opinion which will be at all available, we should not authorized to print it. This resolution merely directs the Joint Committee on Printing, who are presumed to know all about this subject, to contract at fair prices with the individuals named in the resolution for printing just such matter as Congress declared in express terms should be prepared-nothing more and nothing less. Hence there is no force in the argument that we should delay the consideration of the subject for the purpose of enabling this bureau to lay before us all the matter which they have collected. I am willing, howthat the resolution should lie over to next ever, Monday. After a brief conversation as to the proper course to pursue, the joint resolution was made the special order for Tuesday week, the 6th January, at half past twelve o'clock. RECEPTION OF KOSSUTH.. A message was received from the President of the United States, by M. P. FILLMORE, Esq., his Private Secretary: which it is proposed we shall pass. He seems to suppose that we are merely to refer this subject to a joint committee of the two Houses; that that committee is to take some preliminary steps; and that, after the joint resolution passes, we are to have some control over the subject. But the effect of it is to put the committee in the place of Congress as to the disposition of this printing. They are to make the contract; they are to make no report to us; they are to get no further directions from us; their contract is not to be sanctioned by us. When made by them, it is a contract of the Government. The Senator said that the census us returns ought to be published; that they are wanted that they are needed. I asked the Senator for what? What we are now considering is a mere question of time. Everybody admits that they ought to be published; but I desire to know where is the necessity? What public purpose is to be served by having them printed now? What publie injury will be sustained by delaying the publication a week? That is all that is asked. It is impossible to assign any reason why there should be such hot haste in the publication. Mr. GWIN. The Senator from North CaroSurely, they ought to be published; and that in a lina [Mr. BADGER] speaks of " hot haste." Is it reasonable time. But they ought to be published not known to every Senator that this subject was in such a manner as to do credit to the country, so brought to our attention near a year ago by the On the motion of Mr. SHIELDS, the President as to perpetuate in the best manner the materials President or by the head of one of the Depart-pro tem, was authorized to supply the vacancy contained in the returns. But they ought to be ments? Is it not known that it was pressed then, occasioned by the resignation of Mr. FOOTE in published with some reasonable care, that there and that we should have acted on it then? Has the special committee appointed under a resolushall be no unnecessary expenditure; and particu- not this resolution been before us almost from the tion of the Senate, to wait upon Louis Kossuth larly in passing this joint resolution for the pub- commencement of this Congress? I do not think on his arrival at the capital, and introduce him to hration of the census returns, we should, as has there has been any "hot haste" about it. The the Senate of the United States. been suggested by my friend from Maryland, [Mr. question presented is, whether we shall take this PRATT, not turn the Superintendent of the Cen-up and act upon it. If it is taken up now, as long sus Bureau into a historiographer, and biographer of the United States, and of all the counties in the States thereof-for I presume that this must contain information as to "the first families" in those parts of the United States where they are so fortunate as to have first families. I think we have a right to have some little time to inquire into this matter. But again, Mr. President, I ask you, if such a thing has ever been known since you have served in the Senate certainly it never has to my knowlelge since I have been here-of a measure of considerable importance, involving the expenditure of money to the amount, as some gentlemen say, of a million and a half of dollars, being hurried Through this body during the Christmas holidays? Again, the Senator from Connecticut says he desires to be heard upon the subject of the resolution. He gives his reasons why; though ready himself, he has not had an opportunity heretofore of being heard. He wishes to be heard by a full Senate, and not by a body consisting of little more than a constitutional quorum, and he asks the indulgence of the Senate for the postponement of this subject until the day following our next meeting. I ask you, sir, if, in your experience of the proceedings of the body, such a request at this season was ever denied to any Senator? This resolution is an important one besides and beyond the amount of pable money which it is proposed to expend. I confess, that to me the amount of the expenditure is not the primary consideration. If this work be published, I wish it to be published well; I wish those who print it to be well paid for their work. But this involves another question-namely, as to our diverting from, and ultimately subverting, the system which has prevailed here of printing by contract. I agree with the Senator from Indiana [Mr. BRIGHT] entirely in regard to the contract system. I am opposed to it. I have been willing for years to vote for a law or joint resolution to abolish it. Our experience in this body, as well as that of the other House, has shown that under it we get documents wretchedly published upon bad paper, with worse printing and still worse binding. For one, I am tired and sick of it. The publications are disgraceful to the body that has them published; and the probability is, that in most of them, in a few years, the ink will have destroyed the miserable substitute for paper, and leave them illegible. My mind has been made up on that subject, and I agree with the Senator from Indiana in regard to it. When this resolution comes up, I should be glad to see a provision appended to it for repealing the joint resolution or law under which the contract system exists. But if the Senator from Indiana considers for a moment, he will see that in order to have an expression of as it is before the Senate it will postpone other Mr. BADGER. I think the Senator from Cali- Mr. GWIN. I certainly did not hear that. But all that I have to say is, that I want this resolution taken up for consideration, so that it may be taken up as unfinished business at the next meeting of the Senate. Mr. BRIGHT. I certainly did not understand the honorable Senator from Connecticut as objectng to the consideration of the resolution on the ground of his inability to address the Senate today. I should not have pressed this matter, if I had so understood him. Mr. BADGER. I understand that my statement was a mistake. It was the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. UNDERWOOD,] and not the Senator from Connecticut, who pleaded indisposition. Mr. PRESIDENT: I am directed by the President of the United States to inform the Senate that he has approved and signed the joint resolution of the two Houses of Congress entitled "A resolution of welcome to Louis Kossuth." The PRESIDENT appointed Mr. CASS. Mr. SHIELDS subsequently rose, and made The PRESIDENT stated the question to be on the adoption of the report. The report was adopted. DESTRUCTION OF THE CONGRESS LIBRARY. The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate a letter from John S. Meehan, Librarian