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he miqelers were demanded upon the question and

me

the tyrant and in behalf of the tyrannized. That | privilege, I can bring to your attention the ques

public vessels which may be now cruising in the Mediter is the only legitimate method of treating the case. tion of the Prometheus, the Thrasher case, and

ranean to receive and convey to the United States the sait

Louis Kossuth and his associates in captivity."
All else seems premature, irrelevant and insulting: introduce upon this platform the case of the poor
Nothing can be more grateful to his enemies and Cuban invaders. Where is it to stop? When-

We gave them a passage in one of our foreiga the enemies of liberty in Europe, than to see him ever the chairman of this committee will mark vessels as exiles—as men desiring to emigrate to the rebuffed by the American House of Representa- | out the boundary, and fix a place to stop, I am

country for a secure asylum and a home. And that tives. After having first invited this distinguished willing to obey his mandates. "But when he con

secure asylum and protection they would receive; exile to come to us from abroad, and then wel- fines himself to this case, and admits propositions the whole power of the Government against the comed him when he landed upon our shores, 1 | directly reflecting upon our foreign intercourse, 1 nations of the Old World would be exerted to se hold that it would be disreputable to ourselves, must claim the privilege of throwing myself upon they choose to remain with us and become adopted

cure it to them, now that they are amongst us, i f and wounding to the spirit of freedom everywhere, the House to be sustained. now to refuse to take him by the hand and give The CHAIRMAN. The Chair must state

citizens of this country. Now, I say we have not him free access to our House. I trust the coun- that, upon reflection and examination of the rules, made Louis Kossuth, by this proceeding, "the try will analyze the votes, and place the responsi- the decision of the Chair that the appeal is de guest of the nation.” We have welcomed him ane bility of the opposition where it belongs. batable, was not correct.

his associates. We have welcomed him, formally The question was then taken upon the amend- Mr. POLK. I take back my five minutes, then.

to the capital and to the country. I ask, does thať ment offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania || (Laughter.]

imply that we should go further, and place him [Mr. Fuller] to the amendment; and it was re- The CHAIRMAN read the 136th rule in sup- upon the footing of Lafayette?-the immortal Lajected.

port of his decision. The Chair decides that the fayette, who struggled and fought for us during Mr. TAYLOR offered the following amendment pending amendment is in order, and the gentleman fortune, the risk of his life and sacred honor, to

our seven years' revolution, and aided us by his to the amendment:

from Tennessee (Mr. Polk) appeals from that deNo change is contemplated in our uniform course of || cision. The question now is, Shall the decision

secure our own independence? I say that he canpolicy, in conducting our foreign relations. of the Chair stand the judgment of the com

not be placed upon the same footing, and does not Mr. POLK. I rise to a question of order. I mittee?

deserve to be received in the same way. Yet I wish to know, having no special knowledge of the

would extend to him every sympathy and kindoperation of the rules of this House, whether a ordered, and Messrs. Brown, of Mississippi, and

ness suitable to his latę eminent position in Hunprinciple can be ingrafted upon a simple resolution Hunter were appointed.

gary and his present situation, and do all that is of courtesy! The resolution of the gentleman from The question was then taken, and the tellers becoming in me to do towards him and his associOhio, if I understand it, was to appoint a com- reported—ayes 88, noes 35.

ates, as a citizen of the United States of America. mittee to wait upon Louis Kossuth, and invite him So the decision of the Chair was sustained.

I now wish to allude one moment to the course upon this floor.' Can gentlemen offer amendments Mr. TAYLOR. I would not consume the

of my colleague from the Ashtabula district, (Mr. involving the great principle of intervention or time of the committee even for five minutes, if it GIDDINGS,) who, during the debate in the last sesnon-intervention, upon the part of this Republic? were not that I hear it constantly asserted upon certain resolutions which he alleged had been voted

sion of the committee, read at the Clerk's table I want to know the legitimacy of the amendment. this floor that the illustrious Hungarian exile, The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Ten- now within the city of Washington, is the guest

for by myself. nessee cannot argue the point.

In the debate on Wednesday last, my colleague, of the nation." He has been received forinally || [Mr. Giddings,) to show what he considered my Mr. POLK. I will not argue it; I merely sug. || by the President of the United States, courteousgest .

, The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Ten. Il y, hospitably, frankly, and in a manner becoming resolution of a direct character, interfering and

this Chief nessee (Mr. POLK) makes a point of order upon country. He is still remaining with us, receiving European nation in the cause of freedom; and

proclaiming our sympathies with a foreign and the amendment of the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. the attentions and polite hospitalities of the peoTaylor] to the amendment of the gentleman from ple of this city, and of many of our most distin- in this House on the 22d March, 1848, relating

caused certain resolutions of Mr.Cummins, offered Tennessee, [Mr. CHURCHWELL.) The original guished citizens. But, sir, 1 dissent from some resolution offered by the gentleman from Ohio gentlemen upon this floor, who insist that Louis

to the state of affairs then existing in France and [Mr. Cartter) is one proposing to appoint a Kossuth is ** the guest of our nation." How is Italy; to be read by the Clerk. They were read committee to introduce Louis Kossuth into the

as follows: he the guest of the nation? What steps have we House of Representatives. The amendment oftaken to bring him to this country, and how does

Resolved, That it becomes the people of the United fered by the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. TAYLOR] || he come here? Are all who emigrate to our coun

States to rejoice that the sentiment of self-gorernment is

cominending itself to the favorable consideration and adope proposes to declare what we intend by that invi

try the guests of the nation? The messages of tion of the intelligent and thinking men of all intelligent tation. It is considered by the Chair, that the the President of the United States made to Con- nations. amendment is in order, as it is a further declara

gress at the present session, which I have before Resolved, That the only legitimate source of political tion or explanation of what the House intends to me, present a list of papers embracing a corre

power is the will of the people, and the only rightful end of

its exercise their good. do or not to do, and the Chair believes it to be per- spondence between the Secretary of State of the Resolved, That we sincerely hope that downtrodden tinent, and therefore in order.

United States and our Foreign Minister at Con- humanity may succeed in breaking down all forms of tyran Mr. POLK. I wished to submit my case, so stantinople, a letter from Kossuth himself, and

ny and oppression, and in the establishment of free and that I might make an appeal. one from Mr. Brown, our dragoman at Constan

national governments for the good of the governed, and not

for the aggrandizement of those who govern. The CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman ap- | tinople, the whole tenor of which goes to show Resolved, That we tender our warıpest sympathies to the peal from the decision of the Chair?

that these Hungarians desired to emigrate to the people of France and Italy in their present struggle for me Mr. POLK. I do appeal.

