32D CONGRESS, 1ST SESSION.

Mr. CARTTER. No further interruptions! Mr CAMPBELL. But the gentleman has failed to answer the question I propounded to him. I ask-

Mr. CARTTER. No more interruption! I cannot allow the gentleman again to interrupt me! The gentleman is in great difficulty how he is to dispose of his forty copies containing the geographical information, brought to light at an annual cost of $300,000 to the nation. He cannot conceive how an interior district in the West can be benefited by any information of this description. Why, do you not wish to overspread this Republic with this minute geographical information which you have brought to light by the energies of your Government? And have not you sprinkled over the whole country, institutions the whole object of which is to enlighten the public mind with regard to these very facts?

But my colleague has forgotten another important fact. He has forgotten that this coast survey also applies to and is extending along three thousand miles of lake coast in the West, penetrating the great interior; and in connection with which both his district, and my district, and every district in the interior of the great West, is interested-the coast by which every barrel of flour and every pound of pork must be transported; and with reference to the peculiar interest of my friend's district, every barrel of whiskey, too. [Great laughter.] Now is this great interior, or this great Northern interior, stretching for three thousand miles along the coast of these great inland seas, which bear upon their bosoms a commerce equal in extent to the salt water coast, to be told that they do not want information upon this subject? And are we to be told that it is better for us to commit to a clerk in the Topographical Bureau the_distribution of this information, rather than to the Representatives in Congress? Why you cannot find a district, be it ever so benighted, or ever so isolated, in the great West, the people of which do not inquire every day and every week in reference to these great issues of commerce, which are to carry off the productions of the soil.

But our constituents in the West desire to inquire into another important matter. When this Government is lavishing its expenditure upon the salt water border, in developing its geography and its topography-while they are doing that, our constituents want to inquire what they are doing for the interior commerce of the nation, and the interior sea-board? If it is for no other purpose than to discover the patronage of the Government along the coast of the nation, I would send them this profile of our great national work, that they might go and demand what is coming to them. Now I cannot see any particular difficulty-I have myself no very serious apprehensions that I shall not be able to dispose of forty whole copies of this Coast Survey in my district. [A laugh.] And I presume my friend [Mr. CAMPBELL] will wait upon his constituents as courteously, although he is indisposed to support this resolution, for I know his fidelity to them and industry in their service is not exceeded by any other gentleman upon this floor. I hope this amendment will not prevail. In accordance with my promise, I now move the previous question. Mr. CAMPBELL. Will the gentleman withdraw it for a moment?

Mr. CARTTER. I am under special obligations to insist upon the previous question. [Laughter.]

Mr. CAMPBELL. I ask the gentleman to withdraw it. I have propounded the question

The SPEAKER. Debate is not in order unless the call for the previous question be withdrawn.

Mr. CARTTER. Well, I will withdraw the call for the previous question for my colleague, if he will promise to renew it. [Great laughter.] Mr. CAMPBELL. I will renew it. For some time I was utterly unable to understand the reason why my colleague had assumed the position which he has taken in relation to the distribution of these copies of the report on the Coast

But the position which my colleague has assumed may be accounted for, perhaps, in another way. He told us that he had received resolutions from schools and colleges in his district, tendering to him their most profound thanks for distributing these documents to them; and yet it will be observed by this House that while I, with frankness, admitted that I had never examined a word in any one of these Coast Surveys, yet when I put the question to my colleague when I asked him to say whether he had ever read any one of them himself, he refused to make any response. While he bears down upon me for my neglect, he does not seem to have the manliness to acknowledge the same neglect in himself, but dodges the question. Therefore I have the right to assert before this House that he has never read that report, and I have the right to draw the inference, that if a gentleman possessing, perhaps, as much intelligence as any in this House, has never considered the subject of sufficient importance to examine it in detail, it follows, as a matter of course, that his constituents care nothing about it. But the point I make by my amendment and by the remarks which I have submitted is, that this nation is going into an enormous expenditure of the people's money to print this document, and when it is printed the copies are to be scattered over the country at great expense to the Post Office Department for transportation, while they are utterly worthless when they reach their destination. I desire to see some reform in this respect. I desire to see the Coast Survey office transmit this document to the coast itself to those who are engaged in carrying on our trade upon the high seas and are interested in having a knowledge of the condition of our harbors; and that these reports relating to agriculture-these reports which point the farmer to the true road to prosperity, shall be circulated in all our agricultural districts. That is my proposition. My colleague's constituents may feel a deep interest in this Coast Survey. Mine do not. I speak for mine, not for his. My constituents desire that kind of information, if we give it publicity here, which will result to their practical advantage. The farmers of my district, and I think I may say the farmers of my colleague's district too, care nothing about examining the maps and profiles presented in this coast survey. I would not vote a dollar, were I to look to the interests of my constituents alone, for the publication of this report. But when I look at this Unionwhen I look at this great interest of all interests, the commercial interest of the country, I find it necessary to have this document printed. All I desire by the amendment which I have submitted is to have these reports sent where they will be of some practical service.

So far as respects the intelligence of my constituents I have nothing to say, except

Mr. FULLER, of Maine, (interrupting.) I believe it has been the universal practice of the Superintendent of the Coast Survey heretofore when these charts and reports were published, to address a note to every member of this House, requesting them to point out the particular institutions and persons to whom they may wish the report sent, and to send them to such as are pointed out.

Mr. CAMPBELL, (resuming.) I am obliged to the honorable gentleman from Maine for reminding me of that fact; and my colleague [Mr.

Now, sir, my colleague's objection is, that a clerk in the Coast Survey department is not as competent as a member of this House. Let me say that I regard the Superintendent of the Coast Survey as better qualified to disseminate the information contained in these reports-which is doubtless valuable-than the gentlemen who have the honor to represent the agricultural districts upon this floor. Yes, sir, better perhaps than those who represent any other sort of districts. And, Mr. Speaker, my object, while I have the honor of a seat upon this floor, is to put this Gov. ernment to no expense whatever that may not result in some practical good. The gentleman talks about economy, and yet he wants forty or fifty or a hundred copies of the Coast Survey report to circulate in a district that is in nowise interested in the survey of the coast. I did not rise, Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of consuming so much time as I have done. I hope the motion will prevail.

