possessing the entire proportions of the original publication, when, in fact, one half of the original article which it professed to quote, was excluded, and the portion republished was turned to an entirely different purpose from that designed by its author. The first part published apparently as a whole was quite unexceptionable, and this latter portion which did not appear giving an offensive character to it all. It reminded me of Milton's archangel, ruined, still beautiful and imposing in the upper portion of his person, but very much deformed about the lower extremities, [laughter.] For myself I decline to give such papers the public patronage. While I am for paying to the last cent every man in our employ, and while I am for making a liberal allowance for that timewhile I am unwilling that any man should work for me, or the people I represent, or the government to which I belong, without a full, fair, liberal, and generous compensation, yet I demand that our accounts shall be settled in a business-like manner. I wish to know for what we are contracting. When the bargain is to be made, all the printers in the country, all the press of the country, should be invited to come into fair and honorable competition. Let the committee receive propositions from any who may propose to do the work, and then let them decide as they may think proper, according to the merits of the several competitors. I am in favor of the amendment of my friend from Maryland, [Mr. EVANS,] that the paper shall be furnished by the Government, and the names of the individuals in the resolution be stricken out. Mr. VENABLE, (resuming.) I profoundly regret that I should have been so unfortunate in presenting my views, as that any gentleman, or the Chair, should have supposed that I was out of order. I was arguing to show, that my objection to the proposition to give this printing to the particular individuals named in the resolution, might give color to the charge that this House were sustaining a press with the view of giving it weight in the coming presidential election; that this Congress was making themselves a party to such an arrangement, and identifying themselves with a party struggle by pensioning a press, which would be active in the formation of public opinion. It seems to me that this was relevant, as an argument why the printing should not be given to Donelson & Armstrong. I assure the House, however, that I had no purpose to say anything that was not directly relevant to the subject before us. But suppose that this proposition-as is not the case limited the committee to bargain with a notoriously corrupt man-and I am only putting an extreme case-it would then be certainly in order to say that the resolution was wrong, because it limited the committee to bargain with a very unsuitable person. And that was the whole drift of my remarks. Such a press, fed by the Government out of the public Treasury, might succeed in forcing upon the country one who was not suitable for the object in view. The commit-printing for the last census. Now, the price paid tee, in no event, should be limited by a vote of this House to any particular individual, inasmuch as it narrowed down the field of selection, and must result, in the progress of events, in a system of favoritism, which neither the principles of justice nor the good sense of the people would tolerate. When called to order by the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. POLK,] I had yielded the floor to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Howe, who asked me whether I would vote for General Cass or Mr. Douglas? I hope it is not out of|| order to be respectful to the gentleman, and I reply that I drew a character for whom I would not vote; if it fits no person, it damages no one; if it does, it is his fault, not mine; but I decline to make a personal application of my remarks upon the call he has made. I have now said what I intended to say relative to the Presidency, and what I have said was legitimately connected with the subject-matter before the House. I have said it because I think it due to the country, that its representatives should not adopt an indirect system of pensioning the press. No editors of the journals of the country should be enabled by jobs thrown in their way to make a fortune out of the Treasury for mere party purposes. I appeal to this House to say whether it is proper that this job should be appropriated in the manner which this resolution proposes, merely because a majority of this House have the power to do it. If the House desires to elect a public printer, let it be done, and the rates and compensation fixed. But it is certainly wrong to do so by indirection. Every man should have his just dues. But if it is a bad plan to let out the public printing to the lowest bidder, do not adopt the other extreme of letting it out to the highest bidder! If we pass this resolution, and give the contract to Donelson & Armstrong, we exclude competition; and if they will not do it at what the committee consider a reasonable price, you will have no printing done, or you will have this subject back again in this House for discussion. The whole matter will have another hearing and another decision. I trust the time is near for us to have a printing bureau, as a part of our organization, and the printing executed by our own employees-when the whole work shall be done by us, and the entire matter be under our own control-that the time is near when we shall get rid of this job work-this bleeding the Treasury in order to obtain the means of propagating particular political doctrines, and for the purpose of controlling public sentiment. We have already had a good deal of experience in this matter. I have lately seen at least one article pub Mr. GORMAN. Will the gentleman from North Carolina allow me for a moment? That gentleman is aware that Blair & Rives did the in that case may be a guide for the price in this. Now, I ask the gentleman from North Carolina, if he supposes any committee composed of honorable men, and honest men, who have the letting of that contract, will, for the purpose of allowing any party to make money for any political purpose or any other purpose, make an arrangement for this census printing at rates above those generally paid for the same kind of work? Mr. VENABLE. The gentleman knows that I do not doubt the honesty and