would be as well to meet the question at once upon the proposition to fill these blanks. I am not prepared myself, as a representative of one of the States of this Union, to adopt this resolution. As an individual, as a citizen of the United States, I am willing to show to Kossuth that respect which my judgment and my feelings may dictate; but in my capacity as a Senator I cannot consent to what is here proposed. I know of no precedent in the history of our legislation which would justify the adoption of this resolution. I have never known such marked distinction shown to any distinguished citizen of our own country, whether a military man or a civilian. I see nothing in the character of this distinguished individual which should make the Government of the United States get up a great pageant on his account, and distinguish him from all other men who have ever lived. Has he ever been connected with our institutions? Has he ever rendered any particular service to this country to entitle him to this mark of distinction? Not at all. It is true he is a great man, but he is not greater than many men who now live, and who have lived. His position is such as to call into exercise our sympathies for him and his associates as men. That sympathy this Government has already shown to an extent almost unparalleled by sending one of the national vessels to receive him and his associates, if they were willing to come to this country. Have we not done enough to show our sympathies and our good feelings? I think we have. Against the man's character and course I utter not a word. The American heart is open for his reception. It is the people who will receive him. It is the people and not the Government that ought to receive him. Lafayette, when he came to this country, was received in a manner which was justifiable on the part of the Government of that day, because he was connected with the Revolution which gave us the liberties which we enjoy.

But, sir, I did not intend to discuss this question. I do not, however, wish the Senate or the country to understand that my sympathies towards Kossuth are not as strong as the sympathies of the Senator from Mississippi. I only object to the manner in which it is proposed to receive him.

Mr. HALE. I would suggest to the Senator from Georgia, that he withdraw all opposition to this resolution in its present stage, and let it be amended to suit its friends; as I believe the most usual course is to allow the friends of a measure first to perfect it before a discussion ensues on its merits. After the amendments proposed by the Senator from Mississippi shall have been adopted or rejected, I have an amendment which I propose to offer, and which I hope will meet the concurrence of the Senate, and which may possibly make the resolution more acceptable to the Senator from Georgia. My amendment will be to add at the close of the resolution these words:

"And also to assure him and his associates in exile of

the sympathy of the Congress and people of the United States with the victims of oppression everywhere, and that their earnest desire is that the time may speedily arrive when the rights of man shall be universally recognized and respected by every people and Government of the world."

of sympathy, of respect, of profound admiration, and deep gratitude almost universally presented throughout Christendom towards this individual— that he could see no difference between him and many others. There has been but one WASHINGTON, and there is but one KosSUTH. And so the whole civilized world determines. Is the gentleman familiar-he ought to be-he doubtless must be with the illustrious history of this distinguished person in his own country? Does he know that he is equally distinguished in war as in peace-distinguised in legislation, distinguished in the performance of high executive functions?

miration and respect of the whole civilized world, we find him now ready to land upon our shores, as the invited guest of the nation. The Administration at Washington-(the President)-recollecting that it was at the instance of Congress that one of our ships of war was sent forth to bring Kossuth and his associates to this country as the guest of the Republic, being unwilling to exhibit even the appearance of desiring to monopolize the glory appertaining to this imposing transaction, in his solemn annual message, read in our hearing yesterday, invites, in the most formal manner, the attention of Congress to this interesting subject, and recommends, in strong and emphatic language, the adoption of some suitable plan for the exercise of such hospitalities as he judges to be Mr. FOOTE. If the gentleman will take his proper on this occasion. In other words, he calls time I might, in due season, give a biographical upon us to accord an appropriate reception to the sketch of Kossuth for his benefit. But there has noble personage whom we have deliberately invited been a book published recently which he can pur- to come within our borders. I have already stated chase at a small price, and which will give him that I have not intruded this resolution upon the full information on the subject. While I should Senate without due consultation; indeed, from be willing to instruct that gentleman, and all other certain personal considerations, I should rather members of the Senate, according to my ability, have desired some other gentleman to have moved if I had leisure, and to accompany the bestowal of in the matter, had not the worthy Secretary of this instruction with the pronunciation of a well-State (Mr. Webster) some days ago called my known couplet, which runs thus:

Mr. DAWSON. I would ask the gentleman to name the battle in which he was ever distinguished.