United States. That after the Sublime Porte re- form, and sincerely hope they may succeed in establistin, Mr. RICHARDSON. I desire to ask a single || ceired four thousand Hungarian exiles in his

free and constitutional governments, emanating from and

based upon the will of the governed, suited to their wants question—if after you send a matter to a com- Empire, and defied the power of Russia and Aus- and condition, and such as will secure to them liberty and mittee, the only way in which you can attach any- tria to take them out of it by force, that he saved

safety. thing to it is not by instructions to that committee? their lives by his power, and maintained them by

Řesolved, 'That we tender our sympathy and hopes of Mr. POLK. Is the appeal debatable?

success to every people who are seeking to establish for his hospitality and liberality. The people of the themselves free and national governments, and that whatThe CHAIRMAN. The appeal is debatable United States had their feelings of sympathy ever of blood and treasure may be shed or spent in a struge within the five-minute rule.

aroused in their behalf. And the correspondencegle of the oppressed against the oppressor, is to be charged Mr. POLK. I do not desire to occupy five between the Government of the United States,

to the unjust resistance of the oppressor, who strives to hold minutes; but wish to call the attention of the

and exercise the rights of the people, usurped against their our Minister at Constantinople, and the Turkish will, and exercised for the benefit of the few and the opHouse to this question: If members are permit- ll authorities, shows, that while the Sultan of the pression of the many, and not to the people, who seek only ted upon this foor to offer amendments and dis

Ottoman Empire was willing to pay their ex- io regain and exercise their natural rights in such manner cuss them for five minutes, when are we to terminate? It will be interminable. Then, sir, if the them, or some of the chief personages amongst penses to get them out of his country, and send

as will best secure and proinote their own happiness and

safety." decision of the Chair is sustained, I can offer an them, to England, they had not the means where

I was charged with voting for them, and with amendment to make temperance-as my friend with to come to the United States of America, I inconsistency; and the gentleman refused to say from Illinois, (Mr. RICHARSDON,] a few days ago, as they desired to come. What did we do, sir, who offered the resolutions, or give me any indid—to make temperance the ruling order and con- under this state of things, having had their wishes formation about them. He did not even say who trol of this House. [Laughter.] I can go fur- officially announced to us? The Congress of the

offered them. But how does it appear by the recther: I can introduce an amendment declaring | United States, on the 30 of March, 1851, passed a

ord? See the Congressional Globe, page 52), vol. that this Government will not longer entertain dip- | joint resolution, which I have before me, and

18. These resolutions were objected to, at the lomatic intercourse with the Emperor of Austria. which, it appears, gentlemen of this House forget No direct vote was afterwards taken upon them.

time they were offered, and they were not received. I can go further: I can declare upon an amend- or greatly misunderstand. In order that the ment to this resolution, that we will cease diplo- country may understand it, and that I may stand

Nor did I vote for them. The Congressional Globe matic intercourse with every Government upon justified before my constituency, I will read the

was before the gentleman, and he saw and well the continent of Europe. Is that legitimate? Sir, resolution:

knew that I had not voted for or against those can I go to that extent? Can I declare upon this

resolutions, because no vote was taken upon them, resolution that we will maintain relations of friend

“Whereas the people of the United States sincerely sympathize with the Hungarian exiles, Kossuth and his

except to suspend the rules to introduce them. I ship and amity and of commercial intercourse associates, and fully appreciate the magnanimous conduct therefore must believe that it was the design of with Great Britain ? No, sir; you will say. But of the Turkish Government in receiving and treating these the gentleman to misrepresent me-knowingly, if I cannot do so, can you decide that the declarac is the wish of these exiles for emigrate to the United States, willfully, and maliciously by a false allegation. tion of intervention in the affairs of Europe can and the will of the Sultan to permit them to leave his do

[Here the hammer fell, the five minutes having be considered here under the head of a propoxi- | minions: Therefore,

expired.) tion merely inviting a distinguished foreigner to

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatires of take a position upon this floor. Why, sir, if you the United states of America in Congress assembled,

Mr. Taylor intended to continue his remarks, That the President of the United States be, and hereby is,

by observing: give me such a liberty, if you give me such a requested to authorize the employment of some one of the To show this, it is only necessary to look at the

1

PUBLISHED AT WASHINGTON, BY JOHN C. RIVES.-TERMS $3 FOR THIS SESSION.

320 Cox&RESS, 1st Session.

WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 7, 1852.

New SERIES....No. 13.

report of the proceedings of Wednesday last, in and his cause; and I am willing to congratulate him resentative of a constituency of two hundred thouthe Globe of this morning. The gentleman is there and to ask him here, where he may learn and sand. Yes, sir; and I would have it understood represented as having read by the Clerk the fol- know what are true republican views. And there- || by the despots of Europe and their sympathizers loving resolutions: (See Congressional Globe of fore I trust that this captious argument may be no in America, that my constituency feel strongly the 1847-8, vol. 18, page 592:)

longer continued—that it may come to an end-and 1 sentiments imbodied in my amendment, and when * Resolved, That in the name and behalf of the American that the majority, with whom I am identified, will the proper time and occasion shall arrive, I, as people, the congratulations of Congress are hereby tendered show a disposition to abandon their captiousness, their representative, am prepared to declare' by

and show that, in their desire to compliment the vote that the armed intervention of despotic Rusefforts to consolidate the principles of liberty in a republt- || living imbodimeut of a just principle, they have sia, in the domestic concerns *ot Hungary, crush* And be le further resolved, That the President of the no selfishness, but are willing to throw open their | ing by its armed legions the republican and triUnited States be, and he is hereby, requested to transmit doors to all who may wish to join them. And, umphant forces of that people, was an outrage this resolution to the American Minister at Paris, with instroetious to present it to the French Govegment.”

sir, furthermore, I will say that unless this major- | upon the sympathies of the Christian world, and

ity will consent to this measure which I now pro- | alike a violation of international and divine law. Now, sir, my colleague (Mr. GIDDINGS) did not prose, I, for one, distrusting their ungenerousness, Mr. Chairman, I have accomplished my object cause these last resolutions to be read at all. But

will be constrained to refuse again to accord to in offering my amendment--that was, an opportuto show what he called my inconsistency, he had

them my humble vote. And, in doing this, I trust || nity to put myself right upon the original resoluthe resolutions of Mr. Cummins read, and not and believe that my motives, as a true friend of tion; and, as I have always voted not to embarrass those adopted by the Senate, and sent us for con- | Hungary, of Kossuth, and of liberty the world the original simple question with any amendments, currence, in relation to the then recently-estab- over, will be fully appreciated here, as I know I shall defer my approbation of my own amendlished Republic of France.

they will be by those whom I represent here, whose ment for a more fitting time and occasion, and Those resolutions of the Senate passed this undying devotion to the cause of human freedom | accordingly now vote against its adoption. body on the 10th of April, 1848, by a vote of 174 is above fear and above reproach.

