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Mr. ATCHISON. And they never will do it. from Missouri, [Mr. ATCHISON,] is not only useMr. MANGUM. Oh, yes they will. less, but worse than useless-which have overMr. ATCHISON. There were three abstract ridden the rules of the Senate. There is a pracresolutions introduced at an early period of this tical commentary on adhering to the rules as sugsession, out of which no earthly good can possi-gested by the Senators from Massachusetts and bly grow. These resolutions have been discussed North Carolina. day after day, and that, too, against the ancient usages of the Senate, on Fridays and Saturdays, and, sir, from one o'clock till four o'clock on each day. There is the Kossuth resolution, and the Compromise resolution, and the O'Brien resolution yet to come up

Mr. DAWSON. And the Abd el Kader resolution.

Mr. ATCHISON. All abstract resolutions, that have had precedence of all other matters; and they are made the special orders of the day, from day to day, until the final vote is taken upon them, for they are sometimes taken up even in the morning hour, and the discussion of these questions runs through the whole day.

Now, sir, let me mention another matter. Here we have been sitting on Fridays and Saturdays, at this early period of the session, for the discussion of these abstract resolutions. This custom of sitting on these two last days of the week is never adopted at the commencement of a session, but usually towards the close of it, and such has been the practice ever since I was a member of this body. Thus far, Fridays and Saturdays have been employed in debating these questions, and

Mr. PRATT, (in his seat.) And all those claims which have been favorably reported upon remain untouched.

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Again, sir, there is another reason, which I think will commend itself to the sense of the Senate. There were a few private claims which received the favorable action of the Senate last session. But

On

pose of these claims. We had formerly a rule of this kind, though it was sometimes dispensed with on particular occasions; but I recollect that when this rule was in force we disposed of much more business of this kind than we have done without it. The Senator from North Carolina seems to admit that with the present system some additional rules are necessary; that we should take up bills according to their order upon the calendar. We were told over and over again last session that how was it accomplished? By a struggle on this this was the proper course, and we tried to pursue floor, and an attempt to obtain action upon any it, but were defeated in all our attempts. particular bill, to the exclusion of other business many occasions the Senate refused to take up in which other Senators might feel an interest; and bills, on the ground that it was proper that they hence there was produced a collision between Sen- should come up in their regular order; and you, ators, and a struggle for the floor, to take out of Mr. President, can bear witness that we did not the ordinary course of business the few bills which for a single day adhere to that rule. And, sir, if did get through. Besides that, I have not forgot-we adopt it again we will not adhere to it now. I ten, and Senators will not perhaps forget, that I feel satisfied that we will not. There are many stood in my place here till I was almost exhausted, inconveniences which would be experienced with attempting to keep the order of the calendar. And such a rule. It would be inconvenient that we what was the result? Simply that a little band of should so cramp ourselves by rule or practice as us round here were disposed to adhere to the bus- to take nothing up which might not happen to be iness as it stood upon the calendar, and take it up in the regular order of the calendar. Sir, emerin that order. "Special orders" on "special or- gencies might arise when it would be necessary to ders, were piled upon your table, and the ordi- travel out of the usual order-emergencies which nary course of business was not pursued, and the are common to all legislative bodies. We may Senate refused, time after time, to take up the bus- have indulged in this practice of taking up bills iness on the calendar. Now, what has been the out of their order too much; we may have car practice for the last five or six years, we may anried it too far; but we have pursued it so long ticipate will be the continued action of the Senate, that I do not think that we shall depart from when we look at the fact that you have now at this it now; and therefore, Mr. President, I hope that early period of the session four special orders on this rule will be adopted. Let us try it for a while your table, not one of which is a private claim. at any rate. Matters in respect to these private Sir, I think we should adopt this rule. There is claims cannot be worse, with this rule, than they an obligation on the part of the Senate, to examine were last session, for we then got nothing; and if and pass upon these claims; and entertaining that we can do nothing with this rule, let us try some other. I am unwilling to admit that the Senate the Senator from Maryland. There is an obliga- has got into such a habit that Senators will not tion upon us, that the Government should discharge attend to the duties for which they are sent here. its indebtedness, because in many instances, this It is especially incumbent upon the Senate to prodelay works the most cruel injustice. True it is, ceed in this matter now, especially since we all that some of these claims are what may be said to know that the last session of Congress passed off be entirely of a disputed character; but whatever without anything being done in this large and imthey may be, let us at least vote upon them after portant part of the business of Congress. The the committees have made their examinations and course we have pursued in regard to these claims reported to the Senate. has furnished more real cause of complaint than perhaps any other. We cannot force the Government to do anything, but we may at least be permitted to ask for justice. I hope, sir, that this resolution will pass.

Mr. ATCHISON. Just so; not one of them acted upon; not a single claim from any committee disposed of. Now let us pass this resolution and fix these days, and these claims will soon be dis-opinion, I indorse every word which has fallen from posed of. They will be settled in one way or another, and the calendar and the committee room will not be burdened with them. Sir, I know of matters which have occupied the attention of some of the committees for four or five months, which have been reported by these committees, and yet to which the Senate has never bestowed even five minutes' consideration. With a resolution similar to the one offered by the Senator from Maryland this could never be the case.

Mr. HUNTER. I concur in what has been said by the Senators from Massachusetts and North Carolina in relation to this rule. I believe that the claimants would be worse off after the adoption of this rule than they are now. I have witnessed the operation of a similar rule in the House of Representatives, and the effect will be that whenever we have a matter of public importance to discuss, we shall set aside the rule, and set aside private bills on the days appropriated to them, and we shall go on with the business just as we do now. The effect will be that they will lose the day set aside for them, and they will never be taken up on any other day. On the other hand, if we adhere to the calendar, we shall reach these bills in their order, and settle questions appertaining to them quicker and better than can be done by an alteration of the rule.

There is much in another point which was urged by the Senator from Massachusetts, namely, that if we set aside these days for these claims, we shall hardly ever have a quorum. Not only that, but it is the custom of the Senate to adjourn on these days during the first months of the session. Private bills will therefore lose that attention which they might otherwise get during the early portion of the session. For these reasons, I am of opinion that private claimants will be much worse off by the adoption of this rule than by adhering to the course we now pursue.