Mr. STANTON, of Tennessee. I ask the gentleman to allow me a single word. I desire to say I fell into a mistake in regard to ten thousand being the usual number of extra copies which is printed of this report. I supposed that that was the case, without having examined the particular facts; but it does not alter the state of the argument I had the honor to present to the House. I think the report is of sufficient importance to justify the printing of the number demanded.

Mr. CAMPBELL. I have no objection to the number proposed to be printed, but to the manner in which they are to be distributed. I move the previous question.

The previous question received a second, and the main question was ordered to be put.

Mr. GORMAN. I believe I have the right to make an explanation. I do not want to make an hour's speech, nor even a ten minutes one. As chairman of the Committee on Printing, I have taken some pains to investigate this question of printing, and I reported this resolution in obedience to the will of a majority of that committee. I did not concur in printing even six thousand copies; nor do I concur now, but I yielded my assent. Some remarks have been made in regard to the cost. Let me say to the House, in the first place, that the Senate have passed a resolution ordering ten thousand copies to be printed-five thousand copies to go to the Superintendent of Survey, and five thousand for the use of the Senate. Last year this House ordered six thousand copies-one thousand for the use of the Survey and five thousand for the use of the House. Some gentlemen have undertaken to speak of the cost. After investigating that subject, I can say to the House that the cost of engraving alone, notwithstanding the use of the Electrotype process by which they are able to do it with greater facility than formerly, is from ninety to ninety-two cents for each one of the extra volumes. For every thousand copies that are published, they are obliged to renew the plate. This is done by the Electrotype process, which I confess I do not accurately understand, except as it has been explained to me by the members of that Survey. The engraving for these extra copies will cost from $1 12 to $1 25 per copy, and if I am not mistaken, it will in all probability exceed the highest sum named. I looked into the question to know where these copies were to go to, and what the Coast Survey wanted to do with so enormous a number. I said, where do you propose to distribute them? The same interrogation was made by the honorable gentleman from New York, [Mr. HAVEV.] The response was, We want to give

some to the officers of the Army. How many? Two or three hundred. We want to give some to the officers of the Navy. How many? Two or three hundred copies. We want to send some abroad-to Europe, for the purpose of disseminating a knowledge of our coast in that country. How many? A thousand copies. They had not yet reached two thousand copies. What other sources do you desire to supply? We desire to supply the colleges and academies, schools and various institutions throughout the country. How many? A thousand copies, I suppose. Sill they have not reached three thousand. What else do you desire to do with them? Well, for general distribution. Under the general head of "&c." we have allowed two or three thousand copies. This Coast Survey will receive five thousand copies from the Senate; and one thousand from this House-six thousand copies in all for the use of the Superintendent of the Coast Survey. The Senate will have five thousand copies-some seventy or eighty to each member of that body. And the House five thousand copies-some twenty or thirty to each member. This number will doubly supply all the institutions of the country; it will supply all the purposes of education through the country, unless you. should include all the two-mile district schools. It will supply all your public libraries, and still there will be some one or two thousand for miscellaneous distribution-if you please.

The whole cost of these five or six thousand extra copies will be from seven to eight thousand dollars-most likely eight thousand dollars. I speak now of the extra copies, not of the original cost of the plates, and the number to be printed for each member. To this six thousand you must add the usual extra number-say one thousandand you will have seven thousand copies, and if you get off with an expense of ten thousand dollars you will do better than I expect.

I have nothing to say with respect to the utility of this document, for I apprehend this House is fully satisfied that there is more or less public utility in the distribution of this work; but I have this to say, that I regard the argument which has been used upon this floor as potent, that the printing of this country is becoming enormous. When this country is informed that the printing for the Government has increased from seventy or eighty thousand, to a quarter of a million of dollars, they will begin to call the representatives of the country to an account. What has produced this additional expenditure of a quarter of a million of dollars? This, among other reasons, which I shall not now enumerate, is the main reason for my opposition to the publication of ten thousand copies of this Coast Survey report. A strict investigation of this whole question will dispel this idea which has got into the heads of members, that we need ten thousand copies.

No college wants more than one copy, no acad-| emy wants more than one copy, an officer in the Army or Navy needs but one copy, the heads of Department but one copy, to be placed in the pub- || lic libraries to which they have access. I repeat again, that the number of this document published has increased by one thousand copies each year since this Coast Survey commenced. If we are to judge the future by the past, the demand next year will be for ten thousand copies. The argument is urged by one of my friends from Kentucky [Mr. STANTON] that our Government is increasing; our institutions are increasing, our population is increasing, and therefore the necessity for the increase of this expense. I do not regard this argument as being at all a good one. I hope the amendment will be voted down, and that the report of the committee will be acceded to. If gentlemen had taken the pains which I have, in investigating this matter, they would not ask for the publication of more than the Coast Survey officers themselves ask for.

[Mr. BARRERE, from the Committee on Enrolled Bills, reported as correctly enrolled, a bill making appropriations to meet the expenses incurred in consequence of the late fire; which was presented to the Speaker, and received his signature.]

Mr. SEYMOUR. I wish to inquire of the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. GORMAN] what number the officers of the Coast Survey asked to have printed?

Mr. GORMAN. Eight thousand, as I understand it.

The resolution, the amendment, and the amendment to the amendment were read for information. The question being put upon the amendment of Mr. CAMPBELL, of Ohio, to the amendment so as to provide for the printing of ten thousand copies for distribution by the Superintendent of the Coast Survey, it was decided in the negative.