to Congress, communicating information of the destruction by fire, on the 24th instant, of the books, paintings, statuary, medals, and other property of the Government, in the principal saloon of the Library of Congress; which was read, as follows: LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, December 25, 1851. SIR: It is my very painful duty to communicate to Congress the destruction of the books, paintings, statuary, medals, and other property of the principal Saloon of their Library, yesterday morning, by fire that originated in the room, in a manner to me altogether unaccountable, as no fires have been used in it for a long time, and no candles, lamps, or other lights, have ever been used in it during the whole time that it has been under my charge. I have not been able to ascertain the precise number of the books that were destroyed, but believe that it may be estimated at about thirty-five thousand. It is truly gratifying to have it in my power to add, that Mr. BRIGHT. I am not disposed to press the consideration of this subject on a thin Senate. I do not desire this resolution to pass unless it has merit, and unless it ought to pass. I introduced it at an early day of the session, believing that it was important that the work should be entered upon. It will be a very voluminous work. It will require time; and it will require the expend- about twenty thousand volumes of books that were in the iture of a large sum of money, but nothing like the sum named by the honorable Senator from Maryland, [Mr. PRATT,] and the honorable Senator from North Carolina, [Mr. MANGUM.] The cost of the printing of the last census amounted to less than $200,000, and I feel authorized to say, on inquiry which I have made, that the cost of this printing will amount to less than $300,000. The honorable Senator from Maryland inquires what it is we are to print. He thinks the gentleman who has charge of this subject ought to lay on our tables the forms of the returns. I understood him to say that there is a great deal of historical matter connected with the census returns which will be placed before us to be printed. The answer to his inquiry is to be found in the law of the last Congress. We are to print the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States and such statistics as shall be reported by the committee appointed by this body to prepare the work. If the Census Bureau has collected historical matter relating to Maryland and other States of the Union not contemplated by the law, we clearly are Law Room, and in the two rooms adjoining the Saloon of the Library, are safe. Many of these books belonged to the library of the late President Jefferson, that was purchased by Congress in the year 1815. They constitute the several chapters in the Catalogue of the Library, agreeably to Mr. Jefferson's classification, under the following heads: Ancient History; American History; Ecclesiastical History; Chemistry; Mineralogy and Conchology; Moral Philosophy; Law of Nature and Nations; the five chapters composing the law department of the Library; Religion; Politics, (including the science of Legislation, Political Economy, Commerce, Banking Statistics, &c.,) part of the chapter on Architecture, and the entire chapter on Music; Dialogue and Epistolary ; Logic; Rhetoric and Orations, and the Theory of Criticism. I sincerely hope that the searching investigation Congress will give to the distressing event, which every lover of science and literature must deeply deplore, will lead to a detection of the causes that produced it, and to the adoption of means that will prevent, in all future time, a recurrence of the sad calamity. With the most respectful regard, I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, JOHN S. MEEHAN, Librarian. To the Hon. W. R. KING, President of the Senate, U. S. Congress. A message was received from the House of Representatives by Mr. FORNEY, their Clerk: Mr. PRESIDENT: The House of Representatives have passed a joint resolution authorizing an inquiry into the origin of the late fire, by which the Congressional Library was destroyed. Also a bill making appropriation to meet the expenses incurred in consequence of the late fire at the Capitol; in which resolution and bill they request the concurrence of the Senate. The resolution was read a first and second time, as follows: Joint Resolution authorizing an inquiry into the origin of the late fire, by which the Congressional Library was destroyed. Resolved, That the Joint Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds be instructed to inquire into the origin of the fire by which the Congressional Library was consumed, on the 24th instant, and whether the same occurred from the negligence of any officer of Government, or person in the employment of either or both Houses of Congress, or from the defective construction of the furnaces or flues, or was the act of an incendiary; and also the extent of injury to the building, and the best mode of reconstructing the Library Room, so as to afford perfect security in the future against the like disaster, and report the facts to the House. The said committee shall have power to send for and examine, on oath, such persons as may have information touching the premises. Mr. BADGER. I move to refer that resolution to the Committee on Public Buildings. The resolution was so referred. The bill was read the first and second time, as follows: An Act making an appropriation to meet the expense incurred in consequence of the late fire at the Capitol. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the sum of five thousand dollars be, and the same is hereby appropriated, out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, to be expended, or so much thereof as may be necessary, under the direction of the Commissioner of Public Buildings, in discharge of expenses incurred in the extinguishment of the late fire in the Library Room, the removal of the rubbish, and the preservation of such books and other articles as may have been saved, and the construction of a tin roof for the preservation and protection of the public building now exposed. Mr. CASS. I have another section which I wish to add to the bill. It is a short section, simply that the sum of(say ten thousand dollars) be appropriated to the purchase of a new library. The amendment is as follows: dollars And be it further enacted, That the sum of be and the same is hereby appropriated for the purchase of books for the Library of Congress, to be expended under the direction of the Joint Committee on the Library. On the motion of Mr. BADGER, the bill and amendment were referred to the Committee on Finance. Mr. WHITCOMB, from the Committee on Public Buildings, to whom was referred the resolution authorizing an inquiry into the origin of the late fire, by which the Congressional Library was destroyed, reported it without amendment. On the motion of Mr. WALKER, the Senate proceeded to consider the said resolution as in Committee of the Whole. Mr. CASS. I regret that the resolution does not contain any provision about constructing the wings of the Capitol so as to render them indestructible. Our public buildings are constructed in a shameful manner. I wish to have an amendment inserted as to the construction of the wings, but I suppose that cannot be done without delaying the investigation. I am therefore willing to postponé it. The resolution was reported to the Senate without amendment. Mr. BADGER. I wish to ask whether if that joint resolution should pass in its present form, it would have to go to the President