Mr. HAMLIN. I shall vote in favor of this resolution, for two or three reasons, which I will state to the Senate. I do not concur in what appears to be the recollection of the Senator from Virginia in regard to the operation of this rule in the other House. Without that rule I am quite satisfied that no private claimant would have got a hearing at all; and the only hearing which they had there was in virtue of that rule. If we could adopt the course suggested by the Senators from Massachusetts and North Carolina, I would most cheerfully cooperate with them. But the practice of the Senate shows that we cannot adhere to our own rules. Sir, what is on your table at this present moment? Four special orders-one of which, as has been well remarked by the Senator

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Mr. MANGUM. Every gentleman, with only one exception, who has spoken upon this subject, admits the soundness and propriety of the rule of proceeding according to the calendar; and all the arguments which have been offered in favor of this resolution, proceed upon the presumption that the Senate will fail to do its duty. Now, I will not be so discourteous to the Senate as to act upon any such assumption. I hope, sir, that while the Senate is well convinced of the propriety of taking up the calendar in its order, they will adopt an additional rule, that no business shall be taken up out of its course, without a vote of two thirds of this body.

A SENATOR. No, no.

Mr. MANGUM. A majority regulates the business, and that is as it should be; and if a rule requiring a two-thirds vote should be adopted, the business would go on smoothly and properly; and, in any case of emergency, that number could be obtained to set aside the rule for the time being.

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Sir, I am perfectly satisfied, from long observation of the course of business here, that if private claimants are to have their business pass through this body with any certainty, it can only be done by adhering to the rules of the Senate. If that is done, all will be accomplished in due season. admit that I have witnessed what I would hardly regard as strict decorum in this body, when gentlemen were pressing claims; but, if a majority will turn their faces against this thing, and remain steady and firm, there will be no difficulty at all. I repeat, sir, that all the arguments which have been urged in favor of the adoption of this resolution, have been based on the assumption that this body is not to be trusted in the true and proper discharge of its duty; and I think that Senators, by their votes, will hardly give countenance to such an assumption.

Mr. DOWNS. I feel it my duty, as a member of two committees engaged in the business of the Senate the Judiciary Committee and the Committee on Private Land Claims-to express my entire concurrence in what has been said by the Senator from Maryland; and unless this resolution is adopted I shall consider it as amounting almost to a determination of the Senate not to dis

The PRESIDENT. The Chair may be permitted to state, in consequence of a remark made by the Senator from Massachusetts, in which he alluded to what he considered a "disorderly" practice, that the practice of making special orders could not be considered disorderly, inasmuch as it was the wish and decision of the Senate. The remark, too, would seem to convey the idea that the Chair had indulged Senators in "disorderly practices. The practice of making special orders may be a very inconvenient one, but it cannot sustain the designation which has been given to it. The Chair feels called upon to make this statement. The practice being the action of the Senate itself, it cannot with propriety be designated as disorderly.

The question was then taken on the adoption of the resolution, and there were for the motion 21; against it 19. So the resolution was adopted.

PRINTING THE SEVENTH CENSUS.

Mr. BRIGHT. There is upon the table a special order for this morning of which I hope the Senate will dispose. I allude to the resolution in relation to the printing the returns of the Seventh Census.

The PRESIDENT. Another special order has the priority, upon which the Senator from Texas has the floor.

Mr. BRIGHT. I hope the resolution to which I refer may be acted upon, with the consent of the Senator from Texas. I believe it will occupy but a brief period, after which the Senator may proceed. Mr. HOUSTON. I am disposed to yield for twenty minutes, if the resolution can be disposed of in that time.

Mr. SMITH. I hope the Senate will not take up that resolution. I shall have occasion to move.

an amendment to it.

Several SENATORS. Offer it now.

Mr. SMITH. I have not yet prepared it. I knew there was another special order before that

resolution, and therefore I did not come prepared to offer my amendment. I repeat the expression of my wish that the Senate will not agree to the motion of the Senator from Indiana. It will occupy considerable time in its consideration when it shall come up.

Mr. BRIGHT. If it will lead to discussion I am bound not to press it, but I give notice that I shall to-morrow, and each succeeding day thereafter, press it upon the attention of the Senate until it is disposed of, and I hope the Senator from Connecticut will come prepared with his amendment. The motion was then withdrawn.

THE COMPROMISE MEASURES.
The Senate resumed the consideration of the

special order, being the resolution submitted by Mr. FOOTE, as amended on the motion of Mr. BADGER, declaring the compromise measures a definitive settlement of the questions growing out of the subject of slavery.

The resolution is as follows:

A Resolution declaring the Measures of Adjustment to be a definitive settlement of the questions growing out of do mestic slavery.

Be it enacted, That the series of measures embraced in the acts entitled "An act proposing to the State of Texas the establishment of her northern and western boundaries, the relinquishment, by the said State, of all territory claimed by her exterior to said boundaries, and of all her claims upon the United States, and to establish a territorial governmeat for New Mexico," approved September 9, 1850; "An act for the admission of the State of California into the Inion," approved September 9, 1850; "An act to establish a territorial government for Utah," approved September 9, 1850; "An act to amend and supplementary to an act entitled An act respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of their masters,' approved February 12, 1793," approved September 18, 1850; and “An act to suppress the slave trade in the District of Colmbia," approved September 20, 1850, commonly known as the "Compromise Acts," are, in the judgment of this body, a settlement in principle and substance-a final settlement of the dangerous and exciting subjects which they embrace, and ought to be adhered to by Congress until time and experience shall demonstrate the necessity of further legislation to guard against evasion or abuse.

Mr. HOUSTON. Mr. President, for several days past I have hoped this resolution could be disposed of. I have evinced but little anxiety to participate in this debate, though I have thought much in relation to the disposition which is to be made of the resolution which is now before us. I must confess that it was a matter of astonishment when I first met with it in this body. I had expected nothing of the kind. The general aspect of affairs throughout the country seemed to be of the most favorable character towards the harmonious adjustment of the difficulties which have excited the community, and I had hoped that they would have been permitted to have taken their natural course, and that the good sense of the American people would have regulated these matters, without the interposition of any deliberative or legislative body. The contrary, however, has been the case, and it devolves upon me as a member, not only of this body, but of the Democratic party, to declare my objections to it.