The question then recurred upon the amendment of Mr. EVANS; upon which

Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia, demanded tellers; which were ordered; and Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia, and Mr. HAMILTON were appointed.

The question being put, the tellers reportedayes 66, noes 80.

So the amendment was rejected.

The question being then put upon the original resolution, upon a division there were-ayes 134, noes not counted.

So the resolution was adopted.

CENSUS TABLES.

Mr. ALLISON. I ask leave to offer a resolution. If objection is made, I will move a suspension of the rules,

Mr. JACKSON. I rise to a point of order. The question of order I make is this: that when the call for the State of Georgia was made by the Chair, a response was prevented by a motion from a privileged committee, and that, consequently, it is now in order for gentlemen from the State of Georgia to respond.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman is aware, however, that on Monday it is in order to move for a suspension of the rules. The gentleman upon the left of the Chair moves to suspend the rules.

Mr. JACKSON. I hope the rules will not be suspended, that I may have the privilege 1 am entitled to.

The resolution was read for information, as follows:

Whereas the Superintendent of the Census has published in the Globe of January 1st, 1852-a clear and condensed report of the Census, containing a large amount of valuable information :

And whereas that information, now desired by the people, cannot be had, in the ordinary course of printing, for a long time to come, and then in limited and very inadequate quantities: therefore

Resolved, That the Committee on Printing be instructed to order 100,000 copies of that report for the use of this House, provided the cost shall not exceed one cent per copy.

The question being put-on a division there were ayes 100, noes 48.

So the rules were suspended.

Mr. OUTLAW called for the yeas and nays; which were ordered.

Mr. CAMPBELL, of Illinois, moved the House adjourn; which motion was agreed to. So the House adjourned.

Also, the petition of the heirs of the late Captain Rufus Lincoln, of the Massachusetts Continental line, for commutation pay, &c.

Also, permission was had under the rules to withdraw from the files of the House the petition of Russel Elliot and others, of Provincetown, Massachusetts, asking compensation for bringing a prisoner from Nova Scotia to Boston for trial, and to refer the same to the Committee on Commerce. Also, the petition of Levi Eldridge and others, of Chatham, Massachusetts, asking an allowance of fishing bounty in the schooner Harriet, lost at sea, be withdrawn from the files and referred to the Committee on Commerce.

Also, that the petition of Atkins Dyer, of Truro, Massachusetts, for a return of tonnage duty paid, be taken from the files and referred to Committee on Commerce.

By Mr. SMITH: The petition of John Baird, praying a pension for military services.

Also, the petition of R. M. Sheppard and others, praying a post route from Fayette Court-House, Alabama, to Re

form.

By Mr. WHITE, of Kentucky: The petition of sundry citizens of Knox county, Kentucky, asking for the establishment of a mail route from Mount Welcome, in Clay county, Kentucky, via Flat Lick, Knox county, Kentucky, to Boston, in Whitby county, Kentucky.

Also, the petition of sundry citizens of Owsley and Morgan counties, Kentucky, asking the establishment of a mail route from Booneville, in Owsley county, via Duff's Store, to Hazlegreen, in Morgan county.

By Mr. STANTON, of Ohio: The petition of Joseph Newell, of Ohio, praying that he may be authorized to surrender his title to a section of land west of the Mississippi, and that scrip may issue to him authorizing him to locate other lands.

By Mr. BRIGGS: The memorial of sundry merchants of New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, praying a return of duties paid by them during the year 18:28.

By Mr. BARRERE: The petition of Lieut. U. S. Grant, for losses sustained by him as commissary and regimental quartermaster of fourth infantry at Tacubaya, Mexico, together with the proceedings of a court-martial held at Jalapa, Mexico, June 25, 1848, and the proof of said losses taken before said court.

By Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee: The petition of Edward Taylor, of Tennessee, praying Congress to grant him a back pension.

By Mr. MOORE, of Pennsylvania: The memorial of officers, soldiers, seamen, marines, &c., from Philadelphia, asking a modification of the bounty land act of September, 1850.

By Mr. KUHNS: The petition of Jabez Hollingsworth, L. Brenneman, and 232 others, citizens of Armstrong county, Pennsylvania, on the subject of the freedom of the publie lands, and praying Congress to provide for laying them out in farms and lots for the free use of such citizens not possessed of other lands, and that the jurisdiction of the public lands be transferred to States or Territories on that condition.

IN SENATE. TUESDAY, January 13, 1852. Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. C. M. BUTLER.

EXECUTIVE COMMUNICATION.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate a communication from the Secretary of the Senate, showing the number of persons employed in his office during the year 1851, and the compensation allowed to each.

On motion by Mr. DODGE, of Iowa, it was Ordered, That it lie on the table and be printed.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore also laid before the Senate a report of the Secretary of War, transmitting, in compliance with the resolution of the Senate of December 29, 1851, information relative to the construction of a military road from Fort Dodge to Dubuque, in Iowa, and the cost of transporting munitions of war, provisions, &c., used at that fort from the Mississippi river; which was read, and

On motion by Mr. JONES, of Iowa, it was Ordered, That it be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs, and be printed.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore also laid before the Senate a report of the Secretary of the Senate, with a statement of the payments from the contingent fund of the Senate for the year ending November 30, 1851; and,

On motion by Mr. DODGE, of lowa, it was Ordered, That it lie on the table and be printed.

PETITIONS.

Mr. MILLER presented the proceedings of a public meeting of citizens of Trenton, New Jersey, in favor of the intervention of the United States in behalf of the people of Hungary; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

Mr. SHIELDS presented the memorial of Ambrose W. Thompson, proposing to enter into a contract with the Postmaster General to convey the mails between the United States and Ireland in first-class steamships; which was referred to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads.

Mr. RUSK presented the petition of John A. Lynch, praying compensation for his services as a clerk in the Treasury Department; which, together with the papers on the files of the Senate relating to the same subject, were referred to the Committee of Claims.