"Delightful task, to rear the tender thought,
And teach the young idea how to shoot"-

on the subject of human freedom; yet I do not consider the present opportunity the best one which could be desired, either for the bestowal of instruction, or the reception of information with regard to the historic point in question.

attention specially to the subject, informing me in advance what would be the recommendation of the President in regard to the point under consideration, and desiring me, as the mover of the original resolution of the last session, to offer to the Senate a resolution substantially corresponding to the one now under consideration. It is under such promptings from a high Whig source, that a Democrat, inflexibly devoted to the principles of his party, conceived it proper that he should, to some extent, rise above mere party considerations, and cooperate with the Administration of the country for the time being in this generous undertaking.

I was proceeding to say, that the Senator from Georgia was bound to know that Governor Kossuth was distinguished in war; distinguished in peace; distinguished as a public speaker, perhaps above all others now living; distinguished as a profound statesman; distinguished also in the management of the fiscal concerns of his country; dis- I must say that I am surprised that, under the tinguished for his noble disinterestedness evinced circumstances mentioned, gentlemen who are the under all the circumstances of a varied public ca- peculiar friends, avowedly, of this same Adminisreer; distinguished for his thorough devotion to tration, should rise up and present the stern and civil and religious liberty; distinguished for the unbending opposition which it has been my fate extraordinary sacrifices he has made in the cause to experience, to a simple and unavoidable act of of human freedom; distinguished for the noble national courtesy. Yet I am not so much surstand he has taken for the liberties of his coun- prised as I might have been a few days ago, had trymen against the tyrannical Government of Aus-the same development been then made; for I distria, aided and sustained by the still more tyrannical and unprincipled Government of the Czar of Russia.

Sir, this man has performed acts, he is the author of achievements that must hand him down to future ages as the man of the present age-more illustrious in all respects, in my judgment, than any other man that the present generation has produced in any quarter of the world. Of a pure and unblemished character, amiable in disposition; a stern, unbending republican, though utterly opposed to the accursed doctrines of socialism; possessed of a moral courage which enabled him to declare, even in the midst of a monarchical people, his unqualified respect and admiration for republican institutions, such is KOSSUTH. We have invited him hither. Why? Because we understood his merits; because we appreciated his sufferings; because we sympathized thor

I did not expect that any intelligent member of this body would undertake to say, in view of the striking facts now presented in all parts of the civilized world-in view of that universal outbreak

secured to him and to them the means of coming to this country, where, if he chooses to remain he can permanently enjoy the blessings of civil and religious freedom-having thus established in behalf of this glorious Republic, by our interposition in this case of unmerited suffering, the ad

cover in certain quarters that hints have been already given, that it would be a dangerous thing for Kossuth to be allowed to come to this country and deliver such bold and soul-stirring harangues in favor of the great principles of which he is the champion, from the fear that his eloquence might have the effect of unduly liberalizing the minds of the people of America, and might impart a still more republican cast to the minds of the thinking millions of this country. I know very well that political bigotry in several noted quarters has already undertaken to sneer at all attempts even to do simple justice to the character of this distinguished man. I know that base and unprincipled calumniators, (who will, I trust, be very soon exposed to the unmitigated indignation and scorn of the civilized world,) in advance of the landing of Governor Kossuth upon our shores, have undertaken to calumniate him seriously in regard to certain delicate circumstances connected with his leaving the steamer Mississippi at Gibraltar. I have looked into the charges which have been brought, and the evidence adduced in support of them, and I thank God that I have seen already, in advance of his coming into our midst, a triumphant vindication of all these heartless allegatious. I beg leave to declare here, that the attempt which has been made to poison the public mind of America towards this excellent personage-to instil undue prejudice into the minds of the enlightened people of this country in regard to this illustrious victim of oppression-is, in my judgment, altogether the most disgraceful act of the kind that has yet marked our annals as a nation. When I first saw the insidious and fiendish epistle which was sent across the briny deep for the purpose of awakening prejudice in the American mind in regard to this long-suffering patriot and true republican, I was full of grief, of disgust, and of indignation; and I rejoice that this opportunity has been unexpectedly afforded to me of pouring forth the deep, and, I might almost say, inexpressible indignation which I feel at the concerted, cold-blooded injustice done to this noble personage by the corrupt and mercenary scribblers of faction. I had hoped,