I may say that I occupy no equivocal position in relation to the matter of the compromise, for I believe the records of the Senate will prove that I am the only Senator now upon this floor that voted for every measure of the compromise. An honorable Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. STUrGEON] also voted for all the provisions of the compromise, but he is no longer a member of this body. This being my position, I feel at liberty to acquit myself of all embarrassment, and to proceed to the investigation of this subject, I hope, without incurring the suspicion of any design to conceal or smooth over any portion of my conduct. I desire, sir, to have no broader platforms than those now existing and maintained by the two parties of this country. I understand that the Democratic party is tolerant in its principles; that they are not proscriptive; that they are not for applying the Procrustean rule to every member of the party. Harmonious as they generally are, some gentlemen of the same party differ essentially upon the subject of internal improvements. That has been evinced on former occasions here, within my recollection, and I believe it extends much further back than my familiarity with the proceedings of this body. And not only that, for I have heard discussions here by the members of the same po⚫litical party on the tariff, in regard to which there was a wide difference of opinion; yet it was not a ground for proscribing the members of the party, or excluding them from participating in all the rights pertaining to it.

This being my view of the principles of the party, I am perfectly willing that the platform upon which we have heretofore acted should remain as it now is, and has been recognized. If gentleman have departed from the principles of the Democratic faith, and they choose to return to the same platform, I know no objection to their doing so. They have a right to return at any time they please, and the mere concurrence with a paper resolution, unless they feel it here, [laying his hand upon his heart,] will never constrain them to cooperate with the party in good faith. I have this to say to gentlemen who are tenacious on this subject, "Show me your faith without your works, and I will show you my faith by my works." When this rule is applied I can see no difficulty in the way of concurrence of opinion and action in the Democratic party. Moreover I object most especially to the action of this body upon the subject of political platforms. I understand that the business of the Senate of the United States-at least I so regard my own duty-is legislative employment, and not to construct political party fabrics for the people. I would defer to the pressure from without, but I should not expect to benefit the community by radiating from this point, influences of opinions that savor too much of centralism. Centralism is the danger against which the States have to guard; and if our legislation has this tendency, as has been complained of-I do not say it has-but if such dangers are to be apprehended from legislative action, are they not much more to be dreaded by converting the Senate of the United States into a political machine? I never will agree to this, sir. I will never exercise a function in this body that is not clearly delegated by the relation which I bear to my constituency, and for which I was sent

here.

It is a principle which is orthodox, and essential to the Democratic party, that the citizen, in a republic, is to delegate no power that he can conveniently exercise himself; and the powers which he cannot conveniently exercise he delegates to his representative, who is to perform the functions for him. If I am correct in this, whenever the powers delegated are diverted from the objects to which they ought to be directed, it is an application of them which is foreign to the rights of the people; and therefore I will never exercise any power, which I may have in this body, towards creating sentiment at home, when I ought, in justice, to derive that sentiment from my constituency. We have seen the effect of it in days gone by. I do not say it for the purpose of awakening any feelings or reminiscences that would be unpleasant, but is it not within the recollection of members of this body, that opinions which were sent from here to the several States throughout the South, had a powerful influence in producing the excitement which existed in the country? was opposed to all this, because I deemed that the people throughout this Union were sufficiently intelligent to appreciate their true condition, and that if there was a necessity for correcting evils that might grow up in the country, they would have an ample opportunity, at the ballot-box, for exercising their powers in correcting them. These are my opinions in relation to this matter. If the Democratic platform and the Whig platform are not broad enough for all to occupy, let the people put on any additional plank which they deem needful. We know not but that we, by enlarging, may induce an accession too great for the platform to bear, and it may break asunder.

Resolutions similar to the one under consideration were introduced into a caucus of the Democratic members of the other House, and met with little favor there; some fifty to thirty rejected it. It was not introduced into a caucus of Senators, or I presume it would have met with as little favor. But it has found its way into this body; for what purpose? For the purpose of benefiting a party that was acting, I believe, harmoniously. Some differences of opinion existed, as is always the case, and always will be; but how easy would it have been within a short time for all these asperities of feeling to have worn out, and enabled the members of each party to act harmoniously.

Mr. FOOTE. Does the Senator intend to intimate that I had any party purpose in view in introducing this resolution?

Mr. HOUSTON. I cannot believe that the Senator had, and would be sorry to believe that there was any individual purpose in it. But cer

tainly it was not an emanation of party, and the gentleman has the privilege of disposing of it in a manner suitable to himself.

Mr. FOOTE. I did not introduce it as a party

man.

Mr. HOUSTON. I have witnessed with concern the proceedings of this body for some days past. I have been silent, for if no older person than myself were present, there were Senators here who are more familiar with the proceedings of the body than I am, and to them I deferred the duty and privilege of regulating the conduct of Senators, if it was not in accordance with the practice of the body, and I looked moreover to an enlight ened President. For myself, having occupied no great portion of the time of this body, I shall claim the privilege of proceeding without interruption, unless for the purpose of correction of some misstatement which I may make in the progress of my speech. My disposition is never to provoke interruption or produce annoyance to honorable members of this body, and I cannot suspect that any one would have the design of annoying me; but every Senator must be aware that such things must be unpleasant, if not discourteous.

I should think, Mr. President, according to the rule which I have laid down, that if we were to pass resolutions in this body, or if joint resolutions were passed by Congress, prescribing the faith of either party, or what their principles should be,' that every one who did not come within the exact measure prescribed would be reproachfully treated, or at least arrayed at the tribunal of party, not where he would have a hearing, because he would be excluded. He would not have the privilege of a hearing. Sir, I am for leaving to every gentleman's own conscience, and to the high motive of love of country and patriotism, to determine with which party he will act, and how far he will act with it. If the representative of a party is brought forward and that representative is sustained, though not agreeing in opinion with all of those who elected him, I should say that he was entitled to its consideration, and that he should be received by the members of that party, because as long as a man remains within it he is bound by its general principles.

It is the boast of the Democratic party, I believe, that it is the true conservative party of the country, though, at the same time, it is the boast of every political party. I will not deprive either of them of the agreeable assurance. But, sir, if the Democratic party is truly conservative, 1 think the platform upon which it now stands is wide enough, broad enough, to embrace the whole Union. If it is not I am not a member of it. I know that I have been arraigned for having been too latitudinous in my feelings; but I must confess that my country seems not too large to love, to cherish, and support. Then, sir, if the object of the party is conservatism, and to preserve what we believe the true constitutional principles of the Government, whoever loves and supports that Constitution strictly, is my fellow. I know how the Constitution was formed. It was by concessions made by the several States, or by grants of certain powers that were to remain in the Federal Government; but these delegated functions were to be exercised by it for the benefit of the whole. So far the Federal Government has rights, but no further. The States were free, sovereign, and independent, until these concessions were made. The Federal Government became the repository of delegated powers, and there they remain for the benefit of the several States. The States, in the full enjoyment of the powers reserved, are independent within their sphere and subject to no control from the Federal Government. These are my opinions, and I believe they agree with the Democratic faith. Incidentally various subjects have arisen in this body since I have been a member of it, and upon all these I have recorded my opinions. I know they have been at variance, on some occasions, with my party, or rather the party with which I act-I will not call it mine; I belong to it. As some of them have been incidentally adverted to, I feel bound to take up more time in some explanatory remarks in regard to my course, than I should otherwise have any disposition to do.