Mr. SOULE presented the petition of John S. Maunsell and William Parker, praying that a register may be issued to them for the brig "Sylphide;" which was referred to the Committee on Commerce.

Also, the memorial of Thomas Powell, by his assignee, the New Orleans Canal and Banking Company, praying the appointment of a board to revise the decisions of the late Board of Commissioners for settling the claims of American citizens against Mexico; which was referred to the Committee of Claims.

Also, the memorial of Nathan C. Folger, praying the appointment of a tribunal to review the decisions of the late Board of Commissioners for

the settlement of claims of American citizens against Mexico; which was referred to the Committee of Claims.

Also, the memorial of Gabriel Villeré, praying indemnity for damages done to his property by the American and British forces during the last war with Great Britain; which was referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Mr. STOCKTON presented a petition of passed midshipmen of the Navy, praying that a separate grade may be established by law, with an increase of pay, for that class of naval officers; which was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

Also, a petition of John West and others engaged in the merchant and privateer service during the last war with Great Britain, praying compensation for loss of time and privations in consequence of their capture and imprisonment by the enemy; which was referred to the Committee of Claims.

Also, a petition of forward officers of the Navy, praying an increase of pay; which was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

Also, the petition of Hugh Wallace Wormeley, formerly an officer of the Navy, praying a pension; which was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

PAPERS WITHDRAWN AND REFERRED.
On motion by Mr. SHIELDS, it was

Ordered, That the memorial of Thomas Kennedy, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

On motion by Mr, SHIELDS, it was

Ordered, That the documents on the files of the Senate relating to the claim of the Common Council of New York city, for expenses in organizing, equipping, and subsisting a regiment of New York volunteers for the Mexican war, be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

On motion by Mr. BERRIEN, it was Ordered, That the memorial and papers of L. Ralston, en the files of the Senate, be withdrawn and referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

REPORTS FROM STANDING COMMITTEES. Mr. SHIELDS, from the Committee on Military Affairs, to whom was referred the bill for the relief of Edward Everett, late a sergeant in the United States Army, reported back the same without amendment.

He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred the bill for the relief of the heirs and legal representatives of the late Colonel Alexander G. Morgan, reported back the same without amendment.

He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred the bill to increase the efficiency of the Army by a retired list for disabled officers, reported back the same with amendments.

Mr. DAWSON, from the Committee on Military Affairs, to whom was referred the bill for the relief of the Virginia Woolen Company, reported back the same without amendment.

BILLS INTRoduced.

Mr. UNDERWOOD, in pursuance of notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill (S. 110) to purchase the stock owned by individuals in the Louisville and Portland canal, and for other purposes; which was read a first and second time by unanimous consent, and ordered to be printed. Mr. FELCH, in pursuance of notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill (S. 111) for the relief of William A. Richmond; which was read a first and second time by unanimous consent, and referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

NOTICE OF BILL.

Mr. STOCKTON gave notive that he should to-morrow, or on some early day thereafter, ask leave to introduce a bill to authorize the Postmaster General to contract for carrying the mails between Jersey City and port of New York and Galway, in Ireland.

COMPENDIUM OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.

Mr. BRADBURY asked, and by unanimous consent obtained leave to introduce a joint resolation providing for a compendium of the annual public documents; which was read a first and second time by its title. It is as follows:

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President be, and be hereby is authorized and requested, at the commencement of each future session of Congress, or as soon thereafter as may be practicable, to cause to be prepared a compendium of the public documents accompanying

the President's message, and of the reports of the Secretary of the Treasury on the finances, and on commerce and navigation, and of such other reports of any of the Secretaries as may be of general interest, embracing only the more important portions thereof, for the purpose of being printed in a single volume, as a substitute for the extra numbers of said documents heretofore published.

Mr. BRADBURY. I move that the resolution be laid upon the table and printed. Mr. BADGER. I would ask the honorable Senator if that resolution ought not to be referred to some committee? It seems to me that there is a pro- | vision in the latter part of it which requires grave consideration. It is whether, if that joint resolution becomes a law, it will not have the effect of preventing the Senate from publishing these documents at large. I suggest that it should be referred.

Mr. BRADBURY. By reference to the phraseology of the resolution, it will be seen that will have no such effect. The resolution contem

plates the preparation of a compendium of the more material portions of the public documents in order that they may be printed. It does not declare that they shall be printed; but the number of documents that shall be printed in full, and the number of compendiums that will be printed, will all be matters depending on the future action of Congress. After the resolution is printed, if any necessity shall arise for its examination it can then be referred.

The motion to lay the resolution on the table and print it, was then agreed to.

ADDITIONAL COMMITTEE CLERKS. Mr. GWIN submitted the following resolution for consideration:

Resolved, That the Committee on Naval Affairs be authorized to employ a clerk.

Mr. RUSK submitted the following resolution for consideration:

Resolved, That the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads be and they are hereby authorized to employ a clerk.

ASSIGNABILITY OF LAND WARRANTS. Mr. HUNTER. Mr. President, there is a bill upon your table which perhaps more than any other interests the public. If it can be taken up I believe it will be passed in a few minutes. I allude to the bill making bounty land warrants assignable. I hope it will be the pleasure of the Senate to take it up, and to effect that object I move that all previous orders be postponed.

Several SENATORS. It will lead to debate. Mr. SEBASTIAN. I believe there are some two or three resolutions on the calendar as unfinished business, which should be first disposed of. The honorable Senator from Virginia, I believe, thinks the bill which he mentions can be taken up and passed without discussion. Now, I happen to know that there are questions involved in that bill which will not be disposed of without considerable debate. Under these circumstances, I hope that bill will not be taken up.

Mr. HUNTER. I withdraw the motion for the present, but give notice that on Monday next I will renew it.