manifest in its plain declarations, to seek for hidden motives of action which he may choose to denominate as corrupt and improper, as tending to secure illicit ends by illicit means. I am ready, for one, to say that I entertain the fullest sympathy with Kossuth. I entertain the highest respect for him. Let the honorable Senator from Mississippi pour forth his eloquence, and speak as never man spake in behalf of the illustrious stranger to whom he proposes to do honor; let him put it upon the ground that it is because he has been true in Hungary, true in England, and I trust in God will be true here, to the maintenance of those principles for the maintaining of which he is an exile. The Senator cannot go beyond me. I feel it all. I sympathize with it all, and I want to turn it into no narrow or sectional current. I want it to do what the honorable Senator says some narrowminded men are afraid that it will do-liberalize the minds of many of the multitude, and infuse Democratic sentiments into the hearts of the great masses of the people. That is the very object I propose. That is what I want. I wish Kossuth to come here, in his very person, a living reproach to despotism of whatever name and wherever it may be. I want him to go about among the people of the land, the living advocate of the rights of man, so that everybody, whereever he may be, who feels in his own breast that he is guilty of any invasion or infraction of these rights, when he looks into the face of Kossuth may see there the lineaments that speak out reproach. That is the reason why I honor him, and that is the reason why I wish him to come here.

There are other victims of oppression. There are the victims of English oppression. The people of this country have been moving lately to get the kind offices of this Government to interfere in behalf of O'Brien, Mitchell, and their associates. I want this resolution to reach them. I want to let it go just exactly as far as the history of the United States goes. I want it to go, as was eloquently said by a distinguished orator of this country to Lafayette when he was here, speaking to him of the voice of Washington that was raised in his behalf, that that voice of sympathy could reach him even in the dungeons of Austria. Well, if there are victims of oppression in the dungeons of Austria, or of any other Government on earth, I want this expression of the sentiments of the American people to be broad enough to reach them. I want Kossuth, and Mitchell, and O'Brien, and everybody else that is suffering in the great cause of human rights and human liberty, to feel that here, without division and without partiality, there is the entertainment of an honest and earnest and zealous respect for the course they have pursued.

It is the honorable Senator from Mississippi, sir, who has undertaken to sectionalize, and localize, and give a narrow meaning to words which, in their fair import, admit of no such meaning. It is he, if anybody, that has a mind so diseased upon this subject, so gangrened with particular local applications of a great principle, that he cannot view it in the light of a statesman, philanthropist, and Christian. If he has any such, let him lay them all aside. Let him be assured that in this work at least he shall have the sympathy and coöperation of all those who love liberty, and respect and venerate its advocates, irrespective of all extraneous considerations and conditions. These are the motives which I have. These are the motives which I entertain, and which have impelled me to suggest the amendment which I propose to offer. These are the motives which I stand by; and I deny to the honorable Senator from Mississippi, or to anybody else, the right to impute to me any other motives than these. If these motives which I have disclosed are such as are unworthy the occasion, unworthy of the place, or unworthy of the time, so be it. But they are the motives which have impelled me, and which I hope will be convincing with the majority of the Senate, so as to get their consent to modify the resolution. I hope that if it is so modified we shall have the concurrence of the honorable Senator from Georgia, for it will make the resolution general in its character.

Mr. FOOTE. Mr. President, there are some gentlemen in this country whose principles are well known, and with whose public course the whole country is familiar. There are some public speakers in Čongress, and out of it, who have

been so much in the habit of discussing particular public topics in a certain unvarying mode, that the particular phraseology which they chance to employ, is perfectly understood by all who either hear or read their speeches. Now, sir, were the question propounded to any one here, what was the precise meaning intended to be attached to the amendment whose introduction has been menaced by the gentleman from New Hampshire, and the remarks with which it was accompanied, not the least difficulty could be possibly experienced in the rendition of a fitting response. Hear the language of this suggested amendment:

"And also to assure him and his associates in exile of the sympathy of the Congress and people of the United States with the victims of oppression everywhere.”