[Here the hammer fell.] yeas to 2 nays. I voted in the affirmative for the

The question being taken upon the amendment Mr. CULLOM. I had not intended, Mr. Senate's resolutions. Nor do I act inconsistently, I of Mr. Taylor to the amendment of Mr. Church- | Chairman, to have participated in this discussion. by opposing the resolution offered by my colleague, well, it was rejected.

It was my purpose to vote silently, as I have done Mr. CartTER.) I regret that my colleague [Mr.

Mr. MOLONY offered an amendment to the from the origin of this question; but since gentleGarnings) should find it necessary to say, in ref

amendment, which was read by the Clerk, as fol- men arrogate to themselves the prerogative upon erence to myselflows:

this floor of denouncing me and those with whom * Has my colleague forgotten? Sir, it becomes politicians to have memories. If for nothing else, they should know

Resolved, That the passage of the original resolution

I act upon these questions as factionists, I have what to do."

shall be understood as expressive of the indignation of this the right as an American citizen—the double

House in behalf of the American people at the despotic in- right, as a member upon this floor, of acting Sir, I would say to him, that it is equally neces- tervention of the Czar of Russia, and crushing by his armed upon these questions, as upon all others, under sary for politicians to have honesty, and to speak legions the republican and triumpliant spirit of Hungary.

all the obligations and sanctions which this high the truth. And now, Mr. Chairman, let me ask Mr. MOLONY said: Mr. Chairman, I owe an trust imposes. I would be false to myself and you, and honorable gentlemen on this floor, with | apology to the friends of Kossuth upon this floor unloyal to my constituency, if I did not, as I here what grace or propriety he dares thus indirectly for offering this amendment at this time. I should do, hurl it back upon its authors as a falsehood. 1. censure me, by charging me, in this House, not have done it, was I retaining a particle of that (Applause, and cries of " Good!” “Good!" and Sith soting for resolutions when I did not vote for strong assurance which, at the commencement of i That's right!"] What have I done as a RepLen, and holding me up to the House and to the this debate, I entertained, viz: that a proper regard | resentative here for which I am to be thus cencorantry as acting inconsistently.]

for the dignity of this body, for the proprieties of sured? Have I not demeaned myself in every Mr. BOWNE. Mr. Chairman, I rise here, sir, courtesy due to our illustrious guest, for the man- || phase this question has assumed in strict conformas a friend of Kossuth and of Hungary, and as ifest will of the American people, which it is our ily with the rules prescribed by this body for its one who has voted with the majority throughout sole province to reflect in our action upon this res- || government? Might I not with far greater prothis contest, to ask of that majority a simple act olution, and at all times, would insure a favorable | priety charge that the dominant majority upon of justice. We find that the minority in this and harmonious action upon it. I repeat, 1 had | this question have madly overriden the stubborn House will not rest satisfied with the resolution | hoped that these considerations, each and all of rules of the House in order to precipitate this LOW under consideration as it now stands, inas- them, would secure for this original resolution an question ? and in their holy zeal to do honor to wuch as it seems to them to contain something emphatic, cordial, and universal adoption. But, Mr. Kossuth, would crush and thus denounce

under the rose. Sir, it has been said that any ap- | sir, that hope has died within me. I perceive, sir, those whom they choose to call factionists, but Tendix to this resolution would seem to imply a that a factious minority, and in numbers almost | wlio, I assert, are the real American law-and-order discountess to Louis Kossuth. Permit me to sug- contemptible, has for the last three days and part party of this House. , [Great applause. "Orgest that we have high authority for differing of one night, held, in Committee of the Whole, at der!'" “Order!") While I am disposed to treat from this proposition. We find that the Presi- bey, by parliamentary tactics, an overwhelming members with all the courtesy due their station dent of the United States, in the very act of wel- majority of this body-gagged them, sir, and as representatives of American freemen, I am cnning Louis Kossuth in person to these shores, through us gagged the sentiments of the American here to exact that same observance; and whilst tork secasion to say clearly and distinctly, and people in regard to our illustrious stranger-an act | gentlemen are talking for Buncombe and the mobs withal most courteously and properly, that this alike disgraceful to this body as it is insulting to at the Five Points, they must learn that these inGovernment could not indorse the doctrines of its the nation and its honored guest. I repeat it,

sir, dignities are highly unbecoming. Mr. Chairman, distinguished guest, as regards the propriety of an that this House, by its unwarrantable, factious I have fully, in my opinion, discharged the obli

Entergention on our pari between the Powers of opposition to the passage of the original resolution, gations of courtesy in relation to the distinguished Europe. Under such circumstances we find the has disgraced itself in the eyes of the civilized individual who is the subject-matter of this disminority here unwilling to vote for a resolution world. Governor Kossuth, sir, is here the guest cussion. Our Government had invited him to our shich seems to cover a cloven foot. Now, as a of the nation; such he is by an invitation extended | free country as a refugee from European oppresfriend to this measure, I call upon the majority, to him by the proper national authorities, while sion, and in that same spirit I voted the invitation and especially upon my friend from Ohio, (Mr! an exile and a guest of the Sultan of Turkey; such to visit the capital of this mighty nation. There CARTTER,) who offered this resolution, to come he is by the orders given by the Executive of the I choose to stop and hand the distinguished genforward and explain to this committee whether or nation, that a national salute should announce his | tleman over to the hospitality of the American

not there is anything behind the proposition now arrival in New York; such he is by an invitation people generally, and to the people of Washingunder consideration which does not appear upon of the President and Congress, since his arrival ton in particular; feeling that my legislative funcits face. I consider that this is due to the minor- on our shores, to visit the nation's capital; and tions have ceased; but every amendment limiting ity, and that if the majority do not do it they are yet, sir, after all this, the unfortunate yet glorious our action to mere courtesy (and nothing more, we responsible for giving what is here been called an exile no sooner arrives here than this House is are assured, is intended)' has been voted down, insult to Kossuth.