PRINTING THE SEVENTH CENSUS. The Senate resumed the consideration of the following resolution:

"Be it resolved, &c., That the Joint Committee on Printing be directed to contract with Donelson & Armstrong for printing the Census returns, upon such terms as the cominittee inay deem reasonable."

diana; and I am prompted to do so on account of the personal issue which my honorable friend made with me last evening. That honorable Senator saw fit to remark, that at the last session of Congress he understood me to take ground in the Senate in favor of giving the printing of the census returns to a political press in this city-I think he named the Republic. I then suggested that he was under an entire misapprehension upon that subject. I do not suppose that my honorable friend intended to misrepresent my position in that regard. The truth is, that from the very outset of this business, I have been utterly opposed to the re-introduction into Congress of the old practice of dispensing the public printing, on any principle of political favoritism; and it so happens that I find myself on record, in a train of remarks submitted to the Senate, in relation to this very subject of printing the census returns, in which, views are expressed, such as I had the honor to lay before the Senate in the remarks which I made yesterday; and I hope the Senate will indulge me in reading from these remarks a few extracts, showing what I said. In the first extract which I will read, I

remarked as follows:

"Now, then, this committee has reported this bill, as I have before remarked, containing the provision of the old law, and conferring on the head of the Department of the Interior the arbitrary power of making a contract with any individual that he pleases, and upon any terins that he may see fit, without advertising, without competition. To any such provision in this bill, I am utterly opposed-not that I believe the honorable gentleman at the head of that Department would abuse the trust thus confided in him; I am convinced he will execute it with as much fidelity as any other of the distinguished citizens of the country.

"Now, sir, in order to realize, or rather to carry out what has been the policy of the Government for several years past, to wit: to have all the printing let out at contract, and given to the lowest bidder, all that is required is' the addition of a few words to the clause of the twentieth section."

The last clause reads thus:

"And further, as the returns are made, to cause the same to be classified and arranged in the best and most convenient manner for use; and thousand copies thereof to be printed for distribution."

"Now, sir, if the amendment of my honorable friend shall fail, I shall propose to add to that clause these words:" 'On contract, as now provided by law.' That is to say, to the lowest bidder."

And then, again, I remarked:

"I would say that I am not for subsidizing the press of the city, either the Whig or the Democratic press-either the one or the other."

And again:

"As to the scheme of giving the printing, at this late day, to the political press of this city, it is a proposition that I shall resist to the uttermost, and at all times."

And finally, I remarked:

"I am opposed to the existing system of printing. It must be amended; and I trust that before the present Congress is over, we may have some plan of doing the Congressional printing which will secure accuracy,good quality, expedition, and all the other elements which are indispensable to the transaction of business of Congress. I intend, sir, to resist now, and at all times hereafter, the connection of the public printing with the political press of this city, whether upon the one side or the other. I therefore insist that the 21st section is exactly right; and with respect to the preceding section, all that is required is simply the addition of four or five words such as I have already suggested to the Senate."

Such, Mr. President, were my views then, as

"It shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Interior, in conformity with the provisions of the act entitled An act making appropriations for the civil and diplomatic expenses of the Government for the year 1842,' approved on the 18th May of said year, to contract for the composition and presswork of copies of the returns of the Seventh Census, as the same are classified and arranged by said Secretary; and in like manner to contract for so much paper and of such quality as he shall deem proper for said work; and in like manner to contract for binding said returns as printed in such style as he may judge expedient: provided the party to each of said contracts shall give such surety, and said paper and work shall be subject to such inspection, as said Secretary shall require to insure a faithful performance of

the same."

Mr. BRIGHT proceeded to address the Senate at some length in defence of the resolution, and in reply to the remarks of the Senator from Connecticut, [Mr. SMITH,] of yesterday. This speech will be found in the Appendix.

Mr. SMITH. I wish to make a very few remarks in reply to my honorable friend from In

pose at all to confer any discretionary power upon the Secretary of the Interior. On the contrary, it requires him, in the first place, to let out the composition and the press-work; in the next place, to contract for the supply of paper; and in the third place, to contract for the binding, in conformity with the provisions of an act entitled "An act making appropriations for the civil and diplomatic expenses of the Government for the year 1842;" or, in other words, to let it out to the lowest bidder; to advertise it in the public papers for thirty days; to receive the bids of all those who choose to enter into this competition, and then to let it out to those who will do the work for the lowest price, according to the specifications-the party bidding to give security, and the work, the whole workthe paper, the composition, the press-work, and the binding-to be subjected to such supervision and inspection as the honorable Secretary may deem to be necessary in order to secure a full and faithful performance of the contract. By my proposed amendment, therefore, I banish all favoritism in the execution of the work in any and every form, and put it upon the same footing as the departmental printing, except in one or two points which I regard as improvements, such as the separating of the printing and press-work from the purchase of the paper, and these again from the binding-making each department distinct; and then again in requiring security and inspection and supervision in the execution of the work. There is, therefore, not to be any favoritism. The work is to be done on the lowest terms, and it will be done, I have no doubt, in a manner which will be entirely satisfactory to the Departments, as well as to Congress and the people of the country in general.