Now we all know well what class of our population is alluded to by the Senator from New Hampshire, when he speaks of "the victims of oppression." I have heard that very expression from his lips about one thousand times, and it always has seemed to intimate the same thing precisely. It was obviously designed to be expressive of a very peculiar sympathy for the colored races of this continent; and there is not now a member of the Senate that does not understand this amendment precisely as I do. So confident am I on this point, that I venture to assert that the Senator himself dare not deny that such is the true interpretation of the words of his proposed amendYet he has, I will not say the effrontery, from regard to the rules of the Senate, but he has such a wonderful amount of what may be called self-confidence, as to enable him with a tolerably unembarrassed countenance, to declare that he had no such sinister allusion as that which I have named. Sir, I was grieved and mortified to hear the

ment.

message declared that he recognized the series of measures constituting together what is called the plan of adjustment, as a definitive settlement of the questions growing out of the system of domestic slavery. The same high functionary, in the message read to us yesterday, has again made the same declaration. Good men, patriots of both the old political parties North and South, have declared by overwhelming majorities in favor of this great scheme of pacification, and expressed their earnest desire that the country should be quieted on this subject now and forever. But there being some little opposition to these measures presented in several neighborhoods, and some indications of contemplated resistance, of a character more or less equivocal, it has been deemed expedient by several patriotic and discerning persons with whom I have had the honor to consult, that some formal declaration should be made by the two Houses of Congress, of a nature calculated to give assurance to the different sections of the Union of the existence of a reciprocal disposition in future to do full justice to each other. This resolution has been introduced for the purpose of quieting excitement and promoting a speedy restoration to a state of fraternal concord. Sir, it was neither my wish nor my intention to discuss that resolution; it was my earnest wish and confident hope, that the statesmen, the true patriots, the real philanthropists of the two Houses of Congress, without regard to ancient party designations, as a band of brothers, as an association of American patriots, would adopt such a resolution and give full and permanent quiet to the public mind.

Sir, if this debate had occurred two or three years ago, it might have been proper for me to have entered on a vindication of that system to which the gentleman alludes as a system of oppression. Happily that system stands fully vindicated by recent events before the habitable globe. Those who reside in the section of country where I have the honor to live, desire not at all to propitiate those who have deliberately resolved to hate us and our cherished institutions, whose business it has been for years past to decry us, and some of whom have evinced a willingness to do all that unscrupulous men could do for our degradation and ruin. Thank God, the people of the United States, without regard to sectional considerations, have of late nobly rushed to the rescue of the constitutional rights of that exposed section of the Union which I in part represent on this floor. The voice of faction is almost stilled even in places where the counsels of the honorable Senator from New Hampshire were held in high regard, and the noisy demagogues of the hour are beginning to feel the visitations of that contempt which should long since have withdrawn them from the view of respectable and well-deserving citizens.