seen perpetrating an act, in them most ungraceful, || and a new and dangerous doctrine has been "It has been said that by protracting this debate, and insulting to the feelings of their guest, in deba- || shadowed forth through the speeches of gentle

e insult him. Who are responsible for this, I || ting for three days and a part of one night a sim- || men, from which, as an American, I shrink. desire to know? a majority, a majority who can ple resolution for introducing him to the floor of My American pride has forced me to take my afford to bę generous, for they represent a generous this House. I have, sir, no responsibility in this stand, and it shall be my last intrenchment, by my principle, or a minority struggling to avoid being matter; I mean to have none. And, sir, for the own country and her time-honored usages. Mr. misrepresented a minority, permit me o add, in purpose of putting myself right upon the original || Chairman, ours is justly called a model republican by belief, quite as honestly devoted to Kossuth resolution before the House, my constituency, and Government, whilst its enemies tauntingly point and his cause as the majority here present? And country, I rise, and to throw it upon those who to it as a mere experiment; and so it will prove, if Low, sir, I ask again, if the gentlemen with whom must answer for it to themselves, and should to your quacks are permitted to practice their experiI have been voting here do not desire to do wrong. their constituency and the country. For the ori- ments upon it. 'Yes, sir, gentlemen eloquently I they do not wish to involve Louis Kossuth in ginal resolution I go hand, head, and heart; and point to it as a beacon light to which

the world difficulty with the people of this country, how can in saying this, I say not that I speak for myself have turned their eyes in their struggles against they object to coming out and satisfying the mi- alone, as has been repeatedly announced on the the despotisms of the Old World. How importnority on this head? I admire the man Kossuth other side of the House, but I speak it as the rep- llant that this great light should be always steady

ter.

and stable; but in the hands of the progressive in his present position, and there he must remain, make against us applies to them. They have gentlemen, it would be a mere jack o’lantern, lead- receiving protection from the white man,

and ren

trampled on the rules; we have not. They have ing the nations of the earth to quagmires and dering him service for it. The white man must resorted to unusual and unprecedented modes of marshes. I am not prepared to commit this country, be served by them as the little boy of ten years action; we have not. We have endeavored to de by my vote, to the new-made and dangerous policy must serve his father, who protects him. A negro | prive such efforts of a successful result, and thuss of espousing the quarrels and wars of other and is always a child. Unless we can stand upon a to maintain the rules and protect our own rights. foreign Governments. I am for maintaining our principle which is immutable in relation to our Bul for doing so, we are not to be misunderstood own national honor and rights, at any and all || institutions, and also compatible with the great as having no sympathy with Kossuth and his times, let the consequences be what they may. truths of republican government, we shall be con- cause, nor as improperly bringing the institution But I adhere to the sacred saying, which has with demned; and we are pronouncing our own con- of slavery into the arena. We have not done anyus become an axiom, " Friendship with all, but demnation if we refuse our sympathies to the op- thing to give good grounds for either charge. entangling alliances with none." Tam here, sir, to pressed of other countries. Let us avoid, sir, Mr. RICHARDSON. I desire to know if it do homage to no man living: I am no man-wor- even the appearance of it.

will be in order to move that the committee rise shipper. If I were, the patriots of my own coun- Mr. BOCOCK. This debate has been long pro- and report the resolution and amendments to the try are entitled to my first adoration. 'But, in the tracted, and I have not made an attempt before House, and to recommend their reference to the language of one, upon a very solemn occasion, “] this in the last two days, to participate in it. Nor | Committee on Foreign Affairs. The gentleman bow the knee to no power, save God Almighty." should I have done so now, but for the fact that || from Georgia, (Mr. Stephens,] the other day, I lick the dust from no man's feet, I care not what the speech which has been just made by my col- carried to the House, from the committee, a bili the trappings of royalty or circumstance may be. league [Mr. MEADE! places me, and those who similarly situated. I am an American. I am a Tennesseean. And have acted with me, in a false position before this Mr. STEPHENS. With the permission of the those honorable gentlemen who have been so exces- House, the country, and our constituents. He | gentleman, that would not be in order, as it would sive in their eulogies of the great Magyar-and great

has assumed in the remarks which he has just cut off debate on the amendments. Sappose the I admit him to be—will have the same regrets, I nade, that we have been guided solely by a sen- resolution should go to the Committee on Foreign fear, that the same people did, who were foremost sitiveness upon the subject of slavery in our course Affairs, they have to report everything to the in their adulations of Mr. Dickens. Yes, Mr. here.

House. I make this suggestion to the gentleman: Chairman, he will write a book, and, I fear, these Mr. MEADE. If in the hurry of my re- Let us adjourn over til} Monday. It will be then eulogistic gentlemen will occupy the same page marks I made any such statement, I did not intend in order to move to suspend the rules to introduce that Dickens's admirers did in his book. But for it. I only inferred the thing from the resolution this resolution. If two thirds vote for it, our opthe conservative position which we, who are de- offered by the gentleman from North Carolina, position ceases. If two thirds do not vote for it, nounced madly as factionists, occupy, our nation [Mr. Stanly,) and from the fact that the vote here is it right that less than two thirds of the House would be precipitated from its ancient moorings. had partaken in a measure of a sectional charac- shall pay a compliment to any foreigner, in dero(Here the hammer fell.]

gation of the rights of one third of our number? The question was then taken on Mr. Molony's Mr. BOCOCK. If the gentleman has not in- Now, if gentlemen do not want to be factious, amendment, and it was rejected.

tended it, I take this occasion to say for mye | give it a fair test; meet on Monday next, when it Mr. MEADE offered an amendment to the self to this House, and this country, that it is not is in order to move a suspension of the rules, and amendment, (a copy of which was not obtained.) the consideration which has chiefly operated upon

if two thirds vote for it, let it be done. Mr. M. I am one of those who draw a dis- me, or any of us on this side, so far as I know. Mr. RICHARDSON. This question of rules tinction, and a very material distinction, between Mr. MÉADE. I am glad to hear it.

is a matter about which gentlemen upon this floor the honor it is proposed to do Louis Kossuth by Mr. BOCOCK. The vote has in fact been very may well differ. I have my own opinions, and the original resolution, and the ultimate design of far from a sectional pne. Gentlemen from Indi- they are as firm and fixed

as those of the gentlesome, if there be any such in this House, io in-ana, Ohio, and New York have been prominent i man from Georgia, (Mr. STEPHENS.). I entertain volve this country in difficulties with European on our side.