of the United States for his signature? The PRESIDENT. If the resolution shall be passed in its present shape, it will require the concurrence of the President. The usual mode is to pass a concurrent resolution-the House to appoint a committee to act jointly with such committee as may be appointed by the Senate. Mr. BADGER. That thought occurred to me. It seems to me to be a very great outrage that we should pass a resolution to inquire into a fire in our building in such a form that it cannot go into effect without the signature of the President of the United States. The resolution ought to be amended. It should not pass in its present form. I move to lay it on the table for the present. The motion was agreed to. Mr. CASS submitted the following resolutions for consideration: Resolved, That a committee be appointed, jointly with such committee as may be appointed on the part of the House of Representatives, to inquire into and report the cause of the recent fire in the Capitol; and also, what measures it is proper to take to prevent the occurrence of a similar accident hereafter. And the said committee be also instructed to examine the proposed mode of construction of the addition to the Capitol, and ascertain whether it is intended to render the same fire-proof, and, if not, what should be done to secure it, as far as possible, from the danger of fire. Resolved, That the Committee on the Library be instructed to examine and report what measures should be taken immediately to procure such books as may be most indispensable; and what plan it is best to adopt to procure a library, which, in its extent and in the character of the works, shall be sufficiently useful and honorable to the country. The Senate then adjourned to Friday next. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. The House met at twelve o'clock, m. The Journal of Friday last was read and approved. Mr. GILMORE, of Pennsylvania, appeared to day, and, after taking the usual oath to support the Constitution of the United States, took his seat. RECEPTION OF KOSSUTH. Mr. CARTTER. I move that the House resolve itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, with a view of proposing a resolution in the committee. I hope the House will permit me, at least, to make a single remark. I wish to say that the friends of the resolution do not contemplate any action of the committee or the House towards opening this Hall to any harangues, but simply to carry out quietly an act of courtesy, the initiative of which the nation has already taken. The resolution was then read, as follows: Resolved, That a committee of five be appointed by the Speaker, to wait upon Louis Kossuth, and introduce him to the House of Representatives. Mr. McMULLIN objected. Mr. CARTTER moved that the rules be suspended for the purpose, and on that motion demanded the yeas and nays; which were ordered. Mr. BAYLY, of Virginia. I would suggest, that if the motion of the gentleman from Ohio prevails, the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union cannot take up that resolution. They can entertain no subject but such as has been referred to it. The SPEAKER. That question is not now before the House. Mr. McMULLIN. Is it in order to move a call of the House? The SPEAKER. Mr. McMULLIN. tion. The question was put, whether there should be a call, and determined in the negative. It is in order. Then I make such a mo The question was then taken upon Mr. CARTTER'S motion, and resulted-yeas 103, nays 49; as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Willis Allen, Allison, John Appleton, William Appleton, Babcock, Bartlett, Beale, Bissell, Bowie, Bowne, John H. Boyd, Brenton, Briggs, Buell, Busby, Joseph Cable, Lewis D. Campbell, Carter, Chapman, Chastain, Cleveland, Clingman, Conger, George T. Davis, John G. Davis, Dean, Disney, Doty, Durkee, Eastman, Ficklin, Floyd, Fowler, Henry M. Fuller, Thomas J. D. Fuller, Gaylord, Gentry, Giddings, Gilmore, Gorman, Green, Grow, Hascall, Hendricks, Horsford, John W. Howe, Thomas M. Howe, Hunter, Ingersoll, Ives, Jolm Johnson, Robert W. Johnson, Daniel T. Jones, George G. King, Preston King, Kuhns, Letcher, Mace, Mann, Edward C. Marshall, McDonald, Meachain, Miner, Molony, John Moore, Nabers, Newton, Olds, Peaslee, Penniman, Perkins, Rantoul, Richardson, Riddle, Robie, Robinson, Sackett, Schermerhorn, Seudder, David L. Seymour, Origen S. Seymour, Skelton, Smart, Snow, Benjamin Stanton, Frederick P. Stanton, Richard H. Stanton, Stratton, Stuart, Sutherland, Sweetser, George W. Thompson, Thurston, Townshend, Tuck, Walbridge, Walsh, Ward. Washburn, Welch, Addison White, Wildrick, and Yates-103. NAYS-Messrs. Abercrombie, Aiken, Ashe, Averett, Barrere, Thomas H. Bayly, Bocock, Bragg, A. G. Brown, E. C. Cabell, Caldwell, Churchwell, Clark, Cullom, Dockery, Edmundson, Ewing, Fitch, Goodenow, Hall, Hamilton, Harper, Isham G. Harris, Sampson W. Harris, Haven, Hebard, Henn, Hillyer, Jackson, Andrew Johnson, James Johnson, George W. Jones, Humphrey Marshall, Martin, McMullin, Millson, Morehead, Murphy, Orr, Powell, Savage, Scurry, Smith, Stanly, Taylor, Venable, Walace, Watkins, and Williams-49. So the rules were suspended, and the House resolved itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. JONES, of Tennessee, in the chair.) Mr. CARTTER. I move that the committee take up the resolution which I send to the Clerk's desk; and I ask that it may be reported. The CHAIRMAN. The first business in order is the resolutions proposing to refer the President's message to the appropriate committees. Mr. CARTTER. Did the Chair hear my motion? The CHAIRMAN. What was the gentleman's motion? Mr. CARTTER. My motion was to take up a resolution which I sent to the Clerk's table for the consideration of the committee as its first business. The CHAIRMAN. The rule requires that the business shall be taken up in the order in which it stands on the calendar. Mr. CARTTER. I move, then, to lay aside all other business, and take up my resolution. The CHAIRMAN. The first business is the resolutions referring the President's message. Mr. CARTTER. One of the subjects referred to in the President's message is the subject of my resolution. I move to take up that subject in the form of my resolution, and act upon it. The CHAIRMAN. That motion is not in order. Mr. CARTTER. Do I understand the Chair to decide that it is not in order to take up a subject embraced in the President's message which has been referred to this committee, and which is imbodied in the proposed resolution? The CHAIRMAN. It is not in order to make that motion, as it is not the first business in order upon the calendar. Mr. CARTTER. Well, then, I move to lay aside the resolutions relating to the President's message, with a view to take up my resolution. The question being taken, the motion was agreed to, and the resolutions were laid aside. The CHAIRMAN stated the next business in order to be the joint resolution authorizing the Architect of the Capitol to continue in employment the mechanics, laborers, and others employed upon the two wings thereof. Mr. CARTTER moved to lay that resolution aside. Mr. WALSH. I hope that resolution will not be laid aside, but will be acted upon at once. I am perfectly willing to do every appropriate honor to Louis Kossuth, and to extend to him a hearty welcome; but I think that our own people who are suffering, are entitled to precedence. I hope, therefore, that the motion will not prevail Mr. RICHARDSON demanded tellers; which were ordered; and Messrs. STANTON, of Tennessee, and CARTTER were appointed. The question was then taken, and