integrity of any member of that committee. Mr. GORMAN. Then I hope the gentleman will not continue to insist that the course of proceeding proposed in this resolution will result in corruption. If I supposed myself capable of an action of this kind, I should consider myself unworthy of a seat in this body. Mr. VENABLE. It was no part of my purpose in making these remarks, to implicate my honorable, gallant friend, the chairman of the Committee on Printing. I know that he would recoil from contamination or the suspicion of corruption with the sensibility of a wound-his nature is too elevated, and his heart too pure. This is also true of honorable gentlemen connected with him upon that committee. I have the highest confidence in them. But they are not practical printers. They do not understand the art and mystery of printing, and therefore I say that the contract should not be given unconditionally to Donelson & Armstrong, and leave them to set their own prices. Besides, I will show that the census printing under Blair & Rives was very different from the census printing now, and that the prices of printing and paper are now greatly below the rates at the date of their contract. Mr. GORMAN. If the gentleman will allow me I will tell him that one member of the Com- || mittee on Printing, upon the part of the Senate, [Mr. HAMLIN,] is a practical printer. more cautious, and we repeat the same blunder. It is best that you should strike out the names of the individuals designated from the resolution. They may obtain the contract if they will perform it cheaper and better than anybody else. But prudence demands that whenever this bargain is made, that propositions should be received from any and all practical printers to do the mechanical work, and the Government furnish the paper. I ask, and I hope some gentleman will tell me, why Donelson & Armstrong are to have this printing? I ask again, and I receive no answer, why are they selected from all others to do this work? What peculiar claim have they? A VOICE. Why should they not have it? Mr. VENABLE. Why should they have it? They have no claims upon me that I know of. They have held me up in common with those with whom I have acted as Southern fanatics cooperating with Northern Abolitionists! They have denounced us in the strongest terms which they were capable of using. They have no claims upon me, and I wish to let them know it. A course such as this journal has pursued can never create a claim upon the confidence of those who received their denunciations. What claims have they upon the Government? What claims have they more than any other printers? What more than Blair & Rives-more than Boyd Hamilton, already executing a ruinous contract, struggling with the embarrassments arising out of that contract, and claiming this printing at our hands? It is a job of practical printing, and practical printing alone; but Boyd Hamilton is no editor, merely an humble laborer at the press. Then I should like to know-and the question has not been answeredfrom whence and how did this claim of Donelson & Armstrong originate? The Mr. Speaker, I have spoken plainly, because I think plainness and candor becoming and proper. I have, without resentment, given expression to the convictions of my understanding, and the feelings of my heart. I mean to act independently and without any concealment of my views. time when I had feelings of resentment has passed away. The assault upon the old line Republican State-Rights Democracy was, so far as I was concerned, fierce, but impotent. But the memory of events is not so easily obliterated. I believe that we are deeply responsible for the dissemination of unsound opinions-more so, indeed, than for criminal acts. The one is a general and ex tensive evil; the other limited it its effect, and disarmed by the deformity of the vice. I confess that my spirit chafed when I saw in a paper purporting to be the organ of the party to which, from my youth up, I had belonged, denunciations on those, the gravamen of whose offence was, that they concurred with Jefferson and the Republican fathers-that they adhered to the ancient Republican landmarks, and venerated almost to idolatry the Constitution. The selection of the editors of that organ as the peculiar favorites of this body is the exclusion of all others-the extinction of any chance of competition; a selection which, to be just, must be founded upon acknowledged public service and extraordinary individual capabilities. No evidence of either has been furnished, and I insist that so extensive and costly an operation be submitted to the ordinary competition which the custom of the country has made law; that the law requiring the printing to be let by contract to bidders be complied with, for it is unrepealed, and that our present printer at least have a chance to recuperate from the effects of a b d contract, by a chance for a better one. Mr. NABERS. I shall take particular pleasure in paying a little attention to a few of the observations which have fallen from the lips of the distinguished gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. VENABLE. I am prepared, to some extent, to ap And I am prepared, to a limited extent, to appreciate the feelings of the gentleman, for he has, no doubt, felt the weight of that paper during the last summer and the last fall. Mr. VENABLE. That makes the chance a great deal better. But, as I was proceeding to say,preciate his allusion to the Washington Union. will show that the census printing under Blair & Rives was a very different matter from what the census printing is now. We have been shown that it will take volumes upon volumes to complete it. The office of Superintendent promises to fill the coming decade. I have not stated, nor do I intend to state, what Blair & Rives made by that contract. They confess to a large amount made by contract, and it is theirs. But if I have made an improvident bargain once, and did not avoid the mistake the next time, then experience would be worthless. We learn nothing if not made Mr. VENABLE. If the gentleman will allow me, I will merely say, that I was elected by one thousand four hundred and forty majority of the voters in my district. Mr. NABERS. I will say to the gentleman, if that will give currency to a speech, I was elected by three thousand majority of the voters in my district. But I am going to speak of the doctrines |