them as the representative of the American people, Powers. I am opposed to the latter, and in favor I ask upon what principle is it expected that and I abide by them as firmly as he does. We of the former. I believe the questions to be en- this resolution is to be adopted? Is it as a per- differ very often about them. I make the

motion tirely distinct. Permit me, Mr. Chairman, to say sonal compliment to, Louis Kossuth? Nobody that the committee rise, report the resolution with to my brethren of the South, that it seems to me claims that. Is it because he is the representative | the amendments to the House, with a recommendthey have manifested upon this occasion an undue of a great principle, that we are to honor him in ation that they be referred to the Committee on sensitiveness in reference to this proposition. Do this House? Now, I ask of what principle is he Foreign Affairs. they intend to imply by opposition to this resolu- the .representative? He comes to declare before Mr. STANLY, I ask the Chair, if the comtion, that the march of free principles in Europe | this country what principle he represents; andmittee rise and report this resolution and amendis a march upon the South? If they do, I must he is the organ of hís own opinions, sentiments, | ment to the House, and then the previous quesbeg leave to part from them. I stand here amongst and wishes. He has proclaimed trumpet-tongued, tion be moved, and another gag is forced upon us, the foremost, whenever republican liberty is the “I do not ask your empty compliments; I do not where we will be? question, to give my aid in every legitimate form ask your empty sympathy." He says the sym- Mr. VENABLE. I understand that previous for its progress. I do not believe the establish- pathy he wants is operative sympathy. He wishes question. ment of freedom anywhere can operate to the pre- us to take European affairs under our manage

Mr. RICHARDSON. I will ask the Chair, if judice of the South or Southern 'institutions, and ment, and if necessary to fight for Hungary. we are not at liberty to have such a recommendaany undue sensitiveness upon that subject is cal- When a resolution like this was sent him from tion offered by gentlemen, if it is not in the shape culated to do us injury—serious injury with the the other end of the Capitol, what did he say? of an amendment? lovers of freedom throughout the world, because He was told it was a compliment. He said no; The CHAIRMAN. Debate is out of order. we teach them by that means to draw a distinction I know better than you do. There is a meaning, Mr. JOHNSON, of Arkansas. Is debate not between the republicanism of the South and re- a political meaning in it. He was deceived. Well, i in order? publicanism elsewhere. I admit no such thing. it is not Louis Kossuth that we are only deceiving. The CHAIRMAN. `All debate is terminated I assert that the triumph of democratic constitu- In deceiving him, are we not, as was said by my by the latter branch of the 136th rule. This rule tional liberty does not, and cannot interfere with colleague, (Mr. Barly,) deceiving his countrymen | provides, “that the House may, at any time, by the Southern institutions. I will not admit there at home, and deluding the poor Hungarians? In a vote of a majority of the members present, is a paradox presented by ourinstitutions and the aid of his sentiments, we see men in the northern suspend the rules and orders for the purpose of constitutional liberty we enjoy. They are alto-States leaping forward as if in eager competition, going into the Committee of the Whole House gether compatible, and I shall always be found to be the first to join in this current. When we on the state of the Union; and also for providing among the foremost in advocating whatever may see the thing taking through the country, and the for the discharge of the Committee of the whole legitimately tend to the establishment of freedom | public mind becoming inflamed, and when we see House, and the Committee of the Whole House in other parts of the world, but not to the extent gentlemen upon this foor rising and uttering such on the state of the Union, from the further conof involving my country in intervention with sentiments as we have heard in this debate from sideration of any bill referred to it, after acting European politics. I am opposed to a policy of several speakers, and when we see a majority without debate on all amendments pending, and that sort; but when the simple question is, Shall here breaking down the rules to carry out their that may be offered." This rule provides, that we do such honor to the representative of free purpose in this respect, -I ask, is it not time for the House itself may discharge the Committee of principles in Europe as will give aid and comfort | reflecting, serious, and sober-minded men to pause the Whole upon the state of the Union from the io those noble hearts who are now beating high || in their course, ere they upturn the long established consideration of any proposition committed to it with aspirations for freedom, shall I with hold it? || policy of the country? We have told him that he without debate, after voting upon all amendments No, sir; I will not withhold it through the vain was welcome to the capital of the country. We which have been offered or may be offered. The fear that it may recoil upon our institutions. Our have rendered all that the country, all that magna- committee, by this vote and decision, have deterinstitutions are based upon a firmer principle-a nimity and liberality required. This I willingly mined that the debate upon this resolution should tirmer foundation; and the march of liberty else- consented to. No man feels more sympathy with terminate. Then, in the opinion of the Chair, it where is not in conflict with our interests. We, the cause of freedom throughout the world, or cannot be reported to the House until all the at the South, know there would be as much wis- with the men who dedicate themselves to it, than I amendntents pending, and which may be offered, dom in a man emancipating his infant children be- do. But our first duty is to ourselves.

shall be voted upon. The Chair overrules the mofore they have arrived at the years of discretion, I am willing to pay compliments and extend tion of the gentleman from Illinois, (Mr. RICHARDas there would be in emancipating the black race. courtesies to the worthy and deserving, if harm-son.) The difference between the iwo is, that the chil- less. But when we see that serious consequences Mr. RICHARDSON. From that decision I dren of the white man will arrive to a period are likely to follow from our action, is it not time, appeal, and demand tellers. when they become freemen, and can provide for I ask, to pause and reflect? And when gentlemen The CHAIRMAN. The question is, Shall the themselves; the negro never can. A distinction come here, and tell me that with the minority I decision of the Chair stand as the judgment of the drawn by the hand of the Almighty between the have resorted to revolutionary measures, and to a House? Upon that question tellers are called for. black and the white race, has placed the negro | factious course, I tell them that the charge they

as

ques:ion of the Chair: If it is in his remembrance, he obtained it, was ruled out of order, and conse- of courtesy-and it is evident from the general exthat a measure was carried out in committee the quently passed from before the committee. The pression of the House, that if granted at all, it will other day upon the motion of the gentleman from floor has been assigned to the gentleman from be as a courtesy and not as an indorsement-let Georgia, (Mr. Stephens,] with precisely the same Tennessee.

us do it at once. My position in regard to this reconninendation?