there wereayes 85, noes 58. So the resolution was laid aside. Mr. CARTTER. I would now inquire of the Chairman, what orders have precedence of the resolution which I have submitted? The CHAIRMAN. Nothing. The committee has disposed of the business referred to it by the House and now has nothing before it. Mr. CARTTER. I now move the resolution which I have sent to the Clerk's table, and ask that it may be reported. The CHAIRMAN. It is not in order. The committee has no business before it. Mr. CARTTER. But I move this resolution as business, and I again call for its reading. The CHAIRMAN. The Chair has informed the committee that, having disposed of the business referred to it by the House, there is no business before it, and it is the opinion of the Chair that the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union cannot originate business. Mr. CARTTER. I appeal from that decision, and I ask that my resolution may be read, in order that the committee may vote intelligibly on that appeal. Mr. FICKLIN. I desire to inquire of the Chair, if a resolution cannot as well be offered before the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, as before a standing committee or any other committee? Several MEMBERS. Certainly. The CHAIRMAN. The Chair has before stated that the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union has charge of, and jurisdiction over, only such business as may have been referred to it by the House. In reference to the standing committees of the House, the Chair is aware that the rule is differ ent. The rules of the House prescribe the duties and jurisdiction of each of the standing committees, but do not prescribe the duty of this committee. The Chair, therefore, decides that this committee can originate no business. From this decision the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. CARTTER] appeals. Mr. BAYLY, of Virginia. I would suggest another reason why the decision just given by the Chair is a correct one, besides the conclusive one which the Chair has given. Mr. CLINGMAN. I object, unless there is to be an opportunity granted for reply. Mr. BAYLY. I rise to a point of order. The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is out of order. There is nothing before the committee except the appeal from the decision of the Chair. Mr. BAYLY. Well; I meant to debate that appeal. Mr. CLINGMAN. I object to its being debated. The CHAIRMAN. The Chair decides that in the present case the appeal is debatable, although the Chair is aware it is departing from the general rules which govern the committee. Mr. CARTTER. I appeal from the last de cision of the Chair. The CHAIRMAN. The appeal is not in order. Mr. BAYLY. I do not intend to detain the committee, but I do intend to say that I think the decision of the Chair is clearly right. This resolution proposes to raise a select committee. Now, the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union cannot raise such a committee. It is, of itself, only a committee. Such a committee as the resolution contemplates can only be raised by the House itself. It Mr. CLINGMAN. I must say that it seems to me the position taken by the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. BAYLY] is a very singular one. is true that the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union cannot appoint a committee. This resolution, however, proposes no such thing. It proposes only to recommend to the House the appointment of the committee. A message was here received from the President of the United States, announcing that he had approved and signed a joint resolution providing for the printing of additional copies of the Journals and other documents.] Mr. C. continued: I was about to say that the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union can recommend to the House the passage of any resolution or bill which any other committee can recommend; and it can originate a resolution such as any other committee might originate-for the appointment of a committee, or for any particular purpose. We have repeatedly had recommendations for the appointment of committees upon particular abjects, emanating from the standing committees of this House. They report their recommendations to the House, but the House adopt the resolutions and appoint the committees. If the Committee of the Whole should pass this resolation, it will not undertake to appoint the special committee. The resolution, in the event of its passage, will be reported to the House; and if the House then adopt it, the Speaker will appoint the committee. Its appointment will be the action of the House, and not of the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. I think, therefore, that the Chair will not hesitate to decide this question-if it be a matter of division-that the committee have the right to recommend this resotion to the House. This very subject (I mean that of Kossuth) has been referred to this committee, among various others, in the President's message. We all know that it is the practice of this committee, when various subjects are referred to it in the President's message, to report upon one part of that message on one day, and upon another part on another day. We are not obliged to make one report only upon that message. I submit, therefore, that, as the President's message is now before us, and as this subject is embraced in that message, we have the right to take this subject up, and report this resolution to the House. A MEMBER. It is not before the committee. Mr. CLINGMAN. I understood the Chairman to decide that it was before the committee. Mr. BAYLY. It has been laid aside. Mr. CLINGMAN. Then we can take it up again. I make this point, that as there is now no business regularly before the committee, it is com Mr. CLINGMAN. That was precisely my understanding. If the facts are as stated by the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. BAYLY,] we can take up the subject again; but if it is already before the committee, why so much the better. Mr. GORMAN. I desire to say just one word. to Kossuth, in connection with that part of the message relating to him, would be in order. Mr. STANTON, of Tennessee. I do not think there can be any difficulty in regard to this question. It seems to be admitted on all sides that the President's message is before the committee. This resolution is pertinent to that message, and is therefore in order. Now, sir, the President's message is still before the committee, and we cannot discharge ourselves from the consideration of it. We have not attempted to do so. We have merely laid aside the consideration of particular resolutions in reference to that message, for the express purpose, as understood by everybody, of taking up this very resolution in reference to Kos sage. The message is still before the committee, and we can take up this resolution, or any other which is equally pertinent to the President's message. That is what we propose to do. Mr. STEPHENS. That is not the question at all. I understand that the President's message has been laid aside. Mr. STANTON, of Tennessee. Not at all. But if it had been, we could take it up again for the purpose of passing this resolution, which is pertinent. It seems to me that the practice of the House jus-suth-a subject which is referred to in that mestifies the introduction of this resolution. I understand that it has been the practice in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, on the principle of right, to report a resolution asking to be discharged from the further consideration of any subject. I