One thing I must be permitted to say. On this compromise, which appears to be again brought into this body, and the several measures of which have produced divisions in the Democratic party,⚫ I acted, to be sure, with the majority; but because

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gentlemen of the same political party differed with me I am not their censor, nor have I any right to judge them beyond the exercise of my own power or to impute to them motives unworthy of Senators. I have never done this; and I claim exemption only from charges of this character.

I had hoped that the agitation on this question was fast dying away; and it might ere this have been forgotten had it not been for the introduction of this unfortunate resolution, which has renewed all the agitation of former times, and produced crimination and recrimination, and scenes not less violent in their character than those exhibited upon the adoption of the compromise itself. It is unfortunate; and if in the inception of a resolution of this kind such are the fruits, and if such they are in a green tree, what must they be in a dry? I apprehend that no earthly good can grow out of the adoption of the resolution. The usurpation of the people's rights will be manifest. If a modification is to take place in the Democratic platform, let it take place in a convention of the delegates of the people sent there for a political purpose, not for the purpose of legislation, but for the formation of certain creeds and imbodiments of opinions, by which the party is to be regulated in its action. That is where I wish to see such action take place. But further than this I am not prepared to go. I am not disposed to set myself up here to dictate what the peculiar political faith of my constituents shall be, or to unite in saying what the faith and opinion of the whole party throughout the United States shall be. But I am willing to vote in the passage of laws that shall extend throughout the whole Union, and the infractions of which shall incur penalties. I am not competent to perform the former tasks, nor do I think they are designed for me to do.

As the State to which I belong has been alluded to in this body in relation to the compromise measures, I will detain the Senate while I utter a few words on that subject. The compromise, sir, was the work of able, patriotic, and renowned statesmen. Some of them are no longer in this body. It is with regret, Mr. President, that I witness the absence of one who bore an important and a conspicuous part in the accomplishment of that compromise. I allude to the venerable Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY,] who is detained from this Chamber by sickness, with which he is deeply afflicted. I trust he will again resume his place in the Senate. The wisdom of his counsels, the brilliancy of his genius, the strength of his will, and the patriotism of his heart, never shown brighter than during their manifestation in this body in the achievement of that compromise. But my State has been arraigned by a portion of this Union, and of the Democratic party, too, for making a disposition of a portion of her territory to the detriment of Southern interests; and that 1 felt. It was not that she was disposed to abridge or impair any of the rights of the South. Texas, no doubt, had a right to dispose of it. Did not Georgia dispose of her territory to the Federal Government? Did she not sell enough to make the States of Alabama and Mississippi? And have any complaints been made against her for it? And had Texas, who came into this Union as free and independent as Georgia did, no right to dispose of her domain to the Federal Government? She did it, sir; and I have this to remark, that had it been any obstacle to the compromise of the jarring interests of this country, and to their reconcilement, I would have been willing that every foot of the territory which she claimed, should become a lake of fire and brimstone rather than it should have thrown an impediment in the way of the peace and harmony of the Union.

I voted also for the admission of California. I did it upon the acknowledged and avowed principle of the South: "Let us alone; let the people regulate their municipal and domestic institutions; let them alone." And I put it to the candor of honorable Senators from the South, no matter how ardent their feelings may have been, whether, if California had made application for admission into the Union, with a constitution declaring that slavery should exist, they would not have disregarded all the irregularities which may have been connected with it, and readily have voted for her admission as a slave State? The same rule which would induce me to vote for it in one situation, would constrain me to do it in another. I did it. What advantage would have resulted from a

delay? Was there any hope for a change of her institutions? Was there any probability of it? No. She came in; and whatever reproaches are attached to the vote I gave, I derive my consolation from the general prosperity and happiness of my country.

men, and produce satisfactory reconciliation, thereby diffusing universal peace, and calming the agitated waves that are lashing at the base of our Capitol, and speak comfort and solace to millions of freemen.

"Do not the American people love this Union? Are they not devoted to it? Is not every reminiscence of the past associated with its glories, and are they not calculated to inspire prayers for its prosperity and perpetuity? If this were not the case, you might think lightly of our noble Confederacy; but so it is-it stands connected with every fibre of the national heart, and is interwoven with every glorious recollection of the past, which affection or reverence can inspire in the minds of the American people. It is not, Mr. President, that twenty-three millions of souls are involved in the perpetuity of this Union; it is not that every consideration of happiness connected with country appertains to it; but it is because it is the great moral, social, and political lever, that has moved, is moving, and will continue to move the world. Look abroad at foreign nations, and behold the influence of our example upon them

Allusion has also been made, I believe, to the vote I gave on the organization of the Oregon Territory, containing the Wilmot proviso. Upon that subject, Mr. President, I feel myself fully sustained. I voted for the Missouri compromise line. Upon the admission or organization of Oregon, that Missouri compromise line was repudiated by the South, and I was the only clearly Southern Senator that voted for that admission. I voted in harmony with the Missouri compromise line. I based my vote upon that ground, and in this Sen--not ours, for I feel a sense of humiliation when I contrast ate, it will be remembered what my declarations and sentiments were. To sustain myself upon that, I will bring forward a portion of a speech which was made at that time. It was by the distinguished Senator from South Carolina, no longer on earth, (Mr. Calhoun.) During the debate in relation to the territorial government of Oregon, he said:

"After an arduous struggle of more than a year on the question whether Missouri should come into the Union, with or without restrictions prohibiting slavery, a compromise line was adopted between the North and the South; but it was done under circumstances which made it nowise obligatory on the latter. It is true it was moved by one of her distinguished citizens, [Mr. CLAY,] but it is equally so that it was carried by the almost united vote of the North against the almost united vote of the South, and was thus imposed on the latter by superior numbers in opposition to her strenuous efforts. The South has never given her sanction to it, or assented to the power it asserted. She was voted down, and has simply acquiesced in an arrangement which she has not had the power to reverse, and which she could not attempt to do without disturbing the peace and harmony of the Union-to which she has ever been adverse. Acting on this principle, she permitted the Territory of Iowa to be formed and the State to be admitted into the Union, under the compromise, without objection: and that is now quoted by the Senator from New York to prove her surrender of the power she claims for Congress."

