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Mr. RICHARDSON obtained the floor, but [Mr. Cartter,) who submitted the original reso- us, Hungary should again rise and she should yielded it to

lution; and it is for that reason that I am willing again be put under the iron heel of despotism, and Mr. GIDDINGS. I am astonished at the ex- to vote for the proposition of either of those gen- this Government should fail to interfere, as we all citability of gentlemen on this floor. It would ap- tlemen. But I am unwilling to go any further. I know, and with absolute certainty, that we should pear that no subject whatever can be introduced i perfectly concur in the sentiment which has been do, shall not we in a degree become responsible here but some minds will seize upon it and give it expressed by gentlemen who have preceded me for the suffering and calamities which that people a connection with matters which are not legiti- | in this debate, that we should not commit this would be subjected to in consequence of permitmately connected with it. Most heartily do I country to war for any people except our own. I ting them to continue under the delusion which concur with the gentleman from New York (Mr. have read with a great deal of pleasure some of Kossuth is obviously now laboring under? If my BROOKS) in paying the tribute of my respect to the speeches of Mr. Kossuth, and some of them counsel can prevail, he will not leave this country this distinguished foreigner. I shall do it most with much less pleasure. If it is to be a struggle until there is a distinct understanding between cheerfully. The act is one simple in its charac- as to who shall rule in Hungary-if it is to be a him and this Government; such an understanding ter, and obvious in its tendency: But, sir, what question as to the independence of that people, that nobody in Europe, or anywhere else, shall be right has the gentleman upon the present occa- and not a question of the elevation of the masses, deluded into acts with any expectation of succor sion to drag my name in and attempt to arraign then it is a matter of utter indifference to me. I from us. There ought to be a distinct understandme before this House and before the nation? do not care who shall govern in that country. ing. He is clear and explicit in what he asks; Why attempt to charge me with a design of in- But if it is a struggle for the freedom of the people, we ought to be equally so. I do not understand volving the nation in war? I have not uttered a they have my sympathy, my wishes, and my this resolution as committing this Government at word upon this question. I sat here in silence, prayer for their success. If it be a question of all. My opposition does not grow out of any withoui the remotest idea of mingling in this de- power, as to whether this man or that man shall such impression; it is based upon this: I think we bate; and had I taken upon myself to address the govern the country with despotism, it is a matter, are offering an extent of adulation to Kossuth committee, it would never have entered into my as I have said, of utier indifference to me. But, which his antecedents do not authorize. I have a mind to connect this resolution with the question sir, I trust, I believe, I hope that the struggle has feeling in respect to this adulation growing out of of slavery, as the gentleman has done, or to con- been to give liberty to the masses; and, believing another circumstance, and a feeling which I connect it with war, as the gentleman has wantonly that, I am willing to tender to Kossuth, as the less has touched every patriotic impulse of my accused me of doing. Far, far from my thoughts representative of that country, the hospitalities of heart.. Sir, Kossuth is not the first man who has would have been such an idea, and I deny the this. But I am not to be deterred from giving fallen in the fight for liberty in Europe who has right of that gentleman or any other, before I have this vote because heretofore we have not been visited our shores. About' 1793, I think it was, spoken, to anticipate the positions which I should successful while expressing our sympathies for when the fires of liberty were burning in this land take, and arraign me before the House and before the millions of France, in securing their liberty. ) with a brightness with which they do not now the country for those positions. Have I ever The liberties of the people of France have not been burnwhen the patriots of the Revolution were at any time hesitated to express my views openly, | placed in proper hands, and they will fail in Hun- still living; when our Washington was still am ong with perfect frankness, on any and on every gary if they fall into similar hands. Whatever us, Kosciusko, with whom I will not undert ake question that has been presented to this body else may be done or accomplished in France, one to compare Kossuth, because it would be doing since I have had the honor of a seat in this Hall? thing has been accomplished: the divine right of injustice to the dead; Kossuth, who fell in the deI appeal with confidence to those who have served kings to rule has been broker and destroyed. fence of the liberties of Polandwith me, to the country who have read my re- We have heard a great deal said about peace A Voice. No! Kosciusko. marks and votes on every subject brought before and war, but, as I have said before, if this coun- Mr. BAYLY. Did I say Kossuth? Of course us, against this unfounded, this ungenerous charge try is to be involved in a war, I want it to be on I mean Kosciusko; I meant that man of whom of the gentleman. My whole political life bears her own account. I never wish to see an Ameri- when he fell the poet said: “Freedom shrieked testimony in contradiction of it. Whenever a can army guided by a power alien to us. I never when Kosciusko fell." His merits as a European proper occasion shall present itself, I shall not want to see a war carried on except by the direc- || patriot, I undertake to say, were at least equal to hesitate to express my opinion on the subject of tion of our own legislation. I wish to see the the merits of this man; death has canonized him, peace with other nations, and among all nations, | American people carry it on under their own but I canonize no man until death has sealed his in favor of universal peace. But I cannot be guidance and for their own purposes; otherwise character. But his claims upon our gratitude did dragged into a discussion of those principles on a that flag which has never trailed in the dust may not stop with his claims to the title of “friend of subject so unsuitable as that now before us. be humbled. And I am unwilling, while I extend freedom" in Europe. He was the companion in

What authority had the gentleman from New freely the hospitalities of the nation, and the hos- arms of Washington, and aided in achieving those York, or any other gentleman, to charge me with pitalities of the individuals of the nation, to Mr. | liberties which we now enjoy. But when he inconsistency in relation to my avowed principles of | Kossuth, to commit the nation to a policy until I came here and went hence, he received none of peace? Certainly from nothing which I have said: know what that policy is. I repeat, if the strug- those adulations which are so lavishingly poured

nor from any vote which I have ever given. There gle in Hungary is for the ascendency of the individ- out upon Kossuth. When I contrast the recepis something most wanton in his charges. I surely ual who is to control, and not for the elevation of | tion of that man upon his arrival upon our shores had not provoked it at his hands. To him I would the masses, it is a matter of utter indifference to with the reception which it is now proposed to say, Your charge is unfounded and false: you have me whether they succeed or not; but if it is for give Kossuth, I confess I look upon it not entirely traveled out of your way to assail me: on those | the liberty of the masses, they have my ardent without feelings of mortification and shame. charges I will meet you most cheerfully at the hopes and my best wishes for success.