understand the President's messageat least, the general subjects contained in it-is still before the committee. If so, it seems to me that a resolution relating to it, but contemplating no action in committee further than a report to the House, can be originated here. It seems to me introduced (if I may be permitted to the expression) by common right, ist under stand it, this resolution, which the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. CARTTER] proposes, is simply to refer the matter to the House. It is not to originate any new business-it is not a subject of legislative business to which it refers: it is a matter entirely within the jurisdiction of the committee, totally irrespective of any legislative action. That is my view of it. Mr. OLDS. It seems to me that we have fallen into error in not considering the condition which this committee is now in. According to parliamentary law, the Committee of the Whole can act only with reference to such matters as are referred to it by the House; but the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union is not subject to such restrictions, because it has under consideration the state of the Union, and it is raised for the purpose of taking into consideration everything pertaining to the Union. And when you, Mr. Chairman, leave that chair, you are compelled to make a report to the Speaker different from that which you would make if you were chairman of the Committee of the Whole-not on the state of the Union. You are compelled to report that the Committee of the Whole have had under consideration the state of the Union generally, and specially the subject upon which the committee had been engaged. Let me refer to precedent. If I recollect aright, during the last Congress a gentleman from Wisconsin was allowed to introduce into the Committee of the Whole a bill to admit California into the Union, and he was sustained by the House. If you will go back and examine the practice of this House, you will find that in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, some of the most important war measures have been originated, and have been reported from that committee to the House for its action. It is different from the Committee of the Whole; it is the Committee of the Whole upon the state of the Union; and you have under consideration everything pertaining to the state of the Union; and therefore you can originate measures of this kind in it, and report them to the House for its action thereon. Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia. Do I understand the gentleman to say that the Committee of the Whole upon the state of the Union have originated any proposition? Mr. OLDS. I so understand it. Certain it is that during the last Congress the gentleman from Wisconsin introduced a bill into that committee for the admission of California into the Union. Mr. STEPHENS. That bill was introduced in connection with the President's message. It was never reported to the House as an original proposition; if it had been I undertake to say that it would never have been sustained by this House. There is not in the history of this country, a case in which the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union originated any matter. They could not do it, and have no power to do it. The committee has already laid aside the consideration of the President's message. If that message were now under consideration, the resolution in relation Mr. STEPHENS. When we take up the mes sage, then this resolution will be in order Mr. STANTON, of Tennessee. The President's message is still before the committee. This resolution is pertinent to it, and in taking it up, we take up that particular branch of the message. It is therefore perfectly in order, and in the hands of the committee. The CHAIRMAN. The President's message was first before the committee. The committee by a vote laid the message aside, and it is not now under consideration. After all the business upon the calendar was disposed of by the committee, a proposition was made by the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. CARTTER] to introduce a resolution. The Chair decided that the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union could originate no subject within itself. It could only act upon such questions as had been referred to it by the House. From that decision the gentleman from Ohio took an appeal. The Chair, for reasons first assigned, is still of opinion that the decision is correct; and for other reasons, he is confirmed in that opinion, and more strongly than before. By referring to the 134th rule, it will be found that it is provided that the rules of proceedings in the House shall be observed in a Committee of the Whole House, so far as they may be applicable-except the rule limiting the times of speaking-and no member shall speak twice to any question, until every member choosing to speak shall have spoken. Now one of the standing rules of this House is, that no member shall introduce a resolution or make a proposition except by unanimous consent, or when the States are called for resolutions. That rule, then, is applicable to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. Suppose that this resolution had been offered to the House, and objected to: no motion could have been made, under the rules, to suspend them for its admission, consequently it could not have been introduced. A motion could only be made on Monday to suspend the rules, and this would be the only way, in the House, in which this resolution could be introduced upon any other day than Monday, except by unanimous consent. Mr. STUART. I wish to inquire of the Chair how his decision, that this appeal is debatable, can be sustained; it being an appeal founded upon the order of business? The CHAIRMAN. The Chair stated, when this appeal was taken, that it was a new question, and for that reason he would decide that it was debatable. The Chair is now perfectly clear that the decision appealed from is right. The Chair has no pride of opinion about it, and is perfectly willing that the committee should overrule it, and say what shall be done. [Cries of" Question!" "Question!"] Tellers were demanded and ordered, and Messrs. VENABLE and CARTTER were appointed. The question was then taken, and the tellers reported-ayes 68, noes 80. So the decision of the Chair was overruled. Mr. CARTTER. I now offer the resolution, that a committee of five be appointed by the Chair to wait upon Louis Kossuth, upon his arrival at the capital, and introduce him to the House of Representatives. Mr. BAYLY, of Virginia. I rise to a question of order. The point I make is, that special committees can only be appointed by the Speaker, unless the House order otherwise. This is a proposition to appoint a special committee by the chairman of the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. I submit it cannot be done. The CHAIRMAN. The Chair is of opinion that the point of order raised by the gentleman from Virginia is well taken. Mr. CARTTER. I will modify it by inserting the word "Speaker" in the place of the word "Chair." Mr. FICKLIN. Change the phraseology so that it shall read that it be recommended to the Speaker to appoint a committee, &c. Mr. RICHARDSON. I want to make a single suggestion. I fully concur with the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. BAYLY] in the point of order raised by him. In my opinion there is but one plan by which the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. CARTTER] can attain his object. It is by recommending to the House the passage of