Although no State in the Union and no assemblies had become adverse to this, yet it appears that it was taken for granted that it was unwelcome to the South, and therefore it was repudiated. But in going on further, to show the extent of that gentleman's dislike to it, and an expression doubtless that influenced materially the action of the Southern Senators, he proceeds to say:

"Now, let me say, Senators, if our Union and system of Government are doomed to perish, and we to share the fate of so many great people who have gone before us, the historian, who, in some future day, may record the events tending to so calamitous a result, will devote his first chapter to the ordinance of 1787, as lauded as it is and its authors have been, as the first in that series which led to it. His next chapter will be devoted to the Missouri compromise, and the next to the present agitation. Whether there will be another beyond, I know not. It will depend on what we may do."

Here was a formal repudiation of the Missouri compromise line, upon the principle of which Texas had been brought into the Union, and by which one third of her territorial limits had been cut off to free soil. As Texas did come into the Union upon that line, I felt warranted and instructed by the Texan people to vote for the Missouri compromise when a bill for a territorial government came up, and I did it.

In aiding the production of this compromise, or in its effectuation, I found it necessary, in justification of myself, and in the urgency I felt for its success, to make some remarks. I will read some extracts from the debate which took place. In a speech upon Mr. Clay's resolutions, and when it was pretty well ascertained they would not pass, on the 8th of February, 1850, Í made the following remarks:

"But I call upon the friends of the Union from every quarter, to come forward like men, and to sacrifice their differences upon the common altar of their country's good, and to form a bulwark around the Constitution that cannnot be shaken. It will require manly efforts, sir, and they must expect to meet with prejudices growing up around them that will assail them from every quarter. They must stand firm to the Union, regardless of all personal consequences. Time alone can recompense them for their sacrifice and when it is offered freely, and without expectation of retheir labors; for devotion to country can never be forgotten, ward. The incense of self-sacrifice, when thus offered on the altar of their country, will be acceptable to the people I have no doubt that this question might be easily adjusted, if gentlemen would encourage such disposition and feeling as doubtless actuate a large portion, if not all, of this body, if they would come up to the work. I have no doubt six Senators here could be designated, without reference to party, (you may, if you please, disregard the section of country from which they come,) who would act as a Committee of Conference, and sit down together as wayfaring

the efforts of any man now living with the illustrious achievements of the departed sages and heroes who performed this mighty work."

These were the remarks which I made in that speech. In the progress of it, the honorable Senator from Mississippi, supposing that I alluded to the convention which had assembled in Mississippi, interposed and said:

"Mr. FOOTE. Does my friend from Texas wish to be understood as undertaking to decry or censure the State of Mississippi for having originated this convention?" The reply was:

"Mr. HOUSTON. The last thing in the world."

I again proceeded with my remarks, when the honorable Senator from Mississippi interposed:

"Mr. FOOTE. I hope my friend will pardon me for asking of him an additional explanation. I trust he did not intend to insinuate as a matter of opinion, still less to make the statement as a matter of fact, derived from any authority, that the sovereign State of Mississippi, in the incipient movement towards the Nashville Convention, for which she is responsible, was instigated by South Carolina, or her statesmen; or that she acted otherwise than upon her own unbiased judgment without instigation from any quarter. I know that what he has said will be understood as intimating, at least, that this conventional movement of ours was stimulated by South Carolina, and was the result of concert between certain South Carolina politicians and certain politicians in Mississippi, with a view of having that movement originate in the State of Mississippi instead of South Carolina, in order to avoid any odium that might thereby arise. I am sure he did not intend to be so understood, and yet he will be if he does not correct his remarks."

My reply was:

"Mr. HOUSTON. I can assure the honorable Senator that this is a very delicate and complicated question. But I believe that if South Carolina never had existed, and if it had not been for her disposition, and the movement which began there, Mississippi would never have thought of it." Again the gentleman said:

"Mr. FOOTE. If the honorable Senator will permit me to interrupt him, I will remark, that upon the point on which he has been so well answered by my colleague, I have nothing to say. But in addition I wish to say that if the honorable Senator from Texas supposes that there is a single man of intelligence and character in the State of Mississippi who recognizes any human being as his leader, his political leader, or as his master, by whom and to whom he is to be held responsible, he has grossly misjudged the people. I had hoped that the demeanor of those who represent Mississippi here and elsewhere, would have afforded satisfactory evidence to that Senator and to all men, that, highly as we reverence character, high intellect, purity of heart, and spotlessness of reputation, there is no man who represents the State of Mississippi in the Halls of Congress at the present time, who recognizes any buman being in the world as his leader or controller, or as entitled to have any undue influence over his mind or conduct-at any rate I speak for myself-and I hope the Senator will understand me when I say, I recognize no leader on the face of the globe."

Mr. FOOTE. I must explain my connection with a matter which is more or less connected with myself, and which, if unexplained, may subject me to misapprehension. It will be seen that, in a speech which I made here a few days ago, I did state what I now know to be true, that Mr. Calhoun, during his life, with the purest intentions, with no disposition to lead or control our State, had a pretty extensive correspondence with persons there. This is a fact which I did not know at the time I delivered the speech which has been read by the honorable Senator. The truth is, that I never heard, until recently, of the letter which I read the other day of Mr. Calhoun to a fellow-citizen of mine, Mr. Tarpley. I was surprised when I found that such a letter had been written. In the course of last year—and I say it without intending to cast any imputation anywhere-I ascertained by various evidences, that several gentleman in my own State had been corresponded with by the distinguished Senator from South Carolina, now no more, on this subject. The letters that I have seen, according generally with this one, satisfied my mind that the modus operandi.of the Convention was more or less marked out by his great intellect.