But, Mr. Chairman, when I took the floor, I proper time, or whenever the proper occasion shall Mr. BAYLY, of Virginia. I do not regard the did not design to go into this matter to the extent arrive. The gentleman has spoken of popular resolution before this committee as committing this which my feelings have carried me. I wish to sentiment, of which he appears to stand in great Government to the doctrines which Kossuth has say here, and desire that it should go forth to the dread. I have no such fears. The popular mind been attempting to propagate in the speeches he country, that from an intimate association with is lighted by the intelligence of the people, and it has made since his arrival upon our shores. If I members of the two Houses of Congress, and will mete out justice, and no more than justice, to so regarded it, it would not receive from me the having made it a frequent subject of conversation that gentleman and to myself. However much he feeble opposition which it will now encounter at

with them, I here assert-and I hope it may meet may shrink from it, he must meet it.' The gen- | my hands. On the contrary, if I regarded it in any | Kossuth's' eye—that I do not believe there are tleman appears now to tremble in view of the pen- such light, I should esteem it asolemn duty to my twenty members in both Houses of Congress who alty of that higher law” written upon the hearts country to resist it with every energy with which would be willing to sanction the doctrines he has of 'men by the finger of God. This law he has God has endowed me. My opposition to the res- attempted to propagate in this country. And if contemned and ridiculed. For the subversion of olution is not of that high character; if it were, the there are those who are carried away by the enthis law he has sent so many thousands of " lower resolution should never pass so long as opposition thusiasm which is running through the land, who law sermons” broad-cast throughout the free States. could delay it. If this Government should ever | will for a moment fall in with it, either from moHe must, however, meet the penalties of the pop- connect itself with the principles which Kossuth tives of popularity-hunting, or from other moular will; he may fear and tremble and turn pale has been attempting to propagate, it would be to tives—I say, if there are twenty members of this at its approach. It must come; he cannot avoid give it such a blow as it has never yet received, | Congress who are prepared to give way to that this supreme law, before which we must all bow. and which our liberties could not for any length of feeling-which I am quite sure is not the case-I It is already inflicting its penalties upon him, and time survive. It would commit this Government || believe that nineteen twentieths of the American ere long will consign him to the charnel-house of to a course of policy which we have no constitu- people are the other way. From where I am now political apostates.

tional power to carry out. I shall not attempt to standing to the Rio Grande, I do not believe there Mr. Chairman, while on the floor I will take elaborate this view of the matter at the present are one thousand men of substance and character occasion to say that I shall most cheerfully and time, but I shall feel it my duty upon a proper -men whose opinions upon matters of this kind most heartily vote for the resolution. I wish to occasion to go into it more at large. But I'desire are regarded with respect-I do not believe that tender to the distinguished Kossuth not merely the here, to say that I do not regard this Government one thousand men of this character can be found homage of my own heart, but I wish this House, as altogether blameless in its conduct in reference who would be willing to commit this Government the representatives of the people, to do it officially, to Kossuth. There is evidently a misunderstand- to a policy which would involve us in an eternal in the name and on behalf of the nation. For ing between him and us. He obviously regards strife between European Powers—which would this reason I wish to see this resolution pass, the Government as, in some degree, committed to bring upon us standing armies, heavy taxation, and that speedily: I decline all attempts to drag | his doctrines; and the Government ought not to and national debts, such as are now pressing me into a discussion of its merits; they wil be ap- allow this delusion to continue: if it does, it may down the nations of Europe, and a greater part of preciated by the people without any aid from us. involve humanity in Europe in an extent of suffer- || which have been incurred in wars waged to carry Mr. RICHARDSON. I was proceeding to say | ing such as is not anticipated.

out this very doctrine of intervention, or non-interbefore yielding the floor, that I did not think there Suppose this delusion is permitted to continue | vention, whichever you are disposed to call it. If was much difference between the gentleman from upon his mind; suppose this Government does our Government were to become wedded to this North Carolina, (Mr. Venable,] who proposed 1 not, in some emphatic manner, repudiate his doc- policy, I repeat, I do not believe our liberties this amendment, and the gentleman from Ohio, I trines, and with the expectation of succor from I would survive twenty years; and I believe this is the opinion of the American people. Upon this thus far been steered through storms and tempest, not proposed in his behalf. He, too, was identimere incidental motion, which I do not regard as and under this new pilotage to go careering over fied with Hungary as surely as Kossuth. He committing the House to anything, I shall not go the sea in a crusade after the rights of humanity and was a patriot-soldier in the cause of his country, into this debate fully. I shall do it hereafter. “I the Utopia of universal liberty? I do not under- and had fought her battles valiantly and well. tave only said what I have said with a view, stand how, among well-balanced minds, there can He was commended to our consideration as that it possible, of commencing that understanding be a difference of opinion as to our public duty in chief who patriotically held the garrison of Cobetween this Government and Kossuth, which, i regard to this question.

morn to the close of the campaign against vast ti nk, ought to be perfected; and which, if I can Mr. Chairman, if this is an act of mere cour- odds, and made the terms of his surrender the passkase my way, will be perfected before he leaves tesy to which we are invited, then it is extrava- port to his expatriation. When the Iron Crown of lese shores. He shall be told, in language which gant, under all the circumstances. Compliments, St. Stephen had fled the limits of Hungary, be cannot misunderstand, thai this Government to be appreciated at due value, should be gradu- Ujhazy found a new asylum in a land of real kas no idea of involving itself in the policy which ated by some standard. Precedent has furnished liberty, where he has settled to the peaceful enjoybe so actively and industriously propagates, the standard by which the courtesy of an Ameri- ment of life as a Republican farmer. Now, I re

Mr. MARSHALL, of Kentucky, said: I shall can Congress should, through all future time, be spectfully ask why a different grade of compliment citate the example of the gentleman from New measured. There (pointing to the portrait of should be paid to this Magyar from the mark that 1.** (Mr. Brooks) so far as to send the vote I Lafayette) is the "token” of a man, the compeer Magyar received, admitting both to have been saki cast upon this question to the country, ac- and compatriot of Washington, to whom in his equally patriotic, and equally conspicuous in the z pranied by the reasons which induce it; but, old age the United States designed to offer the very cause of their common country? Why shall we culike the gentleman, I choose that my vote and highest compliment they could bestow upon mor- pay higher honor to the orator for his advocacy of be reasons therefor, shall harmonize with each tality. He had abandoned prosperity, the smiles the principles of liberty, than to the brave old