Mr. SAVAGE then offered the following amend- matter has certainly not been an extravagant one The CHAIRMAN. There were no amend- ment to the amendment:

on either side. I have been voting all along so as ments if my recollection serves me. The Chair

Resolred, That Congress disapproves the political doc- to bring us to a direct rote on the original resoluhar sot a very distinct recollection of the circum- trines of Louis Kossuth, in relation to the foreign policy of tion; and whenever we reach that point I shall vote gta.rces attending that resolution, and would thank the United States, and that it is contrary to the practice of against the reception as proposed in that resolution,

this Government and the spirit of the Constitution to pay genilemen to inform him, whether or not debate

That is the position which I occupy. Now let us bad been terminated.

mere personal compliments to individuals. Mr. DUNHAM. There was then no objection hoped to have passed through this unpleasant dis

Mr. SAVAGE said: Mr. Chairman, I had

look at the position of the matter itself. The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. CARTTER) has offered a

resolution that Kossuth shall be received by a Mr. STEPHENS. Debate had not yet termin- cussion without detaining the House by any re

committee; but, as I understand it, no one knows sted.

marks upon the subject. But I have felt it my what is to be done when he shall be so received; The CHAIRMAN. It is in the recollection of duty to offer the amendment just read. It covers

we do not know but that it might lead to his dethe Chair, that the debate had not been terminated. in brief the many reasons which have controlled | livering an address in this body, and thus sanction A motion was made that the committee rise and my action relative to Kossuth.

the implication that he was received here for that report the resolution, with a recommendation to Far be it from me to entertain sentiments of purpose, and that we indorsed his sentiments on the House to discharge the committee from its hostility to the so-called great Hungarian. I wish

the subject of intervention. There are, therefore, for her consideration. every man on earth peace, glory, success, and

sound and rational objections to that resolution, Mr. RICHARDSON. I think the Chair is mis- contentment; nor shall I ever travel out of my think, if such a possibility exist. On the taken.

path to lessen the honor of any man, no matter other hand, the substitute offered by the gentleman The CHAIRMAN. The Chair is of the im

how unmerited he may wear it. But when a ques- from North Carolina (Mr. VENABLE) only propression further, that the proposition that the comtion comes up in the line of my duty, no tempest

poses that Kossuth shall be admitted to a privmitlee rise was agreed to by unanimous consent. uous enthusiasm, no considerations of safeiy to ileged seat on this floor, as Father Mathew and

Mr. RICHARDSON. So much the stronger myself, shall drive or deter me from expressing other distinguished foreigners, among them the for my position. my honest and deliberate convictions.

compatriots of Kossuth, have been. To that, I beThé CHAIRMAN. There was no objection

I cannot approve the political principles of the lieve, no rational man can object. But we cannot to it. There was also a suspension of all rules, Il great Hungarian apostle, and there is nothing left

get to the vote on either of those propositions. and this resolution could be introduced into the for me to bow to. I have been taught to honor Why? Because there are hundreds of amendHouse in the same way by unanimous consent. principles, not men; and especially will I fail to

menis to the original resolution which must be Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia. I beg to cor

seek an occasion to pay an unusual compliment to perfected before the substitute can be voted on. rect the Chair, and state the facts. I recollect them a man advocating principles the practice of which

I hope, therefore, that after this long debate, we perfectly. My motion was first made, as a sug.

will destroy the peace and glory of this proud may be permitted to have a cessation of amendgestion to the committee. No member persisted Republic. I desire my acts and opinions to ac

ments to the original resolutions, and may come in taking a vote upon the pending amendment, cord with each other.

to the substitute itself, to which gentlemen can ofand the committee permitted the question to be de- " Whoever dares think one thing and another tell, fer such amendments as they desire. But it seems caded by tellers. li was carried by one vote, and My soul detests him as the gates of hell.",

to me, that it would be much wiser and more rayou will see, by referring to the Globe, that no It is right to deal honestly with Kossuth, and I tional to have a vote upon the substitute at once. Dember made objection. If any objection had confess I have not the ingenuity of paying a com- I candidly believe that it would be carried, for apbeen made, I should have withdrawn my motion. || pliment to his person and a curse to his principles preciating M. Kossuth, as we all do, I believe we

Mr. RICHARDSON. If there was no objec- by the same act. Besides, I am not sent here for should all be disposed to admit him to a privileged tion, it but makes the precedent the stronger. If either purpose. I am the Representative of a por- seat. passion leads to it

tion of the people of Tennessee. I have been Gentlemen must bear in inind, that we have deThe CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is not in sworn to support the Constitution of the United | bated this question, not only before the American erder.

States, and am willing to perish in a struggle for public, but before the whole world; every kind of Mr. RICHARDSON. I want to correct the that purpose whenever an Almighty Providence extravagant consideration connected with the subChair as to one thing. There were amendments shall so decree. I have not been sworn to sup-ject, has been brought in. I hope the Buncombe pending, and the question arose in the House, as port the Constitution of Hungary, or to go upon is now exhausted, and that after four days talking, to whether those amendments came with the ori- a crusade for the world's liberty; and I am un- we may be permitted to have a vote. omal proposition or not. It was decided that noth- willing to peril the interests I have sworn to guard The question was then taken upon Mr. Sarrg same with the original resolution. The whole by an interference with the affairs of the European age's amendment to the amendment, and it was quation was presented; and concurred in unani- | States. I am an American, and want no new light not agreed to. mirusiy by this House then, and ought to be now, to shine upon my pathway in politics. The star Mr. BRENTON offered the following amend

of Washington has lost to my vision none of its ment to the amendment, viz: The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Illi- charms or brilliancy. It rose in glory with our nois (Mr. Richardson] appeals from the decision Government, to shine eternal and unchanging upon

Provided, further, That nothing contained in this resolu

tion, or any action which may be had thereon, shall be so of the Chair, and upon that question tellers are our political horizon. My feet shall follow but construed as to identity any meinber of this House, against demasded. one path, my eyes shall see but one light, although

his own will, with any of the principles advocated by Teilers were ordered, and Messrs. Cariter and

Louis Kossuth. many others may glitter in the heavens. CHELL appointed; and the question being taken, We all know that all the light above us is not Mr. B. said: My object in offering this amendthe tellers reported—ayes 78, noes 44.

useful or substantial. Although many be the stars ment is not to relieve myself but other gentlemen So the decision of the Chair was sustained. that have shone upon man's dark and dreary des- from the fears under which they labor, lest their The question recurring upon Mr. MEADE's tiny, yet other lights have oftentimes come upon votes should be wrongfully construed by the counamendment to the amendment, it was taken and the heavens—not stars of eternity, or of the age or try. By the adoption of that amendment every derided in the negative.

century, but airy, unsubstantial things-brilliant | gentleman will, at once, be placed in a position So the amendment to the amendment was not illusions, meteors of the moment, that have as- where he can exercise his own private judgment, agreed to.