At the time I made the remarks which have been read, I did not believe that any human being in the world had received a letter from Mr. Calhoun on the subject, except one which I myself received, and which has been published long since. I must say that a gentleman, a friend of mine, in the State of Mississippi, well known to my colleague, who was a partner of mine in the practice of the law, and for many years an intimate friend, (but from whom I am now very painfully separated by existing questions,) wrote me a letter early in the summer before last, desiring me to correspond with various distinguished Southern statesman, includiag Mr. Calhoun, for the purpose of ascertaining what their opinions were as to the action which was to be considered in the State of Mississippi in the event of a Convention being called. I was thea in the State of Virginia, in my native county, and I undertook to hold a correspondence with various persons on this subject. If there was any intrusion on this delicate matter on the part of anybody, I was the intruder. I wrote to the late Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. CALHOUN;] 1wrote to the Senator from Virginia, [Mr. HUNTER,] who wrote me a very patriotic and interesting letter, which never has been published, but which, if published, would evince the correctness of the opinion which I have always entertained of himwhich would prove that he is a sound statesman, and an upright patriot. Neither of their letters indicated disunion, or intimated the necessity of a change in the Constitution, or certainly I would not have been the medium through which their communications were introduced to the people in my own State. When this matter came up to-day, the Senator from Texas pursued a line of remark at which I was somewhat galled, I confess, as one of the Senators from Mississippi. I refer to his insinuation that that State was controlled by certain persons in South Carolina. I did not know then that letters had been addressed to any member of the Convention, except to Judge Sharkey. So far as I knew, no other members of the Convention received any communication from him. 1 believe that another letter addressed to me by Mr. Calhoun was pretty freely circulated-I was so informed, at least. I make this statement to throw some light on my course in regard to this matter. I still say that the State of Mississippi was not dictated to—was not led or controlled, and that no attempt was made to lead er control it, so far as I know. Yet, through me a correspondence took place, which, no doubt, reulted in the adoption of a certain course of proceeding by that State, as I now believe. I am mach indebted to the gentleman for allowing me this opportunity to explain.

Mr. HOUSTON. I wish to put myself right In relation to the views I then entertained upon the subject. Certainly I did not know officially or reputedly that any interference had taken place

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What was done has had the acquiescence of both political parties. It has been unfortunately so mixed up as to have had a wet blanket thrown over it; and really at this time I had hoped that agitation was about to subside, and that the old

the consistency with which I adhered to it until
it was repudiated. Even afterwards, when the
compromise was brought up, I introduced a reso-
lution for the purpose of asserting the claim of the
South to extending the line of 360 30' to the Pa-
cific. That is what I wish to do. Certain gentle-parties would fall into their ranks and march on
men did not seem to consider me so ultra when I
voted for the Missouri compromise in favor of the
South, as when I voted for it when it favored the
North. I voted for it upon principle. But after !
did vote for it it was repudiated by the South and
thus rendered void,

I well remember another thing in which I differed from the honorable Senator from Mississippi. However much I may defer to his intelligence, wisdom, statesmanship, and patriotism, yet I have been unfortunate in dissenting from various schemes of his. I was directly opposed to the Southern Address. I did not sign that Address. My colleague [Mr. Rusk] did not sign it. I believe we were the only Southern Senators who did not sign that Address. I believed that that Address was fraught with mischief; and when I saw the consequent action that grew out of it-when I saw the Mississippi Convention and the Nashville Convention I became more satisfied with my own course in not signing it. I did not denounce those gentlemen who did sign it; but I wish to show that I have been consistent throughout in reference to the compromise and to the rights of the South. I have been unwilling to sacrifice those rights. My associations and all my interests are in the South. If I do not own millions of broad acres, all that I do own is in the South; yet I am not going to insist upon requisitions that I do not deem right; nor am I going to follow fantasies for legislative direction by which the country cannot be benefited. I am sent here to act in a legislative capacity for my State in matters of detail, and for the Union on general subjects. I have one director in that: it is the Constitution. Wherever that directs me there will I go.

Mr. President, I delivered my speech on the subject of the compromise on the 8th of February, 1850; and the resolution of compromise was introduced on the 14th of February following-six days afterwards, so that I have not been wholly disconnected from that matter. I put it to the candor of any gentleman, whether I have not been as zealous and as forward in the support of that measure as any other member of this body. I occupied no equivocal position in relation to it, or the results growing out of it. I wish to add no additional plank to that platform. The honorable gentleman may deem it necessary to do so. If he presents himself as the organ of the party to which I belong, and wishes to ingraft this condition upon the platform, I, as a member of the Democratic party-unimportant as I may be most solemnly, in the face of the Senate, this assemblage, and the world, protest against any test that has not its

quietly to the attainment of the objects they thought most eligible or judicious. And I never shall sanction any measure which is calculated only to distract the party to which I belong. I will do everything I can, fairly and justly, conformably to the Constitution, to pour oil on the troubled waters and to quiet them; but I will not introduce a firebrand. I will not attempt to distract the party by anything extraneous to the principles which have bound them together. I never will, as long as I live, seek to become the dictator of a party, as to what they ought to do. If I have any measure relating to the interests of the party to introduce, I will submit it to its members; and if they think it ought not to be introduced, I will be prepared to hear their reasons; and if a majority shall overrule my own opinions, I will, upon conviction, surrender my impressions to their decision. I have never attached sufficient importance to myself to believe that I have a right to control the party, or to believe that my diction should be their law, or my opinions their guide.

If I could be induced for one moment to believe that the Democratic party could derive any benefit from the adoption of this resolution, without prejudice to the general weal of the country, I might not oppose it. But now I can see no propriety or utility in it, and therefore I shall oppose it.

Is it intended to give effect to the compromise? Will those measures derive any additional force from the passage of this resolution? Will they be more binding? I think not. Is it customary to reenact laws of Congress, or to indorse them by resolution while they remain upon the statutebook? Will not the adoption of this resolution in effect declare that we have not full confidence in existing laws passed by a former Congress? If this resolution is necessary at this time, will not a similar resolution be necessary at each succeeding Congress, upon the compromise and every other important measure that may be passed? And will not such a course have a tendency to produce unpleasant scenes in the halls of legislation, impair public confidence in our proceedings, and keep incessant agitation in the community? If a minority are willing to acquiesce in a measure, and the country is tending to repose after the settlement of controverted questions, so far as they can be settled by the action of Congress, does it become a magnanimous majority to open afresh the sorest points of severe conflicts that have been allayed, and which the minority do not propose to disturb? And especially, sir, is it magnanimous in the majority to open these questions again, when the ver

in reference to this matter, but I believed, from the origin in the action of the Democratic National agitation? object of their adoption was to allay

indications which afterwards surrounded me, that something of the kind must have been done. And when I alluded to it, it was without information further than that which results from analogy to other things. I find that the honorable Senator from Mississippi, the other day, declared as follows:

"I have heretofore mentioned in this body, that it was through me, in the first instance, that Mr. Calhoun succeeded in instigating the incipient movements in Mississippi, which led to the calling of the Nashville Convention. I repeat that statement now, and insist that my fellow-citizens of Mississippi, who had been thus induced to assume the responsibility of calling the general convention into being, had a right to expect the earliest information to be given to them of any contemplated departure from the original plan of operation."