of his sovereign, the adulation of a court, fortune, soldier who fought and periled all, and finally We are urged to pass the resolution offered by family, and had embarked his all in the struggle asserted the principle in the very terms of his most the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. CartTER,) because for American independence. He had bled freely honorable capitulation to an overwhelming force it is said that the passage thereof is due as an act in that cause. He had expended of his own and necessity? I have indulged in these remarks of courtesy, simply, to Mr. Louis Kossuth.' We means $140,000 to clothe our naked soldiery, and to prove to this committee that we are asked upon at told that it is intended as a mere personal courtesy; had from his own stores put shoes upon the this occasion to go too far, mere precedents conus introduction being accompanied by a disclaimer | bleeding feet of the American patriots who were sidered. But, sir, for one, I am not willing to vi any idea of committing the Government to a fighting by his side through the Revolution. He leave this subject with a cloud of doubt upon it Le of public policy. Mr. Chairman, I cannot was an adopted son of the Union. He under- || in another of its aspects. be deluded by this disclaimer, nor by the want of || stood the principles of our Government, because We are told that Kossuth is the invited guest prezension with which this act is héralded. We he was of the glorious band who laid the founda- of the country; that Congress sent after him in a are here, not in the simple capacity of private cit- tions of our freedom. He was the companion of national ship; that since his arrival Congress has zens, or as a body of American gentlemen, only: | Washington. He had illustrated his principles welcomed him to the capital, and now that he We are here representatives of the American peo. | by a long career in Europe, ever devoted to the has actually reached the city, Congress is bound, plea constituted legislative body-a part of a establishment of rational liberty. Congress, obe- || in the exercise of an ordinary courtesy, to welcansututional Government; and whatever resolu- dient to the national affection, invited Lafayette to come him into this Hall, and that the members of ma ve pass, is a governmental act, so far as we leave his own homestead to revisit our shores that Congress shall be personally introduced, &c., &c. u manufacture a public act; whatever extent he might contemplate our growth and look upon Now, Mr. Chairman, I voted in the last Congress, Ser act has, so far we commit our Government the results of his own glorious services in our na- if I remember correctly, to suspend the rules to a necessitate. Ah! but it is only proposed to in- | tional development. When he came, the un

consider the resolution in regard to sending the induce Kossuth to this House under the guidance || doubted guest of America, Congress passed a res- ship after Kossuth; but I have no recollection that é a committee appointed by the Speaker-noolution directing the Speaker to congratulate him I voted for the passage of the resolution. I may Dore. The gentleman from Ohio assures the House | upon his arrival, and to assure him of the satis- have done so; I have no memory of the faet. But that he is as much opposed to “ hearing a har- | faction of Congress in being able to testify to him there was an understanding in Congress at that aggue” as any one can be, and that he contem- in person a nation's gratitude. He was intro- day that the lives of Kossuth and his associates pkates no such result to flow from the passage of his || duced accordingly by a committee, and such hon- were in danger; that the Sultan was in jeopardy resolution. Let me assure that gentleman, and this ors paid as you now propose to accord to Kos- because of his noble determination to perform the committee, that while his purposes are so praise- || suth! Are the cases parallel? Have we so fallen sacred duties of hospitality; that Austria wished worthy, there are other gentlemen here who do in love with Louis Kossuth that we are ready, the delivery of the exiles into her power; that contemplate the delivery of “a harangue" by the without having any further acquaintance with Russia threatened to avail herself of this pretext Hungarian chief, and who support the resolution him than is obtained through the mists of the to strike the long-meditated blow at the Ottoman because they expect to hear that harangue when- Hungarian war and his own speeches, to pay him Porte, and that, after all, and above all, that KosEver Mr. Kossuth comes within this Hall. Let the same amount of honor that we offered to La- suth was anxious to emigrate hither, and to follow met aartire the honorable member that the evidence fayette, and more than we have accorded to Kos- Ujhazy and his companions to the far West, Bering and persuasive that Kossuth himself ex- ciúsko, to Father Mathew-to any man of foreign where the Magyar might plant his own vine under poctu to eadress this House, and that a few days birth, or to any hero of our own free clime? If new and nobler auspices than he had yet known. since be sought temporary retirement from public you so cheapen what has been offered to Lafay- In all these representations there was much to exobservation, with the view of preparing the ora ette, abolish the grades of compliment and avow cite the sympathy of the American bosom. Symtion be expected to deliver to this Congress. Now, that your courtesy means as little as that of the pathy for the exile from home and country is a Mr. Chairman, I have more

than the common Spaniard, whose usual salutation is to request his common sentiment of humanity—an emotion of stock of patience; but I confess that it has been visitor “to hold all his host possesses at his own the savage as well as of civilized man. But here erhausted by the manner in which this distin- || disposition.". The universality of your politeness was a case of a patriot exiled from his native graisted stranger has been treated by the people of will then render it alike valueless to all

. Sir, it land, because he had contended for her freedom in New York, and thence to Baltimore, in presence upon Lafayette, of an introduction to the Ameri- tions, and we were informed that from his prison o the multitudes and in reply to the societies can Senaté and House of Representatives while grates he looked wistfully to this great country, work have addressed him. Šir, he is a man of those bodies were in session, is the only instance of and probably depended upon our aid for his exZe1.18, of talent, of wonderful oratorical facilities; the kind to be found in the history of this Gov- | istence. tut his sentiments are Quixotic, and especially

It is the only instance to be found in Sir, we did extend that sympathy, and actively they are not American sentiments, or calculated, the history of any civilized government since the too; but it was on the state of case already made out. bribeir impress upon the American mind, to pro- | middle ages. Roman consuls had ovations, and when the flag of the Union foated from the quars te the harmony and the happiness of this peo- returned from conquests attended by crowds of ter-deck of the Mississippi before the prisonhet hy of the influence, and glory, and permanency captives to pass under triumphal arches amid the house of Kossuth, and he saw its broad folds to of this Government. When I have read his huzzas of the multitude. These did no more. protect him under the very Ægis of Libertyspeeches to the bar, the bench, the press, the peo- Even these halted at the steps of the Senate house. when America was at Kitaniah to bear him from a pt, and have remarked the care he has taken to When gentlemen propose this exalted and ex- dungeon to freedom, the cause of her intervention teach that the lessons of our forefathers were crude, traordinary honor, therefore, to Kossuth-I say

was distinctly announced in the preamble and resand can have no permanency as principles of nation- | extraordinary, since the precedent is nowhere to be olution of Congress, which proclaims that con

found save in the case of Lafayette-l may be gress understood it was Kossuth's wish and determinacache lows faster with indignation at the estimate well excused for the inquiry as to the cause of tion, when released, to emigrate to the United

must place upon American intelligence, and at this undue excitement in his behalf. Is his ex- States.Therefore it was the national ship was te rapidity with which he uncoils himself under | traordinary merit testified by honorable scars employed. Therefore it was the arm of this GovLoe warmth of our honest, hearty, and well-meant received in the fields of battle upon the plains of