grave denial of the honorable gentleman of a fact which appeared to me to admit of no negation whatever. Sir, allow me to aver that the honorable gentleman has not a personal friend in the world who will not hang down his head with shame at such a denial made under such circumstances. Why, what is this proposition of mine? It is simply a resolution which I have introduced, || with the approval of the Administration here, in cordial cooperation with gentlemen from whom I have differed considerably upon questions formerly existing, which resolution asserts the expediency of providing a joint committee of the two Houses of Congress for the purpose of consulting as to the proper mode of receiving the renowned champion of Hungarian freedom at the Metropolis of the Union. This is all, sir, that I propose to do; and yet the Senator from New Hampshire, pretending all the while to be altogether friendly to the object set forth in the resolution, offers an amendment, the only effect of the adoption of which every sane man in the world must perceive could only have the effect of defeating all action on the subject. I ask him now, Can he deny, in the face of the Senate, that the proper interpretation of the language to which I have objected is that which I have affixed to it? Can he deny, in the hearing of this body, that it was his intention to express, by that amendment, particular sympathy for a certain portion of our population in the Southern States not of his own color or complexion? He cannot deny it, in my opinion, without the utmost confusion of face; and were he to deny it a thousand times, persons more illiberal than myself might suppose the gentleman had for the moment altogether forgotten himself. Yet he says that I myself complain of his having intruded the delicate topic of slavery upon the consideration of the Senate. Why, I am perfectly willing to leave the question between myself and the gentleman to any enlightened portion of his own constituency -indeed, to intelligent men anywhere; and 1 should confidently expect a decision that the hon-merly wrested from them, there is a union of the orable gentleman, if he intended by his amendment, to forward the passage of my resolution, has been particularly unfortunate in the adoption of means not in the least degree adapted to the attainment of his avowed object.

The gentleman has gone out of his way for the purpose of bringing before the Senate a résolution of which I yesterday gave notice. I shall not discuss that resolution now. I know it would be unparliamentary to do so. I only wish to offer a few remarks in reply to some observations which if unreplied to would tend to put me in a wrong attitude before the country. The present Chief Magistrate of the United States in his first annual

Mr. CASS. Mr. President, I shall detain the Senate but a few moments. I had hoped that this resolution would have met with no opposition; for we cannot conceal from ourselves the fact that it will lose a great part of its value, both at home and abroad, unless it meets with the unanimous consent of the two Houses of Congress. A strange spectacle is passing daily. There is an upheaving of the political system, of which no man can foretell the consequences. The despotism of ages has pressed upon most of the Governments. The people are striving to recover their long-lost liberty, wading, in the expressive language of Mr. Jefferson, through seas of blood to accomplish that object. Nation after nation rises in succession to break the iron yoke of despotism, and nation after nation is in succession put down by the union of the despotic Governments of Europe. Yes, sir; as soon as an attempt is made in one of the countries of Europe to recover the liberty which was fordespotic powers, and they assume the right to march there and to control the public opinion and fortunes of that country. It is impossible but that every lover of liberty throughout the world, certainly every lover of liberty in our own country, should sympathize with these movements. The great Hungarian leader needs no eulogy from me. He will live in the brightest pages of history. His eulogy is his conduct and his character through life. He has passed through the fiery furnace of a revolution and come out of it unscathed. He has been the leader of his country in one of the most terrible crises that a country ever passed through, and has never been suc

cessfully assailed in character or conduct. A leader in stormy times, a governor in a state of narchy, misfortune has overwhelmed him; but the love of his country and the respect and admiration of mankind attach to him.

We have asked him to come here. We have grited him to our shores. The question now is, Are we going to turn our backs on him now? Shall we not sympathize with those movements? May we not, as public and as private men, express rown feelings and the feelings of our constitumts in relation to him?

For my part, I see no reason, public, private, or political, why an expression of this feeling should not be made by the American people and Government: none whatever. The exiled Gov-| eror of Hungary does not come here merely as the champion of his country's independence, though in that character he is entitled to the sympathy and regard of every lover of liberty. But he comes here as the representative of a sacred cause of a great and glorious cause, involving human rights in every nation of the globe. He comes here as that representative; and may we net, under these circumstances, receive him as such?

The insurrection of Hungary was no ordinary case. Had Hungary made her effort against the Austrian Government, and been put down by that Government, however much we might have regretted the result, we could have had nothing to say on the subject. But she had defeated Austria. The Austrian capital was taken, and the Emperor of Austria was compelled to fly from the seat of his power. Hungary would have maintained her independence, so far as we are able to judge, but for the interposition of Russia. What does Russia do? In a struggle in a portion of a country to maintain independence, she imports her armies there and puts down the efforts of the Hungarian people. She intervenes by the "armed band;" and the American people and Government are to have no right to say that they are sorry for Hungary! Russia may spread her Cossacks over Europe, and restore the iron yoke of Austria and despotism, and yet we on this side of the Atlantic, are to have no right to express sympathy with the millions who are undergoing the trial there which we have undergone here! Providence conducted us to a happy issue, and I believe that the same Providence will eventually conduct them to the same issue.