a resolution to authorize the raising of a committee. That is the only way in which it can be done. Mr. STANTON, of Tennessee. I understand the object of this resolution is nothing more than a recommendation to the Speaker of the House. Every subject that comes before the House in the form of a bill, which is passed upon in Commitee of the Whole, is merely passed as a recommendation to the House to pass it. So with this resolution. Before it passes the House it must first pass the committee. It is nothing more than a recommendation to the House. Mr. HALL moved that the committee rise. Mr. CARTTER. Is that motion subject to amendment? [Cries of "Tellers!" "Tellers!"] Tellers were ordered; and Messrs. CULLOM, and KING of New York, were appointed. The question having been taken, the tellers reported-ayes 44, noes 85. So the motion that the committee rise was negatived. Mr. CAMPBELL, of Ohio. Is an amendment in order now? The CHAIRMAN. The resolution is not yet before the committee. Mr. CARTTER. I ask that the resolution be now reported. The CLERK then read the resolution, as follows: Resolved, That a committee of five be appointed by the Speaker to wait upon Louis Kossuth, and introduce him to the House of Representatives. Mr. CARTTER. The resolution is now subject for the action of the committee. I move the committee rise and report the resolution to the House, with the recommendation that it do pass. Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia. I do not understand the resolution is yet before the committee. The CHAIRMAN. The Chair considers the resolution now before the committee. Mr. STEPHENS. Iobject to the reception of the resolution, under the 136th rule, which provides" that no standing rule or order of the House 'shall be rescinded or changed without one day's 'notice being given of the motion therefor; nor 'shall any rule be suspended except by a vote of at least two thirds of the members present; nor shall the order of business, as established by the 'rules, be postponed or changed, except by a vote of at least two thirds of the members present. The 17th rule defines what class of persons shall be admitted upon the floor of the House. It is a downright breaking down of the rules of the House, if this resolution is entertained without one day's previous notice. Cries of "Question!" "Question!" The CHAIRMAN. The Chair concurs in opinion, individually, with the gentleman from Georgia; and but for the recent vote of the House overruling the decision of the Chair, he would sustain the question of order. Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia. This is another and entirely distinct point, and I call upon the Chair to decide it. I call also for the reading of the rules. The CHAIRMAN. The Chair thinks the committee suspended the rules, and are now acting without rules, as they intend to get the subject Mr. STEPHENS. It then amounts to this- Mr. CARTTER. I rise to a question of order. I understood the Chair to state that the resolution was before the committee for their action. After that decision of the Chair, and without an appeal being taken from it, the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. STEPHENS] first, and then afterwards the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. BAYLY,] rise to questions of order as to the reception of the resolution in committee. Now, is it in order to do this after the committee have received it? The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. BAYLY] appeals from the decision of the Chair, deciding that the resolution was before the committee. Mr. CLINGMAN. I wish to submit this to the consideration of the Chair, whether the 136th rule referred to does not apply to motions made in the House by individual members to change the rule, and not to reports of the Committee on Rules, or of the Committee of the Whole? The one day's previous notice is necessary on the part of an individual member, but not by a committee. before he reached the shores of England, became a propagandist. At Southampton, almost in hearing of the coast of Ireland, where the shrieks of the families of Mitchell and O'Brien had but lately rent the air, he eulogized the British Government, who had awarded to those patriots the fate from which the intervention of our Government had rescued him. Believing that there are no degrees in despotism, I did not comprehend the propriety or admire the taste of that eulogy. Since he has landed on our shores he has disavowed the character of an emigrant seeking an asylum in our country, but is an avowed propagandist of political heresy, so far as we are concerned -harmless, I admit, unless made mischievous by our indorsement. The coolness with which he announced in his speech to the New York Bar, that if Russia should disregard the policy of non-intervention which he recommended to our country, we must fight or be disgraced, left nothing to be disclosed as to his purpose or his policy. He has followed up that demonstration, until in Baltimore, recognizing a difference between the people and the Government, he calls for a pronunciamento as to the propriety of intervention should Russia interfere hereafter in the affairs of Hungary. Sir, I am opposed to any act which commits this Government to intervention in the disputes which embarrass and often convulse the Old World. Separated by oceans and by distance, the problem is left to us to work out, what can be done for human liberty by those who duly appreciate the principles on which it is founded? And here let me remind the committee, that there is a great prac tical evil in interference in the domestic affairs of other nations. He has read history with but little profit, and observed his own times without improvement, who has not learned that all communities who deserved and who could take care of civil liberty were in possession of that blessing. It is the natural result of a just appreciation of, and a determination to possess the full enjoyment of Mr. CAMPBELL, of Ohio. I move to strike out equal rights. Whenever the experiment is tried all after the word "resolved," and to insert the reso- of making a people free before their time, it will lution offered the other day by the gentleman from result in compelling the reception of liberty by North Carolina, [Mr. CLINGMAN,] embracing Gov- brute force-in the folly of sustaining the minority ernor Kossuth amongst that class of persons againt the majority-which will be abundantly entitled to the privilege of the floor under rule 17th. manifest when the assisting foreign force is withMy desire is to have a resolution adopted similar drawn. It is a policy as unwise as that of furnishto the one passed in favor of another very distin- inga prodigal the means of wasteful expenditure. It guished friend of humanity, who came to this city is an undertaking in advance of the call of the peoabout a year ago. I allude to Father Mathew.ple, and doomed always to disaster and defeat. A resolution was passed simply giving to that dis- Our own history teaches an important lesson. tinguished man the privilege of this Hall. Three millions of people, scattered over a vast country, encountered and conquered the opposition of the most powerful nation on the globe. Mr. BAYLY. I will not embarrass this resolution in the Committee of the Whole, and will withdraw my appeal. I, however, give notice that I shall make all these points over again in the House. Mr. CAMPBELL, of Ohio. Is it in order to move an amendment? Mr. GIDDINGS. No. The question is upon rising and reporting. The CHAIRMAN. The resolution is before the committee. The gentleman from Ohio proposes to amend the resolution, and it is certainly in order to offer any amendment the gentleman may think proper to submit. Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia. That was done by universal consent. Mr. CAMPBELL, of Ohio. I hope there will be no objection in this committee to the passage of a resolution of that kind. The CHAIRMAN. The Chair decides the resolution of the gentleman from Ohio, offered as a substitute, is not in order, because it is upon a different subject, and proposes a change of the standing rules of the House. Mr. MACE proposed the following amendment, viz: to strike out all after the word "resolved," and insert: That the Speaker wait on Governor Louis Kossuth, and give him a cordial welcome, and introduce him to the members of the House of Representatives. The question being taken, the amendment was rejected. Mr. VENABLE proposed to strike out all after the word "resolved," and to insert as follows: That the Speaker be authorized to invite Louis Kossuth to a privileged seat within this House. Mr. VENABLE said: Mr. Chairman, I ask the indulgence of the committee whilst I submit a few remarks on the amendment which I have offered. For the distinguished stranger, whose advent has produced such a sensation, I feel all the sympathy which is due to one who has struggled, although unsuccessfully, for that national organization which suits his views of civil liberty. However I might differ with him as to what constitutes that liberty, I feel satisfied that in the struggle in which he has fallen he was sincerely contending for the constitution of Hungary. I regret, however, that I am compelled to remark, that this distinguished stranger has not sustained the high estimate which I had formed of him as a prudent statesman and a reliable patriot. I mean not to question the sincerity, but the practical reliability of his patriotism. Invited as a prisoner and an emigrant, he, A MEMBER. What if France had not interfered for us, would we have secured our liberty? Mr. VENABLE. We were always free, and we fought, and fought successfully, against oppression in prospect-against the asserted right of taxation without representation. France interposed, but it was an act of war, so acknowledged and so regarded; and long were the dreary years before she exhausted the cup of bitterness the dregs of which she was compelled to drink, and which she had placed to her own lips. I do not believe that the havoc and the blood which mars and stains the history of France, from the commencement of the Revolution of 1790-'91, has resulted in any permanent good to human liberty or social rights. I rejoice that I am one who, four years ago, recorded my name amongst the fortyseven who refused to congratulate Europe and mankind upon the sudden appearance of the mushroom-republic of France, which has been in so summary a manner uprooted by the bayonets of Louis Napoleon. They have all the liberty which they can take care of-more would make them a nuisance to themselves and the world. I believed so four years ago, and ask no particular credit for sagacity in the conviction-time has demonstrated its soundness. But, sir, I repeat, all nations who desire and rightly appreciate civil liberty, acquire and preserve it, and are invincible in that cause. [Mr. VENABLE was here interrupted by calls of "Question! Question!" from a particular part of the House.] Mr. V. continued. Mr. Chairman, there are persons even in this Hall who, either from defective breeding or obtuseness of perception, place themselves beyond the pale of that courtesy which regulates the intercourse of gentlemen; and I can assure those persons who interrupt me by calls of PUBLISHED AT WASHINGTON, BY JOHN C. RIVES.-TERMS $3 FOR THIS SESSION. 32D CONGRESS, 1ST SESSION. "Question! Question!" whilst I am in possession of the floor, that they only awake sensations in my bosom which it would be unparliamentary for me to designate in this House. I would return, and remark, that we are not left to our own experience on this subject. I shall not go to the lore of Greek and Roman records. Look at Switzerland, surrounded by despotism, the object of hatred and the subject of assault: she stands like her own Alps, and, free as the winds which sport amongst her glaciers, unmoved and unsubdued. Her own Mont Blanc is not more fixed than the neutrality of Switzerland, because she understands and appreciates liberty, and is invincible. THURSDAY, JANUARY 1, 1852. already pending. An amendment to the amend- Mr. McMULLIN. I desire to offer the follow- And that said committee also introduce to this House Colonel Scott Harris, and such others, now in this city, as were engaged in the late Cuban expedition, and who were taken prisoners by the Spanish authorities and have been since released. [Laughter.] The CHAIRMAN. The amendment is not in order. NEW SERIES....No. 11. social and domestic intervention which that gentleman and those who act with him would raise about me when they are clamoring for the principles of universal liberty-liberty for all races, all colors, and all breeds, by saying, "that it is my duty as a peaceful citizen, living within my own Government, to attend to my own business and concerns, and let other people attend to theirs." I am no Peter the Hermit. I have no chivalrous mission to go forth and enlighten the whole earth. I will not take my little candle and walk among the powder-magazines of all mankind and set those Mr. McMULLIN. Do I understand the Chair magazines on fire, and then rejoice at the general to decide that it is out of order? The CHAIRMAN. I do. Mr. McMULLIN. It is painful to my feelings to take an appeal from the decision of the Chair. [Laughter.] The CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman take an appeal? Mr. McMULLIN. I believe I will not. [Laughter.] and glorious explosion. I defend myself from that gentleman and his associates when they assail our own State governments, and clamor for universal liberty, by the general declaration, that it is none of my business what is done in other State governments than my own-that I am opposed to intervention of all sorts. Attend to your own concerns, mind your own business, take care of your own household affairs, is the primary duty of a nation as well as of a family or individual. This, I am sure, is the duty of a good citizen and a good legislator. If we once lay down and establish the principle that this Government has a right to interfere and intervene and take up arms against slavery in Hungary, or any other portion of the continent of Europe, there stand in my own State more than a million of human beings who cry, "that there is no slavery on God's earth so horrible as the chattel slavery of the Southern States, and that our first duty, before we arm ourselves against European despots, is to seize the cannon, the musket, the torch, and the firebrand, go across the Potomac, and set fire to the whole southern country at once. I do not stop to discuss this question with such people theologically or economically; but constitutionally, I say Southern slavery is none of your business; you have no authority over, or right to interfere with it. If ever, then, this principle of non-intervention in the affairs of other people is broken down, it is in vain for me, and those who act with me, to attempt to resist the universal crusade which will sweep us, not towards Europe, but across the Potomac into the whole Southern country. I am unwilling to see our Government become a kaight-errant in the great cause of national Liberty and