ernment was extended to aid him to reach a shelympathy for him while chilled by misfortune. | Hungary? Did he suffer amid the snows of ter from the pitiless storm that pursued him, and Look there at our own Washington, as his great Szolnok, or nerve the Honvöds to stand the

to find here again a home and a country. I dare wage looks down upon this debate, and say dreadful charge of cavalry? Sir, I do not mean to aver no member of that Congress, at the time, whether it becomes us, as Americans, to hear with- to criticise his participation in the struggle of dreamed of making Louis Kossuth the Nation's in this Hall, sacred to the business of the

people, his country. I'award him willingly all the Guest, or of scenes through which we are now an oration from a foreigner, the burden of which merit of patriotism, though in my limited read- || passing. Well, sir, in my opinion Kossuth was must necessarily be an attempt to unteach all that | ing I have been so unfortunate as never

to have committed, by his acceptance of the conveyance de Langht; to loosen all the ties which his wise || ascertained in what battle his aurels were won furnished, under the character of a resolution that dona provided in our infancy as the guides of our inanhood as a nation; to leave behind us forever

I remember well when Ujhazy-the glorious old accompanied the offer of that conveyance, to the the landmarks by which the vessel of State has

Governor of Comorn-came to this country from distinct acquiescence in the correctness of our the fields of Hungary, such honors as these were supposition that it was his deliberate purpose, on

ernment.

being released,“ to emigrate to the United States." adopted. He goes further. He says that the ous leader a wanderer in other lands. He (Mr. I.) When he came on board the Mississippi, it was illustration of American policy heretofore, may be had witnessed the struggle and the defeat, ka tem. in the character of an emigrant and of an exile from found in the economy of the silk-worm-"a poor, porary one, he trusted in God;) and knowing Europe. Who was to find upon these shores an miserable insect," which wraps itself in its own what he did of that struggle, and of the feelings in asylum from oppression, and to raise here new self-woven web, from which it creeps only--to die. regard to it of the people of the patriotic State he altars to patriotism. If, then, Kossuth and Con- | That America belongs to the family of nations, l had the honor in part to represent in Congress, gress labored under mutual mistake as to the inten- owes duties to the family of nations, or she may he should be unworthy of a seat in that body, tions of this distinguished character, surely, when exile herself among the nations, and while she aye, of the name of an American citizen, could he we ascertained that his restoration to liberty was weaves at home a woof of comfort will, like the hesitate for one moment as to his course of action but the signal for his renewed activity in the field miserable insect in question, only come forth under upon the resolution now before the House. This of European politics, all Christendom would have the policy of Washington eventually-to meet was not, it seemed to him, the proper time and ocheld us released from any further obligations spring- || death as a nation, consigned as a “miserable crea- casion to go into the history of the Hungarian war, ing from the exertion of our sympathy in his be- ture" to the contempt of those to whom we owed the greater part of which Kossuth was. The time half. He availed himself of a very early occasion duties and from whom we withheld favors. Now, | for speeches has passed the time for immediate to announce that he did not intend to emigrate to sir, this language and these illustrations are to my action has arrived. Kossuth is in our country, the United States-that he was consecrated to the comprehension alike offensive and impudent. They as he was before his arrival in the hearts of our cause of Hungarian Independence, and that his explain the character of this foreigner, and serve countrymen. He is at our inner doors: shall we mission was henceforth to preach that cause and to prove the folly of that popular adulation which wound him in the house of his friends? How to arrange the instrumentalities through which its has accompanied his progress so far on our Con- does he come here?-as an exile? Let gentlemen success might be achieved. After these dis- tinent, in some places, Mr. Chairman, as observa- remember that a national ship received him from closures-even had he been invited hither as an ble in the case of a danseuse or a cantatrice as in his exile in Turkey, and that before he puat foo! emigrant-we should have been under no obliga- the instance before us—to us, perhaps, not so re- upon our shores he was received by a national tion to receive him as a political propagandist. His markable, but exceedingly api to intoxicate and salute--that salute fired from a national fort ressmission was distinctly proclaimed in England. He mislead the deluded recipient of these bountiful that fortress in the command of the Executive of proclaimed it after he was free, and after he had ministrations. I am desirous to be distinctly un- these United States. Away, then, with the idea abandoned the conveyance of the frigate Missis- derstood upon this occasion. I listen with no of Kossuth as an exile. No, Mr. Chairman, he sippi. Then we, as a people, and Kossuth were patience to Mr. Kossuth, when he invites me to is here as the great champion of freedom in E1mutually released from whatever obligations to abandon the counsels of Washington, and to desert rope; and in view of what the Government here each other.

the ancient, time-honored, household gods of my has already done towards receiving him, good faith But, Mr. Chairman, the mission to which he has own country, to follow him in the task ofreëstablish- and honor on our part, to say nothing of the dicdevoted himself brought him here, not our invita- | ing those of Hungary, if need be, at the expense of tates of humanity, demand that we should extend tion-if it be still insisted that he was invited. war to the United States. I may be an admirer of to him all the honors so justly his due. True to that apostolical character he assumes, the artist, of the eloquent advocate, of the enthu- But in voting for this resolution, he (Mr. I.) Kossuth commenced his labors in that mission im- siastic patriot, of the knight-errant who preaches wished not to be understood as placing bimself mediately on his arrival at Staten Island. From the crusade for Hungarian independence with all at this time upon the platform of armed intervenhis first speech there to this moment he has, on no the zeal of Peter the Hermit,-I niay be willing, as tion by the Government of this Union in the occasion, failed to proclaim why he is in America; a private gentleman, to extend the courtesies and affairs of Hungary. That was not necessary in what brought him to America, and what results he civilities due from an American to a distinguished voting for this resolution. Indeed he would add, expects to accomplish by his visit to America. stranger, and, indeed, may do him festive honors that, for his part, he was willing to abide by the He has accepted every demonstration of popular to testify "the passing noble emotions of the heart counsels of Washington and the doctrines of Monadulation, as an evidence of approbation of his and the hour,"-I may be willing to the proposi- roe in regard to intervention. He (Mr. I.) was doctrines. Emboldened by the passive submission tion of the member from North Carolina, which not quite ready to send an American army to the of the people to these, his conclusions, and intoxi- authorizes the Speaker to invite Kossuth to a priv- Danube; and, in conclusion, he would remark cated by the more active and bold acquiescence in ileged seat. But, Mr. Chairman, these duties of that he had witnessed, with some forebodings, his political principles, by desperate politicians or courtesy and these extensions of privilege are the position of men at the North who surrounded mere holiday orators, he has at length commenced easily comprehended by the recipient and by the Kossuth during his sojourn in New York, and the work of polling the American population, in world.