The Senator from Georgia talks about "precedents." You cannot start a single proposition here but some one must turn to the Journals and see what has been done before. Some chimerasome imaginary evil that may happen a thousand years hence suggests itself. You are told to stop, for there is no "precedent" for your course. came here to think for myself. They say this is an age of progress. I am rather an old man myself, and I have found it to be an age of progress. 1, for one, have progressed pretty well, and I hope to live long enough to see still further progress. I am for expressing our opinions on this subject. I am for receiving Kossuth as the guest of the nation. I am for giving to him an imposing and solemn reception-one that will redound to our own credit, and be useful to the struggling millions of the globe.

The honorable Senator from New Hampshire is a most adroit parliamentary tactician. That we all know. We all know perfectly well that many times when propositions came up he seemingly supported them, while he had the adroitness to tack a little tail to it, something or other which he knew perfectly well would defeat the original proposition, of which he seemed to be the friend. Two years ago this whole subject was before the Senate. I then expressed my sentiments in relation to suspending diplomatic intercourse with some of the nations of the Old World. I did not believe that when a nation by its character and conduct placed itself out of the pale of Christian feeling, we should hold political intercourse with it. I would not sit down to count the cost of such suspension. I would not go in to any arithmetical calculation of its effect in dollars and cents; but I would cut the strings of political intercourse at once, This matter was all gone over two years ago-l need not renew it at this time. When that proposition for suspending diplomatic intercourse with Austria was before us, the honorable Senator from New Hampshire said, in his strong and

flowing language, that he was in favor of it, and all that kind of thing, and then moved an amendment to include Russia. He knew perfectly well that that would defeat the proposition. I will not say what was his motive, though we all know it perfectly well. If the gentleman had succeeded in having Russia included, other nations would have been brought in, and thus the original resolution would have been certainly defeated. The honorable gentleman then spoke in most eloquent terms of the terrible condition of those two Governments, and the necessity of cutting off intercourse with them; and yet his amendment was precisely calculated to defeat the whole object. Now, what has the gentleman done here? We have got another practical proposition before usa proposition to receive a guest of the nation whom we have invited here. What does the gentleman do? He proposes to tack to that an abstract declaration of no practical effect, and perhaps it was not intended to have any. There is not a man within these walls that does not know what the gentleman means perfectly well. He means to bring up the old question of slavery, and he means by this declaration to defeat the present resolution, for he knows it cannot pass with such an amendment.

I am, therefore, opposed to this abstract declaration as to the rights of man, though I believe in my soul I am just as good a friend to them as the gentleman from New Hampshire. But he knows, and we all know, that such a declaration as this is intended to be a pronunciamiento of the American Government against the institution of slavery, secured by the Constitution. He knows it cannot pass. He knows it should not pass. He knows we have no power to pass such a thing with such a view. When a proposition comes up of any practical description, in which the rights of man are concerned, I will go as far as any gentleman. But a proposition-I will not say intended, for that is un-Senatorial, otherwise I should-evidently having only the effect of throwing the firebrand of slavery into this Hall, renewing the agitating discussions which have subsisted for years, and which have now in some measure been happily quelled, should meet with the reprobation of every Senator. There is no excuse for it. It does no good to the original proposition, of which the honorable gentleman professes to be a supporter; for, if adopted, it would defeat that proposition. He knows that as well as I do. While I shall vote for the proposition of the honorable gentleman from Mississippi, I shall vote against the amendment suggested by the honorable Senator from New Hampshire, for the reasons I have stated, because it would be regarded as a declaration on the part of the Government against the institution of slavery in the Southern States.

The PRESIDENT. The Chair would remind gentlemen that the amendment which has been discussed for some time has not been offered, and is not before the Senate. The amendment pending is to fill the blanks with "three" and "five," respectively.