Again, Mr. President, the honorable Senator from Indiana saw fit to remark, that I had, as he presumed, greatly underrated the value of this work, and that I seemed to suppose that it was of very little consequence-that it was a thing to be printed and thrown aside, like many other documents, as of no value. In his argument, however, the Senator says it is a work of very great value that it is to go into the records of the Government, and into our colleges and the various States of the Union; and the honorable Senator saw fit to have read, at the desk of the Clerk of the Senate, some eulogies by some foreign writer (I hardly know who) on the value of this work, and speaking of it as being a very great improvement on any work of this character, either in this country or in Europe. Sir, I have not undervalued this work. I know that it is a work of high importance.. But what, let me ask the honorable Senator from Indiana, has that to do with printing it at the Union office? That is the question I wish him to answer me. What has the importance of the work to do with the printing of it at the Union office without any competitors? What has that to do with the question of the propriety of conferring this work upon the political press of this city as a matter of favoritism? I do not know but that there may be Senators enough to carry out such a scheme; but at all events I am going to wait to hear the votes of Senators announced before I will believe that they will do it. But the honorable Senator stands up and gravely tells the Senate that this work is undisposed of-that it is a sort of waif and estray, which the honorable Senator proposes we should capture and deliver over to the proprietors of the Union newspaper in this city. And "it is work,” says the honorable Senator, that is "undisposed of!" And this is said, I presume, to alleviate any little irritation of conscience which there may be; and I venture to say that there is a good deal on all sides of this Chamber in regard to the propriety of taking this course. It is a work which the honorable Senator says is "undisposed of!" And why is it undisposed of? Simply because we have not ordered the Secretary of the Interior to print it. And if it were ordered to be printed, then it would come under the law of 1842, which tells the Senator from Indiana that it shall not go into the Union office, or, in other words, that it shall not be disposed of unless they do it in this form. The Senate is to make this order, and then comes in the law of 1842 to take hold of it. The gentleman proposes to alter this law to take it out of the hands of the proper party, and to hand it over to my friend from Arkansas, [Mr. BORLAND.] He again [Mr. BORLAND] replies

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that he will have nothing to do with it, and I respect and honor him very much for coming to such a conclusion. He does not like the job. But, says my honorable friend from Indiana, “I guess I can find Senators who would be willing to do this." Possibly he may; I do not know. but he will. Perhaps the honorable Senator from Indiana himself will volunteer to help this most lucrative job into the office of a certain concern, for the welfare of which he appears to have a profound solicitude.

our duties here. But I must confess they have had very little effect so far as I am concerned, for there are many volumes of them into which I have never looked. I know that Congress has purchased books, and has paid for them a great deal more than they were worth; and I hope that when my friend brings up the subject as one to be imitated, he does not propose that we shall pay this enormous price of $17 per copy; for if he does, instead of $300,000, it will cost half a million of dollars at the very least.

"But," again says the honorable Senator, "I But how does he know it will cost only can furnish you a precedent for all this, because $300,000? On what basis does he make that calCongress has been buying books from Gales & culation? Has the Senator told how many copies Seaton for I don't know how long-about a quar- of this work he proposes to have printed? and is ter of a century-and handing them over to them- it not absolutely necessary that Congress should selves." Very well; I can tell that honorable settle the question in regard to the number of Senator that I have not a very exalted opinion of copies before anybody can make any calculation that operation; and if he will introduce a proposi- on the expense of the work, or even the cost of tion to repeal the whole system, I will vote for his composition, to say nothing about press-work? proposition, and restore all the books that I have Now my friend and I certainly cherish for the got, to the Government. I say that a more waste- Senator from Indiana sentiments of the very highful, more prodigal, more wicked system of dis- est respect; I know he is a vigilant and highlybursing the public money never existed on earth valuable member of this body, and I will do him than this system of distributing books among the justice to say here, that I know of no man members of Congress. I do not say this with who is more prompt, more energetic, and more the view of being understood as objecting to any determined in resisting the passage through this pay which members get either in the form of mile-Senate of any bill which will be likely to cast a age or per diem. It is not because I believe that they really get anything more than a fair compensation for their services here. I know that I earn every dollar which I receive here; and if I have a trifle to carry home to keep to pay the expenses of my family during the recess, I think I do very well. It is not because we take out of the public treasury $17 to pay for a volume to give to a member that I object-seventeen dollars to pay for that which is absolutely not worth three dollars. We pay hundreds of thousands of dollars out of the Treasury of the United States every year for what is of no real use to us.

A SENATOR, (in his seat.) Oh, move to divide the money amongst ourselves.

Mr. SMITH, (laughingly:) Yes if we could divide the money among ourselves, there would be some propriety in that-some good common sense in that; but for the sake of conferring some little miserable picayune benefit upon this member, or upon that one, when he newly comes to Congress-and I take my full share of responsibility on this matter, for I have had these books myself, and when they are applied for for others who have not received them, Tam constrained to vote for them for very shame, because I myself have had them-but I say, in all earnestness, that it would be infinitely better, if this system is to be continued, to take this money openly and manfully out of the Treasury and distribute it amongst ourselves, than to resort to this indirect method of increasing the remuneration of members in a mode which is really of very little value to us one way or the other. But the honorable Senator from Indiana says that because this old and corrupt system-and I beg pardon for using the word "corrupt," for I mean nothing offensive by the way in which I use it-which has come down to us, I do not know how long, is still in use, and because we are in the habit of ordering books for members of Congress, and now that we have a piece of departmental printing, which the honorable Senator thinks will cost not more than three hundred thousand dollars, reckoning on the basis of six dollars per volume as the cost of the Archives, whereas that cost was no less than seventeen dollars a volume; and because

Mr. BRIGHT. I desire to correct the Senator, I did not use the word "corrupt," nor did I say anything against the system of printing books. I have never voted for books; I have always voted against the practice, though I have taken them, as I understand the Senator from Connecticut has also.

Mr. SMITH. I am sensible, in speaking of the distribution of books among members, that I have traveled in some degree out of the proper limits; but the honorable Senator referred to it, as being some justification of this extraordinary measure. I think I am in order to denounce this system as an abuse. But after all, what is it but buying|| books? It is not Congressional printing, it is not departmental printing; it is buying certain books, containing a great deal of information which we distribute among the members for the purpose, as we suppose, of enabling us the better to discharge

burden upon the Treasury, without the severest scrutiny, and will more insist on knowing all the elements of the cost-on this occasion seems to be prepared to go to the entire extent of the result which may follow from his proposition, without knowing what number of copies we are to have printed; and he proposes to rush into this field at once, and in the dark.

There appears to be something that has disarmed the usual vigilance of my friend from Indiana, for he says the Secretary tells him this morning that he has one State done. I do not know how long they have been in arriving at that point of consummation; and when the remaining States are to be completed, I do not know.