who were urging the intervention policy upon the imitation of the mode adopted in the Hungarian I am unwilling to see the American Congress, | Government and people of this country. He comitals, making up an expression of the sover- as a legislative body, pass the resolution now be- | thought he saw in their movements a foundation eign will of the people upon certain political propo- fore us. I know it will be the precursor of dis- | for a plan, to be developed hereafter, to interfere sitions of his own propounding, which public will turbance. I know it is the entering wedge for an in the affairs of our domestic States, as they now he is now bearing to the Government as testimony order of things destructive of the stand we should wish, on the same plea of humanity, to intervene from the masses, to dictate future American policy! occupy before our own countrymen. I am unwilling in the affairs of foreign States. But he would not Methinks I can hear the sound and conservative to turn this sacred Hall into a lecture room-a now go into this great question of intervention, voice of the interior, as it dwells with incredulity school house-where American statesmen may and he hoped that the resolution would pass with upon this infatuation—this folly. Yes, sir, it is all receive their lessons in political wisdom and be great unanimity. fact, that from the capital of Pennsylvania the taught the propositions upon which are said to Mr. GENTRY. I should have preferred to programme of Kossuth has been returned to him,

rest the prospective grandeur and the glory of the have given a silent vote upon the proposition that indorsed by the people, and he has proudly pro- Union, from a foreigner who has not been yet is before this committee. "I think thai would have claimed the fact." In New York he directed a vote thirty days upon our shores.

been in the best taste, in my own view of what is in a New York comitat (God save the mark !) on Mr. INGERSOLL remarked: It was with proper, and in view of what we owe to ourselves the same propositions, and yesterday in the city many regrets he had witnessed a discussion spring- || under the circumstances which surround us. But of Baltimore, in a public assembly, with all the ing up on the resolution now before the commit- so much has been said pro and con, that I feel pomp and ceremony due to so imposing an occasion, He had hoped that the bare announcement disposed to say a word or two by way of indicaand with a judge for his herald, the same profound of the resolution of the honorable member from ting the reasons which have influenced me, and propositions were again received with acclamations Ohio to this body would have elicited a prompt and will influence me in all the votes I may give in conof popular applause, and adopted without contra- universal response from all parts of the House; nection with this Kossuth question. If a man diction !

and coming as we do direct from the voices of the presents himself at my door when I know he These propositions constitute his published pro- sovereign people of these States, we would re- comes for the purpose of asking me to indorse his gramme of principles whereby the family of na- spond to what he believed to be the wishes of that note for $50,000, if he is a gentleman in charactions is to be saved through the application of people, and award to the illustrious individual ter and position I will invite him into my house, intervention, to enforce non-intervention. I skall ! whose name forms a part of the resolution, that and extend to him all the courtesies which are due not enter upon the discussion of these principles cordial welcome which, wherever he has gone, to a gentleman, though I may know him to be inor of the policy, they portend. I am not afraid of the 'friends of liberty have given him. He had solvent, and though I may feel all the while that their adoption by my country. I allude to them witnessed with feelings somewhat akin to morti- || duty to myself and my children imperiously imnow merely to indicate who it is—the character of il fication, the course which the discussion of a reso- poses upon me the necessity of refusing to indorse the mission, and some of the virtues of the apostle lution of welcome to Kossuth had taken in an- the note. I would be careful more especially to we are called upon as an American Congress to other end of this Capitol; and when he thought of || do so, if the doors of my house had been opened receive here in our places with superlative forms the effect of that course upon the sympathizing to him by myself, and I had invited him to come of commendation, and compliment almost without friends of freedom in the old World, and when there upon another ground not connected with the a parallel in the history of civilized government. he could almost hear the exultations of the min- || indorsement of his note. I would invite him into Mr. Chairman, it is worthy of remark that Mr. ions of despotic and monarchical power when the my house if I supposed him a gentleman of high Kossuth enforces these (his) propositions with a news of that discussion shall have crossed the At- | character, principles, genius, and talent-orerstrain of logic and oratory at once peculiar, and, to lantic and reached the ears of those despots who whelmed by a torrent of misfortune , though I American ears, no doubt, felicitous. Not to go claim by “divine right” to awe into submission might know he came to ask me to do that which further back than to his speech in Baltimore, he " their people," upon whose necks their feet are would imperil the fate of myself and family, and tells our people that of all national policy, that placed, he could almost bow his head in shame though I could not give him all he came to ask. which, in his opinion, is most important, is our and sorrow. It had been his fortune, perhaps Still, respecting him as a gentleman---lespecting foreign policy; that the foreign policy we have pur- misfortune, to have spent the better portion of the him for his genius, the exalted principles and mosued from the era of the Constitution to the present last few years in a land of strangers to liberty and tives which I believe actuated his conduct-though time is “no policy at all," and that through the the righis of man. The greater portion of that I might believe that the wave of misfortune had future our true policy is to be found in the pro- i period was spent within the dominions of that buried him beyond all hope of resurrection, and gramme of principles he has furnished, and which | northern Autocrat whose hireling forces crushed I could do nothing for him except to give him my the people of Baltimore afterwards so clamorously II the rising spirit of Hungary, and sent her illustri- respect and sympathy, would i`slam the door in

tee.

his face and say, "Get away from here! you shall stability of its policy, I consider Louis Kossuth as this—a mere question of courtesy, involving pot ask me to indorse that note?”, (Laughter.) as a very harmleas individual. If I am wrong in nothing beyond' that? Let gentlemen do what is Not at all. It would be an exceedingly painful that, I am wrong in believing the theory upon demanded of them as gentlemen, and as Repreoperation, and therefore I should make my cour- which this Government is founded. this peo- sentatives of the dignity and character of the nases and hospitalities all the more abundant, be-i ple can be made to forget the high destiny to tion, quietly, decently, and in order. The only Ise presently I should have to give a most un- which they are called, and the great responsibility danger is of its being overdone. There ought to recome response to the favor which he asked of which rests upon them—if they can be made to have been no debate about the matter at all.