This merely corroborated what I then stated. It establishes it beyond all controversy. It will be remembered that in 1847 I was denounced for Toting for the Missouri compromise line. In October, 1849, the Mississippi Convention occurred, and the Nashville Convention grew out of it. At the adjourned meeting of the Nashville Convention the ultimatum laid down by that body was that very identical line which had been repudiated by the whole South. That line they made the ultimatum for all difficulties then exising. Their motto was "Thirty-six thirty or fight." I had been denounced for supporting and voting for that line, and the whole South had repudiated it. In 1850, the Nashville Convention laid it down as the only ground of compromise that could be acceded to by the South. I only wish to show

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Convention, called for political purposes. I never will record my vote on the Journals of this Senate for a resolution that is not connected with legislation, and is purely political in its character. I will not blacken the white paper of the Senate with it. If I distrusted the intelligence of the American people; if I distrusted their patriotism, 1 might set myself up as a dictator of opinions, and instruct them in what they ought to do. But I have no pretensions to the character of a leader. I am willing to follow; and 1 have got the broad road before me. I have got the platform on which we have stood, and on which we have acted. I did not expect an entire concordance of opinions, or of platforms, but such as have formerly reconciled those opinions. Heretofore gentlemen in favor of internal improvements and gentlemen opposed to them have stood upon the same platform. Tariff and anti-tariff gentlemen have stood upon the same platform; they have supported the great creed of Democracy; and if you begin to enlarge that platform we shall have more trouble hereafter in reconciling other jarring interests. It will create additional trouble to the party. I believed that the discord which had existed throughout the country on various subjects, and particularly the conflict between the North and South, was fast dying away and would soon be forgotten, until some new subject would furnish excitement to the American people, and divert their minds from this subject, which had so long agitated them. I thought they had determined to be reconciled.

voted for them, each and all, as peace measures. As such they have been received by the country, and millions have rejoiced that these unhappy controversies had been adjusted. Since these peace measures were adopted, an entire session of Congress has passed, and now at the commencement of a new session of a new Congress, a resolution is offered which again opens, and has opened, the aggravating agitation. It is an AGITATING RESOLUTION upon a series of PEACE MEASURES, and measures, too, acquiesced in by nearly the whole country. Where, sir, is the practicability of this resolution? Its friends have not shown it, and cannot. Its evil influences are already apparent as defeating the very object of the compromise measures; and as a fast friend of the adjustment, I cannot consistently vote for it. Why not, sir, introduce a resolution here declaring that the independent treasury bill shall be a final adjustment of the questions that arose during its progress through the two Houses of Congress? Some of our political friends at first opposed that measure, but have since acquiesced in it. If the position of the Senator from Mississippi be correct, we must get up a resolution to "commit" Senators upon that measure at the present time. Why is it not done? Simply because such a course would be weakness, and worse-it would be ridiculous; but no more ridiculous than the resolution now before us. I cannot, Mr. President, trifle with laws in this way. It is not compatible with the dignity of this honorable body, or consistent with the well-established principles of legislation

where it was commanded by the gallant and gen- town, that I was to receive a drubbing here this erous Butler, who, not satisfied with the inflic-morning, during my absence, and I remained on tion of severe wounds, rushed on bravely, leading that account. I have heard the gentleman at his men on to victory, till he fell, he would not have length, and have listened to him with forbearance, had the privilege of voting for the Chief Magis- without any undue resentment; and I am very trate of his State, or for electors for the President happy that he has given me a legitimate and proper and Vice President of the Union. Nor, sir, would occasion for commenting, with suitable feeling any one of his gallant followers. I say it is not much at length, and with no malignity, upon wrong thus to deprive the people of South Caro- his course in connection with the pending queslina of their privileges; and if disunion were to tion. begin there, no one could blame the highlanders of South Carolina for drawing a line of demarcation between oppressors and the oppressed. But I would be sorry to see discord of that kind arise. And there may be policy in keeping up agitation against the Federal Government, for some men would rather be chief in a village than second in Rome; and it might do very well to create a diversion by loud complaints against the Federal authorities, to prevent the people from looking into their domestic affairs.

I have on some occasions not had the good fortune to act in accordance with the wishes of the honorable Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. BUTLER.] I never have believed, nor will I ever believe, that one, associated as he is with such patriotic recollections from the commencement of the Revolution down to the present day-that he, in whose veins flows the blood of all the Butlers, would be wanting in patriotism. I respect his love of country, though I dissent from him in some of his opinions.

The gentleman undertakes to intimate, in the very face of my solemn declaration to the contrary, (a declaration which I formally put in writing and read to the Senate,) by multiplied innuendoes, that I had introduced this resolution for some illicit party purpose; and he has given the Senate, on this occasion, the benefit of a regular party harangue. I deny the imputation made by him. Mr. HOUSTON. I especially exempted the Senator from it.