Mr. UNDERWOOD. I am opposed to this resolution, Mr. President, and I want to assign the reasons which induce me to give the vote which I intend to give. In the first place, it seems to me to be the introduction of a subject into the Congress of the United States, which does not properly belong to the functions of the body. And in addition to that, it seems to me to be the introduction of a proposition upon which we are necessarily destitute of the proper information to enable us to come to a correct conclusion. Now, sir, what practical effect can our decision, the one way or the other, in regard to this resolution have, in a legislative sense, upon the interests of our constituents? None whatever. But how, in the other aspect of the question in which I have presented it, are you qualified to decide upon the merits and actions of all foreigners within their own countries in reference to pending revolutions there, and to come to an accurate conclusion as to whether they ought to be complimented or not?

one to me, and point out the battle-field where Kossuth distinguished himself. But I shall present it all in due time. The aspect of the case which I now suggest, is, that if this is to be a precedent to operate in all time to come to justify the Congress of the United States in taking up the matters of every distinguished foreigner, and in going into their respective claims to be complimented by it, it is a subject upon which, in its very nature, we perhaps are little qualified to decide. Some, with the great reading of my friend from Mississippi, [Mr. FOOTE,] may be thoroughly acquainted with all the political and military movements of the country in which the revolution may be pending. But there may be others of us who are less informed, who have less acquaintance with the books to which he has referred us; and thus we may not have that accurate information upon which to decide whether the compliment ought to be given or not. But every Senator must perceive, that if we commence the system of complimenting foreigners for distinguished services in their own country in behalf of human liberty, there is no end; there is no limit to the exercise of this power, from this time forth forever And that brings up a matter of the highest importance to the American people. The Senator from Michigan [Mr. CASS] foresaw the bearing of this whole subject two years ago, at the time he introduced a celebrated resolution, for which I proposed to substitute an amendment.

If you set this example, my word for it, you legitimate that intervention in the affairs of other nations which has been hostile to the genius of our Government and to the practiceof every Administration from Washington down to this day. You run counter in that to the very recommendation of the message which we heard read yesterday, and thus an example is to be for the first time set in the history of our Government by which the doctrine of intervention in the affairs of all the nations of the earth is to be tolerated and legitimated. You give aid and assistance by countenance and by commendation. How long is it, after you begin your aid and assistance by words, before you must carry it out by deeds? How long are you to talk without acting? How long are you to express sentiments, fold your arms, and not carry those sentiments into practice? It is idle on the part of the American Congress to talk, to sympathize, to express abstract sentiments, unless in the progress of things they intend to execute their declarations. I have the authority of the distinguished Hungarian himself for all this. I have not been an inattentive observer to the progress of things. I have looked whenever I could into the declarations of all distinguished men. I see that Kossuth, in a recent speech which he has made, says your sympathies, your idle declarations in words amount to nothing unless you can act. True, he says "I do not call upon you to go to war, but I want you to intervene against intervention; I want you to say to those who will intervene, 'Hands off;' and when you make that declaration I want you to act in reference to it."

Now, Mr. President, I say, simple and insignificant as a mere compliment generally seems to be, although it is very grateful to the heart, the amount of dollars and cents in paying the bill of a distinguished foreigner you have already legitimated in the case of the Turkish envoy. True, I did not vote for it. I thought it a bad example and voted against it. But so far as the mere dollars and cents are concerned, we have a precedent; we have what the Senator from Georgia [Mr. DAWSON] seemed to call for. But you have never yet interfered in the affairs of nations by the declaration of a sentiment which might ultimately call for action. I ask the American Congress before they take this step, to consider well what may be its ultimate consequences. If I apprehend aright the nature of our institutions, they were not formed for any such purpose. If I know the Constitution of the United States, under which we happily live, it contains an imbodiment of general powers for national purposes; and if we confine ourselves legitimately and strictly to the

seems.

Mr. UNDERWOOD. Perhaps I might retort on my friend, and ask why he did not answer the question of my friend behind me, before putting

system, the example, the practice of our fathers, and not intervene by word or deed in the affairs of any nation in the world. It is utterly impossible that the nations of the earth are so ignorant as not to know the sentiments that actuate every