forget Washington for Louis Kossuth, why then There ought to have been an understanding among That is the position in which we stand in refer- our institutions are not worth a struggle, and the us as to what was the proper resolution to be ofete to Louis Kossuth; and the only question in whole experiment which our fathers have under- fered, and it ought not to have been debated, but te American House of Representatives to con- taken, and which we are seeking to perpetuate, is should have passed without any argumentation Eder is, that they shall be careful to demean them- a fallacy and is of no value. I do not believe a word whatever. selves as gentlemen upon this occasion, and not of it. Å rabble of fools and demagogues, in this or Mr. Chairman, you must realize the fact--every a rowdies. The question of indorsing the note that locality, may shout at his heels, and profess gentleman here must realize the fact that if you is a after question, which we are not called upon themselves in favor of plunging this Government were to go to the house of any gentleman where un consider now. We are called upon to extend | into any line of policy which he may request. Such i you understood you had an invitation, or, at least, the civilities and courtesies which the proprieties characters as these are merely seeking to appropri- an implied permission to go, and when you got to guring out of the circumstances that surround ate to themselves some small portion of the glory the door you found one half the family declaring as demand at our hands. We are called upon to and eclat that surround the name of Kossuth; and that you should not come in, and the other half inrepresent and take care of the dignity and charac- after all it will presently be seen that they cannot sisting that you should come in—a sort of intestine ter of this great nation in this regard. Whether really effect anything, either to save or destroy the war in the household as to whether you should be in relation to what is passed we have done right Republic. Lei them shoul—let them huzza—it is received and treated with courtesy or not—though ez wrong, is not now the question. This gentle- || all harmless. Who is afraid? (Laughter.] You | you might get in by and by, you would not enjoy man is here. How is he here, and what are the

need have no fear for the Republic in this regard. yourself much. (Laughter.] You would wish to circumstances under which he presents himself The intelligence and patriotism of the American be away again. bere? It surprises me that any debate or adverse people will take care of all these questions. The Now I think that we ought quietly to pass this opinions should have arisen here in relation to this i only thing we have to look to, is to take care of our resolution, without further debate, and leave it to subject. After the disastrous termination of the dignity, and not permit the thing to be overdoné. I the discretion and good taste of the gentleman Hungarian struggle for national existence, when have the most profound confidence in the capacity from Ohio, (Mr. CARTTER,) and of the other gen, Louis Kossuth was a prisoner in Turkey, this of my friend from Ohio (Mr. Cartter] [laughter] tlemen that the good sense of the Speaker will Government, responding to the just, proper, and to form a just conception of what the proprieties associate with him, to do this little mere matter of bonorable feelings of the American people, in all of the occasion demand; and if this resolution manners in that way which the proprieties of the the forms which it could employ exhibited its shall be adopted, the SPEAKER will doubtless asso- occasion demand. We disgrace ourselves by talk29xiety for his condition and fate. Much as I am ciate other sensible gentlemen with him, and such ing on the subject. coposed to embarking this nation in the affairs of a committee will no doubt execute in good taste

Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia. I think that Hungary, I am not ready to admit that we are what a just conception of the circumstances of the the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. GENTRY) has caled upon to be afraid to show we sympathize case demands. Let Louis Kossuth be invited into been quite as unfortunate in the analogy that he upon this or the other side of questions which may this Hall, and let him take a seat within the bar has submitted to the House as he has been in his arise beyond our borders. Congress passed reso- of the House of Representatives, and let that be argument. He has compared Kossuth to a poor letions upon this subject. Our diplomatic repre- the end of it here. Let him speak elsewhere as man who comes to your door with a note of sentatives to European Governments were in- | much as he wants to, and I will give five or ten $50,000, which you know he cannot pay; but he tricted and required to use the influence which dollars to hear him. I have already subscribed asks, " Will you, therefore, refuse to admit him?" they might legitimately and rightfully employ to a paper to give him a dinner. Let hím speak, but And he asks, Would it be civil to turn the door release Kossuth from imprisonment. A ship was he cannot un-Americanize me, or this Congress, or upon him? Sir, that is not the case. But I will sent across the Atlantic ocean, and its commander this nation. If I am wrong in that, I want to be give him one. Suppose that a man in the condiwas instructed to receive and bring him home to undeceived. I desire to see the experiment tried. tion he represents, going through the gentleman's ou shores, if he chose to come. Kossuth ac- (Laughter.] Gifted though he be, eminently own town endeavoring to raise money, should recepted the offer, and he is here, regarding himself gifted, let us not be afraid of his genius. Is there ceive a note on the street by a messenger from the as the guest of the nation. It is enough that the no genius in America-are there none to plead as gentleman, inviting him into the gentleman's world so understands and regards it, whether we eloquently and as ably as he can do, for the United house--into his parlor-and after he gets in, the shall so regard it or not.

States, and the duties of this Government, in view gentleman should say, I cannot indorse your note: Now, the question is, what does propriety re- of the present and coming generations, as well as would it be civil to send for the man barely to tell quire at our hands? Though perchance since his those that are past? Do not be scared about it. him that you would not aid him in the matter? I arrival upon our shores, as an humble petitioner [Laughter.] If gentlemen have any surplus cash— | ask thegentleman who has been lecturing us to-day. he may esk that which we cannot grant, yet pro- if you are disposed to be liberal, hand it over. about good taste, and manners, and courtesy, if priety requires at our hands that we should receive (Laughter.]. We are rich and prosperous, and he does not think that it would be rude to send him with all the civilities due to the occasion and can stand a little of that sort of individual and vol- out on the highway and ask a man into his house the circumstances which surround him and us. untary depletion. Gentlemen are afraid of Kos- to treat him in such a manner? Would it not

Bat geatlemen are afraid that he will make a suth, lest he should make us forgetful of our duties be much more courteous at least to wait until he petchbat he will overturn the long-established as American legislators, into whose hands has should come and knock? Mr. Kossuth, we all pokey of the nation. They seem to be afraid that been committed this great legacy of freedom, which | know, wants money, or “material aid." It is the American people in their admiration for Kos- we hold in trust for all mankind—not for this gen- true he has not yet knocked at our door—but we seth will forget Washington. I have no such eration alone, but all coming generations. Let || all know it—and the gentleman says that he does fear. Let him speak as much as he pleases. Let them dismiss their fears.

not intend to grant it. He has said so here tohingy into every Congressional district in the Tnited States of America, and speak as often as

When it shall become necessary, we will tell day. Why, then, do you ask him here? why in