in this country. Sir, I again say there is no practicability in this resolution. It may be adapted to a peculiar platform in Mississippi; but it is not a suitable platform for the Democratic party of this whole country. I do not expect to occupy any of the time of the Senate by adverting to matters in connection with myself. But at the conclusion of the last session of Congress, I was attacked by a then member of the Senate from South Carolina, in a manner of which I cannot refrain from speaking. A publication had appeared over my name in a letter addressed to a gentleman, and in which some error had accidently occurred in transcribing. I was attacked as having charged upon South Carolina certain principles which were not contained in her constitution. It was said that what was in her constitution was in the constitution of every other State, and therefore I must have been either very ignorant of the laws of South Carolina and the other States, or it was a very useless charge. It has been my misfortune to be charged with having assailed the State of South Carolina. Now once for all, as I have no great inclination to be speaking in the Senate or elsewhere, I will place myself right in relation to South Carolina. Whenever I have spoken of that State, I did not allude to the people, but to her rulers. I did not call in question their patriotism, but their policy. I had repeatedly been attacked by citizens of that State; I had been denounced by the illustrious man, upon whose memory I would not cast a slur. He is gone, and with him are Mr. President, twenty-seven years ago I had buried all the resentments I might ever have felt; the honor to occupy a seat in the House of Repbut my feelings towards him were only those resentatives from the State of Tennessee. I recolwhich resulted from wrongs, real or imaginary, lect that in the discussion of the tariff act of 1824, which I had suffered. I have no enmity with him, for the first time in my life I heard the idea sug-* so that I can have no feelings of enmity to gratify gested that there might be secession, disunion, or when I allude to South Carolina, or to her most resistance to the constitutional action of the Feddistinguished citizen. When I speak of her, I do eral Government. When I heard it, I was amazed. it with all deference to her honored Senator, [Mr. I could hardly think it possible that a representaBUTLER,] who sits before me. I do not agree with tive of any portion of the American people would all her institutions; and though she is very tena- have the fierce temerity to suggest disunion or recious in relation to State rights, of which I am a sistance to the constitutional authorities of the sincere lover-for I would die before I would see land. It produced deep and intense meditation any of the rights which belong to the States on my part. I did believe then that an example wrested from them-yet it seems to me that if ought to be made of it, but there was no way to South Carolina was as sensitive with regard to her touch it. It wanted some technicalities to make municipal institutions as she is with regard to her it treason. I have heard principles of disunion relations with the Federal Government, she would boldly avowed in this Hall, and have heard Senaperhaps find that she had a great deal to do. In tors avow what was treason, not technically, but looking over the constitutions of the various States which was not stripped of one particle of the morof the Union, and comparing them with the Federal al turpitude of treason. Disunion has been proConstitution, I have come to the conclusion that claimed in this Hall. What a delightful commenSouth Carolina is not more liberal in her institu-tary upon the freedom of our institutions, and the tions to her own citizens than are most of the other States. If the Federal Government were to enact a law by Congress, approved by the President, dictating to any State or States that they should not exercise the fullest latitude of suffrage or franchise, it would be deemed a flagrant usurpation, and no State would submit to it. Suppose Congress, if it had the power, were to pass a law saying to Virginia or New York, or any other State, You shall not permit your citizens to vote for the electors of President or Vice President; you shall not permit them to vote for the Governor of your State: what would be said in reply to this? Why it would be one of the most flagrant outrages by Federal authority that ever was committed upon the rights of the States. It would be a usurpation of a most atrocious character. Yet South Carolina has never permitted one of her private citizens to vote for the electors for President or Vice President, or to vote for the Governor of the State.. They know no more who is to be voted for as the Governor, or who is to be voted for as the Chief Magistrate of the Union, than they know of the interior of Africa.

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Mr. FOOTE. The Senator did exempt me from it, but still entangled me in it, by insinuation. He knows how to manage these things very well. The impression which will go out from the Senator's speech is, that I introduced this resolution for the purpose of destroying the harmony of the Democratic party. The gentleman talked about doctors, and about persons undertaking to enlarge the party platform. All that is perfectly understood by some of us. Is there anything in resolution repugnant to Democracy? If so, Democracy is in itself a monstrous thing. Is here anything in these compromise measures cont to the great principles of the Democratic c I deny it. As a Democrat I deny it, and assert that there is not one single important, material feature connected with this plan of settlement which is not in perfect harmony with the great fundamental principles of the Democratic faith. The man who does not understand that, does not understand the first elementary principles of the Democratic creed. Why, the Democratic party is a Union party-a party strictly observant of the Constitution. The Baltimore platform, afraid the gentleman has never read it,) im every principle of this plan of comprom took occasion to say the other day that th ocratic party fought out the contest of 1 the principle of non-intervention. I sai where, in this city, in the hearing of the man, that the great contest of 1848 was upon the principle of non-intervention, w the principle imbodied in this plan of settlement. That principle was not received from the Senator from Texas, but from another and a much higher source, and was adopted by the whole Democratic party of the country. Does this resolution, then, add to the Democratic platform? But for the high respect I entertain for the Senator, I should pronounce this statement a slander upon the Democratic party. When the Democratic party becomes a Free-Soil party-when the members of it are permitted to enter into secret_intrigues for the purpose of securing the Free-Soil votes for the presidential and other offices, by avoiding a bold and manly assertion of the great principles which lie at the very foundation of the Democratic creed of the country, and which are essential to the prosperity and true power of- this great Republic-when such schemes can succeed, then indeed will the glory of our Democratic Israel depart, and unprincipled demagogues be enthroned in high places. I understand this matter, and the country shall understand it.

forbearance of the public mind, when a man is permitted to go unscathed and unscourged, who, in a deliberative body like this, has made such a declaration! Sir, no higher assurance can be given of the freedom of our institutions and the forbearance of the American people, and their reliance upon the reason and the intelligence of the community. The intelligent mind is left free to combat error. Such sentiments, with their authors, will descend to obscurity and the tomb of oblivion. I have only to say in conclusion, that those who proclaim disunion, no matter of what name politically-that those who, for the sake of disunion, conspire against the Union and the Constitution, are very beautifully described in Holy Writ. They are "raging waves of the sea, foaming out their own shame; wandering stars, to whom is reserved the blackness of darkness forever!"

I used the term oligarchy towards the legislative body of South Carolina, because the constitution of that State is in their power. Such is the rotten-borough system of South Carolina that forty persons in the lowlands wield as much political influence as thousands in the uplands. These were the objections which I made to the institutions of the State. I made no objection to the people of the State. I made it to those whom I believed to be oppressors and usurpers. The people of South Carolina are a gallant and daring people. They are as generous, noble, and warmhearted as the sun under which they live. I commend them. But let us recollect that had the gallant Palmetto regiment returned from Chapultepec,

Mr. FOOTE, of Mississippi. Mr. President, I regret very much to be compelled to trespass upon the attention of the Senate, but all must perceive that it will be impossible for me, without relinquishing all sentiments of self-respect, to permit what has fallen from the honorable Senator from Texas to go unreplied to. Whether the Senator prepared his speech, expecting I should be absent, and made the first regular assault on me which he has ever undertaken in this body, under the hope that it would not be responded to, remains to be decided by others. I happened to be here, and I intend, so far as I can, to give him a Roland for an Oliver.

Mr. HOUSTON. If the gentleman will permit me, I would say that I notified him on Saturday, that I should oppose this resolution.

Mr. FOOTE. The gentleman did; but he gave no notification that he would make such an attack as he has made. I had heard a rumor through

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