cended in the dark-we know not when or how- either for or against the principles which have Mr. TUCK offered the following as an amend | whose only glory is displayed in their fall.

been advocated by Louis Kossuih. ment to the amendment, to come in at the end Sir, I am content with the history of my Gov- It has fallen upon my ears most strangely when thereof:

ernment. It is a lesson of wisdom. I want no I have heard the arguments which have been adAnd it is hereby declared to be the judgment of this new apostle, new bible, or new faith, I would not vanced and the declarations which have characRue, that the late intervention of Russia in the affairs of alter a syllable of the past if I could. I only hope terized this House since the beginning of this deBangary was a violation of the law of nations. the future may be like it.

bate, that an act of courtesy, extended to Louis Mr. T. said: That amendment expresses my Mr. JOHNSON, of Arkansas. I presume it is Kossuth personally, involves necessarily the adopsentiments, and I am for speaking them out here, A matter of very small consequence to the com- tion or recognition of the principles which he adlet who may take offence.

mittee what my position is in regard to this matter, vocates. If this position be correct, then whenMr. CARTTER. I would inquire of the Chair, I and I do not state it because of its consequence,

ever we condescend to extend the common civiliwhether that amendment is in order?

but I ask that a little consideration may be given ties of life to those who may differ in opinion from The CHAIRMAN. In the opinion of the Chair, to the few words which I am about to utter. us, we adopt the sentiments which those individ the amendment is not in order.

I have desired, from the outset of this discussion, uals may entertain upon any great question whatMr. SAVAGE. I wish to offer an amendment. to take no part whatever in it, but so to regulate soever. There is nothing more erroneous. We Mr. TUCK. I have not yielded the floor yet. | my course as to bring the committee to a direct vote practice upon this principle every day in the ordiThe CHAIRMAN. Did the gentleman appeal | upon this resolution-the importance of which has | nary business of life. Is it true, because I invite from the decision of the Chair, declaring his amend- been so much magnified-in order that we might a neighbor to partake of the hospitalities of my bent out of order?

settle it one way or the other. We began this house that I necessarily adopt all the abominable Mr. TUCK. No, but I wanted to offer another contest last Monday week, when the resolution | notions he may entertain upon any question whatamendment.

was rejected, because it did not receive a two-thirds ever? Suppose, for instance, the honorable genThe CHAIRMAN. The gentleman's amend

vote. The same was the case last Monday; and tleman from North Carolina (Mr. ŞTANLY) should, ment was decided out of order.

now we have been occupied with the subject all under the influence of his known hospitality, tenMr. TUCK. But I offered another.

day Tuesday, all day Wednesday, and during the der to his distinguished friend from Ohio (Mr. The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman lost his whole of yesterday.

GIDDINGS) the hospitalities of his house: would it right to the floor when the question, upon which If we are going to grant this privilege as an act be taken for granted that he had adopted the sentiments of that gentleman, and would the country record, Congress passed a resolution inviting him by resort to parliamentary maneuvres that it is become alarmed with the fear of his becoming a here. Here is a double duty. The President defeated. Free-Soiler? If so, they would come to that con- first, and Congress afterwards sanctioning the Exe- A Voice. Two to one cannot suspend the clusion against every principle of common sense. cutive power. And not only that, but an Ameri- rules. The most that could be made out of it would be can vessel is sent to bear him to our shores. He Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia, (interrupting.) this: that the gentleman from North Carolina lands here and becomes the nation's guest. He | If the gentleman will allow me had, in the kindness of his heart, thrown open comes to Washington; and what does Congress Mr. ROBINSON. I cannot be interrupted in his doors, and, while detesting the sins of the do? It says, “Mr. Kossuth, your sentiments are a five-minute speech. The gentleman has had party, he loved the sinner. Mr. Chairman, I have such that we cannot receive you in our delegated two or three speeches. The gentleman from Georsufficient confidence in the intelligence of the peo- il capacity.” No. You pass a resolution three or gia bases his opposition upon the rules, and that ple of this country, and especially in that of the four days after the beginning of the present Con- if we set them aside, we are in a revolution. Does people whom I have the honor io represent. I gress in which you invite him to the capital of not every gentleman know, who has been here a believe they will distinguish between the personal ihe country. And now, how does the case stand? | sufficient length of time, that nothing is more reception of this distinguished individual and the Kossuth is here by the invitation of this House, common than that when a majority desires, they adoption of his principles. If Louis Kossuth had with but sixteen'votes in the negative-for I re- | override the rules? come to this country on his responsibility, by his member the yeas and nays were called—but six- (Here the Chairman's hammer fell.] own funds, as a private individual, I would be teen were found to vote against giving to the great The question was then taken upon the amendready to do him honor, and the country would Magyar a reception worthy of himself and the ment offered by the gentleman from Tennessee, be ready to do him honor; for I know we are cause in which his country has fallen. By your | [Mr. Polk,) and it was rejected. ready and willing to extend this honor to individ- own invitation he stands at your portals, and Mr. BROWN, of Mississippi, offered the fol. vals of high rank from foreign countries, and we what are you doing? You are consulting whether lowing amendment: are especially willing to pay those honors to the you will receive him or not. You invite a guest,

And be it understood, that the House of Representatives poor and downtrodden who have fled from for- and then call a family circle to discuss the propri- declines at this time to express any opinion as to whether eign despotism, when they shall land upon our ety of receiving him. Kossuth is in the city. He is this Government will or will not interfere in the wars that shores; but we extend this honor to them without under the very portals of your Capitol, and here may hereafter occur between other nations. adopting their privciples.

we are debating the question as io whether we Mr. BROWN. I have offered this amendment Mr. MOORĖ, of Louisiana. I desire to say a will receive him! Gentlemen upon the other side in good faith. few words to set myself right upon this question. of the House have indulged in epithets, and have The CHAIRMAN. The Chair is of opinion I was originally in favor of this resolution, and I am even used the word "falsehood" to the majority, that the amendment is not strictly in order. 76 still in favor of it, because it is paying respect to a because we dare to exercise our rights. Sir, we does not connect itself with the resolution. great principle of liberty which I recognize as re- dare to proclaim them factionists, and we dare to Mr. BROWN. I will change the resolution so publican. But although I am in favor of paying stand by the consequences. We have done noth- | that it will read in this manner: this tribute of respect, I have voted with the minor- | ing to elicit this charge. I belong to that major