independence over the whole face of the earth. For this diffusive benevolence I have not much respect. Like other knights-errant, in the zeal to redress wrongs, there is no estimate of wrongs perpetrated. If Hungary is to demand our intervention, what shall we say to Poland, to Mr. BROOKS. I intend to vote for the passage Ireland, and to the revolutionists of Naples? Where of the resolution of the gentleman from North will our mission end? I think the first and most Carolina, [Mr. VENABLE;] but I intend also to give obvious remedy for such a zeal would be the pub- the reasons why I vote for that resolution, because lication and diffusion of a cheap edition of the it often happens in this House that when votes are adventures of the Knight of La Mancha, familiarly given, unless you seize the time of giving them, it known as Don Quixote. Sir, I, as a statesman is impossible to accompany them with any explaand representative of the people, can neither ennation. We are about to make a mark, a significourage nor indorse the doctrines of Louis Kos- cant mark on the history of this Government; and such in this country. I protest against any inter- while that mark is making, I desire to give the ference on the part of our Government, or its reasons why I aid in making it, and to accompany functionaries, as such, in the affairs of Europe, my vote with a translation. I do not intend that any further than they concern ourselves. I would it shall be said, when I vote for this resolution, reserve our remonstrances and our demonstrations that I mean to intervene or interfere in the affairs for our own wrongs and insults, which are not of all this earth, not even of all this continent, or wanting in the history of the present time; and I of any other continent. I intend merely to pay a would refrain from giving the sanction of a repre- political compliment to a political principle. While sentative of my district, to the opinions of one paying it I do not intend to pay it officially; I do who demands intervention in the affairs of Europe, not intend to pay it in behalf of this Government, and calls upon the people to make pronunciamien- but as an individual, as a citizen, as a member of toes in his favor. I trust that my amendment our common society; for that reason and for no may prevail, that the Speaker may invite the distin- other. I cherish in my bosom a deep and warm guished Hungarian to a privileged seat--such cour-sympathy for the political principles which not tesy as Father Mathew and others have received and leave him to the impression which speeches ay make upon the public mind. Let all contribate who choose, but I protest against any act which seems to complicate our Government with the aim of others who have no claim for our protection and no right to ask intervention. I am not afraid; but I know that the intermeddling in priate life becomes contemptible, and it is equally true of nations. Let Kossuth be invited to a privileged seat, treated with due respect, welcomed with cordiality, and made free to come and free to go. Mr. CARTTER. I rise simply to say, that I did not desire myself to address the committee; I know, sir, that this is no popular speech of and I trust we will not enter upon a general dismine. It will bring me no cheers and secure me cassion of matters collateral to this resolution. I no votes if I desired them, and make me no friends arowed the purpose, when I offered the resolution, where this excitability exists, and especially in that I introduced it simply as a peaceful act of the combustible city which I in part represent. It Courtesy, already made necessary by the previous other people is ever to become the rule, or a lead- may be the popular excitement will for a moment action of this House and nation, and not for the ing principle in this Government, has it never ocsweep a man away. The hearts of my people are purpose of bringing upon this floor any of the ele- curred to gentlemen that it will not stop in Europe, warm, and for a time their passions may run ments of discussion outside of this House. Al- but begin on this continent, and perhaps first in away with their heads; but when their judgments though I would be glad, when the time arrives, to this country, in intermeddling with, and revolu- cool, and reason seizes the rudder again, the man open the broad field of discussion that lies behind, tionizing the peculiar organization and institutions who has done right, and fearlessly right, on all and yet, as foreign to this act of courtesy, I shall not of a portion of our own complex society? I am every occasion, will in the end receive the popular do it at this time; and I hope that the committee quite sure the thought has occurred at least to one support and the popular applause. I may be overwill not do it. If we are to be involved in a dis- gentleman I see before me-the shrewd, keen- thrown. I may be a victim to the resistance cussion of the general topic, and that is settled, eyed gentleman from Ohio, whose zeal and whose which I make to the wild passions which are hurwhy I am ready to enter upon it, and the friends energy to-day, though a member of the peace so- rying on this country towards intervention in the affairs of the whole earth-toward universal war. of the resolution are also ready. I hope the ques-ciety, in the general cause of war, can only be tion may be taken, and the prevailing sense of the accounted for by his determination to break down I submit to the sacrifice. I care not what beHouse realized. If it is adopted, I hope the act the barrier of non-intervention and non-interfer- comes of myself. I did not intend to vote for the ence that stands between him and the society and resolution; I should not have uttered a word. of passing it may be simply regarded as an act of courtesy on the part of this body, made necessary governments of large portions of this country. But this translation must go forth with my vote; by the position in which it stands. That is all I While preaching peace, bringing peace propositions and when Kossuth reads-if he condescends to intended. I hope, with this view, that the amend- within this Hall, denouncing all of us who will read-my humble vote upon this resolution, he ments may be voted down, and the original reso- not vote against armies, and clamoring against all will see in the translation to that vote, that howlution passed, or defeated, without entering into of us who are ever for war, even for just war-I ever we may open our hearts to him; however we any further discussion. see him anxious to-day, with others of his class, may cherish his principles, all we mean is symto sally forth upon the general principle of inter-pathy, welcome, encouragement to him and his in vention and war-bella, horrida bella, with univer Mr. McMULLIN. Is it in order to offer an amendment to the resolution? The CHAIRMAN. There is an amendment only Kossuth, but O'Brien, Meagher, Avezzana, before me. If interference with other States or This Government was formed for peculiar and special purposes, and for none other. It was made a limited Government especially to make us attend to our own concerns. Nowhere in our Constitution can the power be found to intervene in the affairs of other nations, in Europe or on this Continent; and when such a thing in Genet's day was attempted, both Washington and Jefferson put it down. We can only protect ourselves and our institutions by that humble primary maxim of minding our own affairs. their efforts to imitate our own bright and glorious sal creation. I protect myself from the surges of example. |