Mr. Kossuth-and I desire to call him Mr. Kos 1 vite him into your house, unless it be to tell him he desires. His speeches will be harmless. I suth distinctly, and for a reason, because it is the that he cannot get the “ aid” he desires? If, Mr. expect, if occasion should make it necessary, to policy of this Government to recognize existing Chairman, Louis Kossuth was here as the repreresist, with as much firmness as any other man, governments-governments de facto--and I conform sentative of the principle to which the gentleman the line of policy which he would "induce us to to this established policy-we will tell Mr. Kos- from New York' [Mr. BROOKS] referred, I might take. Let him speak. Why, sir, I am so much suth, that inasmuch as it was our example which extend this courtesy to him. But I do not look of a Democrat—a real genuine Democrat—that I animated him and his Hungarians to the great upon Louis Kossuth on the continent of Ameram willing to submit every and all questions which and glorious efforts which they made, and which, ica as Louis Kossuth in Hungary. He is no bare arisen, or can possibly arise, involving the though unsuccessful now, we hope will be more longer the representative of the principle of coninterests and honor of this Republic, to the arbitra- successful in the future, we will keep that light of stitutional liberty that was overthrown in his nament of the American people. If the people are our example burning and shining upon the path tive land. The only principle that he is now the 20t competent to solve safely for the Republic all way of the nations, to guide them onwards" like representative of is the principle of intervention to questions that can be submitted to them, why, | that cloud by day and pillar of fire by night which prèvent intervention. That is the principle which then our Government is founded upon a false idea, guided the Israelites from Egyptian bondage to the he is now urging-the object of his mission is to and it is needless for us to struggle against the promised land. We will keep it burning upon carry out this principle. Does he advocate any rain that is inevitable. If Kossuth can overturn their pathway, to guide them from the darkness of other wherever he goes? Did he not make the ebis Republic, or unsettle the long-established and tyranny and despotism to the sunlight of liberty issue distinctly in New York? “I do not want to firm convictions of this people, and make them But we will not imperil the good we have our- be feasted," said he. He does not ask your courdisregard the admonitions of Washington, so as selves, and which we hold in trust for all humanity, | tesy or your compliments. He wants nothing 1. make them abandon the policy that has made by plunging into adventures as he invites us to. short of armed intervention, if need be. He them what they are, and which, if persevered in, When the proper time comes for us to tell him wants you to change the settled policy of your an destined to make them infinitely more power this, we must tell it to him. But being here under Government-and he wants no mistake about it. I fal than language can tell, or imagination con- all the circumstances in which he is here, we are admire his candor. He said he wished not to steal ceive-if any foreigner from another clime can do called upon to behave towards him as gentlemen. into our feelings " by any easy, slippery evasion." all that

, if our only safety is in not giving him a The Senate has passed a resolution, I believe, He is here, I say, as the open, avowed representchance to speak, (laughter,] why, then this lega- precisely similar to that which the gentleman from ative of this great principle, and there can be no cy, which we have inherited from our fathers is Ohio has offered. Now, is it in good taste for the mistake about it. 'If, then, we take him by the not worth struggling or fighting for at all. In re- two branches of the legislative departments of the hand, and extend to him the privileges of this spect to the safety of this Government, and the l Government to be at issue upon such a question || Aoor, do we not do it in approbation of the cause which he styles his mission? Can we do it with- defend the liberties of my country, when they paid standing rule of the House. We only make an exout giving countenance to that principle!

so little regard to the principles of their own. ception to the operation of a standing rule. I hope The gentleman from Tennessee tells us that he Sir, I say again, I was disposed to have little that this distinction will be borne in mind. We is not afraid of Louis Kossuth; and he says "don'ı apprehension of the effect of Kossuth's progress change no standing rule of the House. We agree be afraid." Sir, I do not know whether the gen- i here till I saw that his coming had disorganized to invite Louis Kossuth upon this floor, but the tleman thinks Kossuth a little man, and, there- the American House of Representatives. An- standing rule remains unchanged. We simply, fore, not to be feared. I will tell him, however, swer me, answer me, any man upon this floor, by virtue of power residing in this House, in view that I am by no means in a panic. But I am not whether you can pass the resolution to-day with- || of reasons satisfactory to ourselves, choose to one of those who seem disposed to attribute too out beating down and battering down the law by make an exception to a standing rule, which we little importance to the powers of this man. I be- which you are governed, and with it one of the have prescribed for our everyday ordinary governlieve him to be a man of great abilities—a man of i safeguards of the Constitution of your country? | ment; and that standing rule still remains unrare talents. In my estimation he stands forth as You cannot do it. Gentlemen speak a great deal changed as the common law of the House. We one of the first of his species. Every speech, of down-trodden Europe and liberty: Sir, I am choose, for reasons satisfactory to ourselves, to everything that he says, bears the marks, the deep an admirer of liberty; I am a friend of liberty; | make an exception to the standing rule for this unmistakable impress of mind, of intellect, and but the liberty I have attachment for is constitu- | present necessity. I have so high an opinion of of genius of the highest order. It is because I ad- tional liberty. It is not a wild unrestrained licen- | the fairness and candor of the gentleman who has mire him, and believe that he has the mind to tiousness, but it is a liberty defined and regulated spoken, that I cannot even intimate that he has inappreciate sense and intellect, that I wish not to by written law. It is such liberty as I find in my dulged in any intentional sophistry upon this quesgo through with the solemn mockery that gen- own country, and nowhere else on the habitable tion. I think, however, that when the excitement tlemen here would urge upon the American Con- | globe. For this reason I love my country—this of the hour has passed from his mind, when he gress. Let us not ask him in the House that we my fatherland." And when we look out upon reviews his argument, he will see that he has not may tell him that we do not intend to indorse this the nations of the earth and see our country rising to-day met this question fairly and squarely, as he new principle of his. If we do not intend to give up as the great light of the world to cheer up the usually meets questions. I think he has not exhim the indorsement, let us treat himn with that | spirits and gladden the hearts of the victims of hibited his usual candor. I think the skill of the dignity that will become him and ourselves. But, I power and misrule elsewhere—when I look upon | advocate has pushed aside the candor of the man. sir, the gentleman says again, “don't be afraid." it, as the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. GENTRY] || I think he plays the lawyer a little upon this occaWell, I will say to him I was not very apprehen- | says, as "the pillar of cloud and of fire” to direct sion. sive myself of the effect of this illustrious foreign- other nations in their exodus from tyranny and des- Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia. Will the gener's influence upon the American mind until I came potism-it may not be impertinent to ask ourselves, tleman allow me to put a case to him which tests in here this morning. Since then, I must confess what is it that makes it so? What are the massive | the sophistry: my mind has had reason to undergo a change on columns that uphold this towering dome of Ameri