Be it understood, that the House of Representative ity in this committee, and I cannot consider that ity, and I will give my vote for any reception declines at this time to express any opinion as to whether a factious minority, as we are acting under the which I may deem proper and just; and that this Government will or will not be indifferent to the dor rules and orders of this House, and those rules and minority must understand that I will not share in

trines of Kossuth. orders are the statutes of this country--as much any opprobrium or epithets of that character. I offer this amendment in good faith. When, so as any other statutes until they are repcaled. When they filing stones of that kind they must a little more than twelve months ago, I voted to As I have stated, I have voted with the minority take care that they do not

send a national ship to bear this distinguished upon several occasions, because this resolution was (Here the hammer fell.]

man to our shores, I did it, sir, that he mighi introduced here in violation of the rules of the Mr. ROBINSON. Mr. Chairman, I hope that come here in the character of an emigrant. I House, and in violation of the decisions of the we shall soon come to a vote upon this question; never dreamed -as I am sure no member of the honorable chairman of this committee, and there- and I know if I do not get the floor now, some last Congress ever dreamed—that he was coming fore I say that the minority were not acting fac- one else will, to fill out the five minutes that would here as a propagandist of new doctrines. I apa tiously. They were acting under the rules and be appropriated in opposition to the amendment of peal to every member of this Congress, who was orders of this House, and they have the right so the gentleman from Tennessee, (Mr. Polk.] I do a member of the last House of Representatives, to act. Though I had intended to vote for the not know that my opinions are of any consequence if any member supposed he was coming here upon resolution, yet I have voted with the minority, be here or elsewhere, upon this question. And I have any such mission? The first we hear of his in, cause the rules of the House were violated by its no solicitude whatever, sir, as to what conclusion tentions was in one of his English speechesintroduction. With this explanation, I shall vote may be drawn from my vote, in favor of this think in his Southampton speech—when for the for the resolution, though I am opposed to inter-resolution to receive Governor Kossuth-none first time he made it known that he was coming vention; and in voting for it I wish to be under- || whatever. I shall not travel out of my way for to procure the intervention of this Government in stood that I do not indorse the doctrines of Louis the purpose of making a declaration to Russia, If | the struggles that were going on in the Old WorldKossuth. I shall support the same policy-the you interfere again in the affairs of Hungary there I do not desire that our action here, either in in policy of Washington-in relation to intervention, will be no danger from us. If there were no other viting this distinguished man to this country, or which has always been supported by this Con- reason in the world why I would refuse to make inviting him to come to take a seat within the bar gress since the foundation of this Government. such a declaration, it would be that, and that alone, of this House, shall be construed into any exWith this explanation I take my seat.

that while it would palsy the arms of patriots pression of opinion upon the subject of his docMr. GORMAN. I understand that gentlemen struggling for ļiberty, it would nerve the arm of irine of intervention. And why? I can very are permitted to speak five minutes for and against the tyrant that is now stretched over them. Gen- || readily imagine that in the progress of human an amendment, by a rule which was adopted du- tlemen say they are as much the friends of Kos- events a case may arise in which it may become ring the last Congress. I ask the Chair if I am suth and his cause as we are. I shall not question || important for this Government to interfere. No right?

their motives; but let me ask them what the effect such case has, in my judgment, arisen yet. Ba The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is correct. of their opposition is? Who are they who first I would not, by saying that we never would inter

Mr. GORMAN. Then the rule provides that upon this floor talked about incorporating a prin- fere, cut ourselves off from the possibility of do one gentleman may be permitted to speak five min- ciple upon that simple resolution? Were they the ing so if a case should arise. So much has been utes in favor of the amendment, and another in friends of this resolution ? No, sir; but the enemies said upon this subject, not only by that disun opposition to it the same length of time. I rise of it, who, looking far into the future for something guished man himself, but by his friends in Cor to say, that I hope the Chairman will enforce this to embarrass us, must go out of their way to de- gress and out of it, that the inference may be draw rule, and not allow two gentlemen to speak upon clare that they will or will not do thus and so. that we either intend to indorse his doctrines upo one side of the same amendment. I hope the Sir, I had just as leave, and rather, that Russia the one side, or that we do not upon the othe friends of the resolution will not speak at all. should infer from our action here that we intended that, in my judgment, it is imperative upon us

The question was then taken upon Mr. Bren- to interfere. I will not say what I would do, but say whether, in our action here, we do intend ton's amendment to the amendment, and it was it seems to me he is not a wise statesman who, express a judgment pro or con. Surely this ca not agreed to.

without knowing anything about the extent of the not wound the sentiment of the distinguished Go Mr. POLK offered the following amendment: danger that surrounds the future-who, without ernor of Hungary. But whether it does or do When the Committee on Foreign Affairs shall report, all knowing anything about what governments we not, we are here the representatives of the Ame who wish will have an opportunity to speak on the subject may get into difficulty with, or what embarrass- || ican people, not responsible to Kossuth, but to t

ments may result to our commercial relations, or people of this country-responsible for the exa The CHAIRMAN. That amendment is not what the extent of our interests involved, yet goes cise of an important trust, and the manner in order. Mr. POLK. Upon what ground does the

out of the way to try his hand upon a principle which we shall exercise it will have an importa

of that kind. "Sir, I hope the friends of this reso- bearing upon the present and future peace a chairman rule my amendment out of order? The CHAIRMAN. Upon the ground of irrel

lution will cease offering amendments; for if we prosperity of the country. I have done nothin

cease offering them, the five minute speeches will and I shall do nothing captiously. I am willing evancy.

soon be ended. Let the enemies of the resolution do all proper honors to this distinguished man, Mr. POLK. Then I move to strike out in the talk alone and take the consequences. So far as I am not prepared to show him such honors amendment the word “distinguished;" not that I I am concerned, I am not so much mystified as never have been shown to any living man. I am not willing to award to Kossuth all the honor some others at the result. The country can know is the will of his friends to vote him an invitati to which he is entitled, but I do it for the purpose | just as well, whether this resolution pass or not,

within the bar of this House, when we have su of enabling me to express my views upon this who were and who were not in favor of it, and ciently discussed the question to show to question. If I understand it correctly, the Presi- the motives by which they were governed. Gov- || American people that we do not intend to indo dent of the United States directed our diplomatic ernor Kossuth himself is too intelligent not to his doctrine, then I am willing to withdraw opa agent at Constantinople to invite Kossuth to this know, that though this resolution may not pass,

sition and invite him in. But you cannot separ country. Three days after, if I understand the that there are two to one in favor, and that it is this distinguished man from the great principles

of intervention.

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