Sir, I know that Congress has been in the habit of buying books; and I know that we provide for the publication of our debates-to what profit I will not undertake to say, or with what utility to the country. We paid at the last Congress $7 50 per column for the publication of our speeches in the Intelligencer, and $7 50 to the Union. The Intelligencer could not live by it, and has therefore gone out of the business. But the Union continues to prosecute the work, and I hope will prosecute it with success. As it is very important, or is supposed to be very important, that our debates should be published in full, if $7 50 is not a sufficient compensation to the "Union," I am willing to add to it, particularly as we are now relieved from the expense of publishing them in the " Intelligencer. But what has that to do with the question before us? What if we do hire the Union to print our debates, what if we do not open the printing of our debates to competition? This is a matter relating to departmental printing; and I say that the very moment we determine upon the number of copies to be printed, and order the Secretary of the Interior to print the work, it comes under the operation of existing laws, and is disposed of.

But, Mr. President, after having addressed the Senate, perhaps at an unreasonable length, yester day, upon this subject, I do not deem it right that I should trespass further upon the time and attention of this body; and I have to express my thanks for the patience and attention that has been shown in listening to me.

Mr. HALE. I want to say a word or two upon this subject, though I enter upon it with great reluctance, and, if the Senate will excuse me, with great diffidence, [laughter] because, sir, we have been entertained, of late, with such lofty subjects, the safety of the Union, the spirit of the age, prog||ress, manifest destiny, national intervention, the Magyar race, &c., that it is a great effort to clip the wings of a man's imagination and come down to a printing office, and deal in such a commonplace subject as the mere printing of these Census returns will be. But it is a part of what we are bound to do, and we must do it. I apprehend that a great mistake has arisen from the fact that we are endeavoring to be a little more pure, a little more patriotic than our poor human nature will allow us to be. And here is an opportunity offered to us-I mean, to us Democrats—to do a

once.

great public benefit to the country, and a little private benefit to a party at the same time; and that a great good and a small good can be effected at We had better not shut our eyes to the existing realities about us, and to strain them at some great national object that does not exist. We had better look close at hard. We have a country first, and the country has got a Whig and a Democratic party in it. We cannot get along without them; and the next thing to be looked at is, that the party cannot get along without an organ. Who ever heard of a party without an organ? But the countryman, who never saw an organ, and sees for the first time the man who is performing upon one, comes to the conclusion that the man who is touching the keys is the only one employed in making the music. He does not know that there is a boy behind, who blows the bellows. [Laughter.] What sort of an argan would it be without somebody behind? This bill is the boy that blows the bellows; this is the wind that fills the pipes; the keys are to be played elsewhere. All that the public ordinarily sees, is the man; the bellows boy is behind. The bellows boy in this case has to sit behind and— "raise the wind," as a friend near me suggests. Now, it seems to me, it is a little ungenerous in the Whigs-standing on a high moral platformI now stand on a high platform, I can look down upon and talk to both parties-I say it seems to me a little ungenerous in the Whigs who, according to the authority which the honorable Senator from Indiana has adduced, have had bellows blowers for a long time, and their keys have been touched, for Whig organs will not go without belbows blowing any more than Democratic organsI say it is a little hard, when they have had their bellows blowed so long, that they are not willing to have these new performers have the benefit of a little wind. Donelson & Armstrong cannot touch the keys without this blowing, and I am willing to give a liberal quantity of wind; I am willing to give anything not very extravagant; and I hope, if we do this, as we certainly shall-for we all know where the majority is-we are a majority here, sir, I mean we, the Democrats, and we are going to have a broad platform, broad enough for all conservatives and republicans to stand upon, both North and South-being in a decided majority, we shall carry this measure in one way or another. There is no doubt about it, for human nature is as human now as it ever has been, and it will continue to be the same, at least till after the next presidential election. Well, I hope, looking to the future, that after we have been so liberal, our liberality will continue, for there is another party, a very small party, I mean now the FreeSoil party and they, too, want wind. They only publish a weekly paper now, but by and by, as the party is progressing, they may have a daily organ; and if they do, their organ cannot go any more than yours can without wind. And I hope those whose organs have been so long making such sweet music, the public all the while blowing the bellows, will show some magnanimity to them when they come forward with their very modest request to raise a little wind. Now this, I think, is the real, sober, matter of fact view of the case. That is to say, this is what we will talk over between ourselves. I hope the, reporters will not print this, because this is not for the public; it is for us. Our organs want wind; we have the means to give it to them, and we will give it to them. I know that this will be a favor to these gentlemen, I know that if I were in power-but I forgot, I am of the Democratic party, [laughter;] but if I were differently situated, I would go for giving to my friends in preference to those who are opposed to us. Now, as this is the natural and common-sense view of the subject-the view we all take of it, the view that everybody has taken since the fall of Adam-I do not mean of Adams-as it is the proper view, why not come up to it at once? I presume that Donelson & Armstrong are highly respectable gentlemen; I do not know them. And I hope there will be a provision, or that the committee will arrange the matter so that what we do for the Union now will not prejudice Mr. Ritchie's claims, because he said that he played and furnished the wind. I hope then this will not prejudice his claim, but that we shall remember him. "Let others hail the rising sunI bow to him whose race is run."

And I hope we will not forget to reward—not to reward, but do a patriotic act to those coming on the stage. I am perfectly satisfied that a majority of this Senate will give this patronage to their friends. It would be strange if they did not. I think if my friend from Connecticut [Mr. SMITH] was in power, he would do the same thing; if he would not, he would not live up to that reputation he has acquired, for his reputation has been that he will stand by his friends. No man need blush for that. I hope my friends will stand by me. I have not a great many here, sir; but I hope what few I have will stand by me.