The CHẢIRMAN stated that the gentleman that subject. It is true, we are told with an easy can liberty in its majestic might—in that grandeur || from Massachusetts [Mr. Rantoul) had yielded air and grace not to be afraid that the legacy of which challenges the admiration of the world? the floor to allow an explanation to be made, and Washington will be thrown away! Sir, those My countrymen—for so shall I appeal to you he did not conceive the gentleman had a right to were wise and patriotic words that fell from the this day while you are acting, as you now are, yield it to others. lips of Patrick Henry, “ The price of liberty is upon this resolution in violation of the law of the Mr. RANTOUL yielded the floor. eternal vigilance." I have received a new lesson | House I address you as a town-meeting, for you Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia. We have a upon that subject here this day.. We are here in have no rightful power to consider this resolution | standing rule of this House that bills shall be the American Congress, having intrusted to us, if but by an overthrow of your own rules and in offered in a particular manner. Suppose an indiyou please, that legacy. I hold in my hand the open disregard of public law-I say to you, that vidual member arises and moves as an exception Constitution of the United States, which imbodies this great work of American liberty, my country- to allow his bill to come in, would it be sophistry that language, and which we have all sworn to men, this great achievement which no other na- to urge that the House should not change the rule? support—that this Constitution says that the mem- tion or people have ever attained, depends solely No, no, I move barely this as an exception to the bers of this House shall make rules for their gov- upon the supremacy of the law. This is the standing rules. You cannot make an exception to ernment. We have made rules in the exercise of whole secret-a strict maintenance of the law. a standing rule, but by changing it. The rule has this power granted Here they are. These rules | The first step towards despotism is a disregard of to be removed to make the exception. I think are the law of this House as much binding upon || law. When the restraints of law are removed, the gentleman would so decide, could he see every member of it as any law of the land. The anarchy reigns until force is called in for self-pres- | through the Kossuth fog which has come over his 17th of these rules declares who shall be entitled | ervation; and I call upon every man that regards

brain, to a place or seat on this floor. All others are his own country, not only to stand this day by Mr. GENTRY. I would gladly answer the excluded. Louis Kossuth does not come within the laws of this House, but by the principles upon question propounded to me by my friend from either of the classes of persons herein named as which his own Government was founded, and do Georgia, (Mr. Stephens,) but another gentleman those who may be admitted upon the floor. The not, in an eager desire to be conspicuous in giving was talking to me when he propounded it, and 136th rule declares that there shall be no change or evidence of a surpassing liberality abroad, over- prevented me from hearing or comprehending him. alteration of either of the standing rules of this || throw and demolish the outposts of liberty at

It is by no means essential to the purpose of this House without one day's notice. The gentleman || home.

debate, waiving all question of rules, I assume from Ohio (Mr. Cartter) comes in here and Mr. GENTRY. In reply to my friend from here, and do it fearlessly, that while ordinarily due moves a resolution giving the privileges of the Georgia, (Mr. STEPHENS,] I will say, in all frank- deference and observation ought to be paid to the floor to a person not now entitled under the 17th ness, that although I have been a member of this rules we have instituted for the regulation of the standing rule, and without any notice. Not only | House a good many years, I have not scanned and ordinary business of legislation, an occasion may this, but he moves this resolution in Committee of studied the rules with great care. I have thought | arise when the rules may be set aside by the will the Whole on the state of the Union, where, ac- that, generally, business was more expedited by of the House, in deference to what the public necording to all parliamentary law, no original mat- acquiescing in a wrong decision, than by debating cessity may demand. We do it every day upon ter can originate; and yet I have here this day | questions of order; and hence I generally put myself the most trivial questions, and I am surprised that seen a majority of this House disregard precedent, | under the protection of the Speaker, or the Chair- | the thunders of my friend's eloquence have not usage, and the express law of the House under man, as the case may be, and in most cases am wil- || heretofore been heard upon this floor, when he has the Constitution, and sustain this unheard-of pro- i ling to abide their decision. Thus frankly disclaim- seen questions of order decided one way to-day, ceeding-carried away, I suppose, by this late | ing everything like pretensions to a very accurate and reversed the next day. We have constantly-recontagious sympathy for the cause of intervening knowledge of the rules of the House, and of par- || curring examples of opposite and contrary discusin other nations' affairs in order to give and se- liamentary law, I must say that the gentleman's sion upon questions of order, just according to the cure universal liberty to mankind. And I have argument rests mainly upon an assumption, which, humor of the House. I am sure this declaration seen the gentleman from Tennessee himself acting in my humble opinion, is unfounded in fact. In will be supported by every gentleman who has with that majority-riding “rough-shod my opinion, the House has not overridden its rules, any experience on the floor. This habit has, I the laws of this House to be civil and courteous as contended by the gentleman. If you look into think, grown into an abuse that ought to be corto a man who comes here to teach us that Washing- | the copy of the rules before you, you will find it rected. However, admitting what he says is true, ton did not understand the interests of this coun- noted there, that in the early history of the Gov- I stand where I stood in regard to the proprieties try as well as he does—this, too, in the very pre- ernment no proposition touching an appropriation of the occasion. I do not admit the arguments sence of the Father of his Country, as his noble of money could originate elsewhere than in a or conclusions of the gentleman. He says if we countenance beams from yonder canvas. It i Committee of the Whole House. That being found | invite the gentleman in we are bound to indorse comes,

sir, with a bad grace from the gentleman inconvenient, the rule was changed in that regard. his note. I am willing to rest it there. I say if to tell me, in the midst of these scenes, and what | My opinion is, that when the House chooses to a man of high character, of honorable and high I have here this day witnessed, not to be “afraid resolve itself into a Committee of the Whole upon aim, one as he has been so known and recognized that the legacy of Washington will be thrown the state of the Union, the Committee of the Whole through his whole life, shall be overtaken and away." Here the gentleman stands, and here a may make any report back to the House which overwhelmed by misfortune, although I may bemajority of this House stands, presenting the it may believe to be demanded by the exigencies lieve he had come to my house to ask me to instrange spectacle to the world of taking the initia- of the Union. That is my belief; but I will waive | dorse his note for $50,000, which in view of what tive step for assuming jurisdiction over the liber- that. I will not argue it. It is needless to do so. was due to myself and children, I would be bound ties of all the rest of mankind by grossly violating In answer to the gentleman's argument that to to refuse, yet I could not, as a gentleman, shut and overriding the laws of their own Govern- | pass the resolution now under consideration will the door in his face, because I knew he had core ment. Poor defenders, gentlemen, you will prove be to change a standing rule of the House, in pal- to ask a favor which duty would not permit me yourselves to be of other people's liberties when pable violation of that rule of the House which to grant. Am not I, under such circumstances , you will not maintain the bulwarks of your own! | requires notice to be given in advance of such bound to invite him in? Am not I bound to exAnd never would I, if I were Kossuth, place proposition, before it can be made, I maintain tend to him every civility, which a gentleman, much reliance on the promises of any people to ihai by the action now proposed we change no and especially a gentleman overwhelmed by mis

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