Connecticut [Mr. SMITH] is the proper plan. And what is that plan? It is that the work shall be let out under contract by the Secretary of the Interior. And why is it proper that the Secretary of the Interior should have something to do with this work? Has not the Census been taken under the law, through that department of the Government? Is not the Superintendent of the Census, the head of that bureau, subject to the Government of the country? Certainly. Who knows most about the plan of this work, or about the way in which the compendium has been formed, or how it should be printed, so as best to carry out the intentions of Congress, as perfected in and through the Interior Department, as the Secretary of the Interior? And is it not well known to this body that the printing of this work will be commenced before the work itself is completed in the office of the Secretary of the Interior? It seems to me that, in a matter involv

Now let us have done with this matter. I have no doubt this will help the Union, and I am willing that it should be helped. The great Union has been saved, and the little Union ought to be helped; and the two acts are in unison. I hope we shall all take this practical view of it. I trust I do not offend the sensibilities of any one; 1ing so many figures-for I believe the work will hope nobody is loaded with a flowery speech, full of tropes and figures of rhetoric, who will be shocked at the apparently trifling manner in which I have treated this subject. I am in earnest; and being so, I can assure the honorable gentlemen from Connecticut and Indiana, that I do not impeach their motives in the least. I believe there is a good deal of human nature in mankind generally, and as much of it in these honorable Senators as there is in high-minded men everywhere, and not any more. And I believe that manifest destiny points to this manner of doing this printing. Let us bow to manifest destiny, and let us not spend a great deal more time in discussing this question. I hope I have given a rational view of this subject-one that will commend itself to the mind of every Senator, and that we shall be disposed to come to a decision of this question

at once.

Mr. DAWSON. Before the question is taken I desire to say a few words on the subject. The resolution and amendment both contemplate the printing of the census returns, and it is a question of judgment submitted to this body which is the best plan, and which will carry out the object of the Senate, and be most advantageous to the country. That is the question on which we are to divide, and I am sure, for one, that party considerations will not influence the votes of the majority of this body. The resolution of the Senator from Indiana proposes that this printing shall be let out by the Committee on Printing of this body, and designates that a contract shall be made with persons therein named. Now I object to this course, for the reason that it excludes all competition, and places the publication of an important work in the hands of a mere newspaper establishment-not a bookbinding or book printing

establishment at all.

It is said that there is a precedent for this. That is very true. Both parties in Congress at different times have probably pursued this course; but the question at present is, has there ever been, since this Government commenced, one single proposition for printing for the benefit of the country involving so large an amount? What is the question? It is in truth an appropriation of from three hundred thousand to five hundred thousand dollars of the public money to execute this printing. The Senator from Indiana puts down this work at six dollars per volume, and makes it to consist of two volumes, thus making twelve dollars for the set; and he limits the number to twenty-five thousand volumes, which makes the sum of three hundred thousand dollars. Now, sir, if Senators will only reflect for a moment, I think they will soon perceive that the Senator from Indiana has not given us more than half the estimate of what this work will actually cost. Look at all the history of the past, and all the precedents that can be cited, the patent reports and others, and see whether this is not the case. This document will be admitted to be a vastly more important publication than any we have ever ordered. Suppose, now, that we should print fifty thousand copies and a friend on whose judgment I can rely, supposes we shall need that number-then the amount will run up to six hundred thousand dollars.

Now, what is it that we want? We want a book published in the best and cheapest style; and the question is, what plan shall we adopt to effect this? I maintain, Mr. President, and I think I can show it satisfactorily, that the plan proposed by the amendment submitted by the Senator from

consist pretty much of figures, except merely a few words of introduction to each State-with this exception, all the rest are statistics,-I say, that in a matter where there are so many figures, there must be liability to very many errors. And how are those errors to be avoided or corrected except by those who superintend the publication? And who can better superintend the publication than the head of the Census Bureau, or Superintendent of the Census, under the direction of the Secretary of the Interior? Sir, it is clear that no one can do it so well as he.

And here permit me to throw out a suggestion for the consideration of both sides of this House, whether they be Democrats or Whigs. What would be the suggestion which would be made in relation to this resolution, if we were to pass it just on the eve of a presidential election? Would it not be said that through the agency of party power, we had made an appropriation of public money to sustain an organ at the expense of the Government? I do not make any such charge; but it is our duty so to legislate as to prevent the public mind from entertaining the belief that we are influenced here by improper motives. Now, how can this best be done? Why, sir, by doing that which is right-by doing our duty, and then endeavoring to satisfy the country that what we have done is right. And I submit it to you, and to every Senator on this floor, if we as individuals had the contract to let out, having to pay from three to five hundred thousand dollars, whether we would not do it under special contract, and let it out to the lowest bidder, first giving him the means of ascertaining the terms we proposed, and the character of the work which we desired to have done? We should certainly do this. We would feel ourselves bound to employ those persons whom we believed would do the work best, and at the cheapest rate. And who, sir, understands this matter best? and who should be our agent? Not the Committee on Printing of the Senate, for their chairman refuses to undertake the great and important work of making a contract by which from three to five hundred thousand dollars are to be expended. Why does he refuse? Because, he says, that he is not competent; that it is not in the line of his usual vocation; that he has not the requisite judgment to protect the country through his instrumentality from probable imposition or from a bad contract. This is honest and correct on his part.

Where then can we next best go to? We go to the head of the Interior Department. And who is the head of that Department? And what are his qualifications for this business? We all know that so far as printing is concerned, he is an individual who has more printing to be done than any other of the Secretaries in the various departments of this Government. And has not the printing of these various departments for years been done under contracts made by the gentlemen at the head of these various departments? Certainly it has. And has not that printing been satisfactory? Have we ever heard of any complaints similar to those which we have heard in reference to the printing of the Senate? No, sir; not any. Why then do we say "We will not trust you?" Why take it from him? Is he not as competent as the committee of this House? And will he not be more competent when he can say to the world, "Here is a contract which will involve the expenditure of five hundred thousand dollars; I require these census returns to be published according