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caucus, and-can, therefore, know nothing of the
final action.
Mr. FOWLER. I remained there until all
action was concluded upon the resolutions. The
whole of the members of the caucus then went

parties at the North were sound upon this ques-
tion. Let me but know the fact that a large ma-
jority of the people of the North, both Whig and
Democratic, are in favor of the execution of this
law, and are willing to let us rest in peace with-
out further agitation, and that this question was
regarded as finally settled by this compromise,
against which I voted, and would again if it was
to come up, I say I should then cheerfully pro-
claim before the nation that I would abide all of
its features. I do not believe, neither do the Whig
party here nor any party believe, that the declara-
tions of the gentleman of New York, purporting
to give this assurance to the South, have any
grounds to rest upon. The fact is not so; we
know the fact is not so. As I have said before,
the commentary upon the declarations of the gen-
tleman from New York-that the Whig party is
in favor of the execution of the fugitive slave law-
is to be found in the nomination made by the gen-
tleman from Ohio, [Mr. CAMPBELL,] bringing for-
ward as a candidate for this high office one who
is known to be opposed to most of its features,
and particularly that which secures to the South
their constitutional rights. We know, sir-

for the purpose of gulling them in the approaching presidential contest. That was the object. Does the gentleman intend to say to my constituents, in the face of the numerous Whig conventions at the North in which they expressly declared their determination to repeal the only feature in that Mr. MEADE. I have, Mr. Clerk, but a few compromise that is beneficial to us, that they will words more to say. It appears, then, that about execute it? Does he hope to impose upon their forty Whigs were in attendance upon that occa- credulity to the extent of making them believe that sion. It is fair to presume that twenty of them the Whig party of the North are sound upon this were from the South, and it is fair to presume that subject? So far from being dissatisfied with the every southern Whig voted for that resolution; speech of the gentleman if I thought he had good and take the one third who voted against the reso- grounds to make that speech upon if he was suslution, and you have twenty-five; twenty south- tained by the facts, I should rejoice over his decern Whigs from twenty-five, will leave five north-larations; then I should hope that both of the great en Whigs sustaining them. [Laughter.] Now, Mr. Clerk, it is a very significant commentary upon the action of the Whig party this morning, caucus, that one of the Whigs from the North Dominated for the office of Speaker another Whig from the North, for whose Whiggery he vouches, and which I have no doubt all his colleagues from the North will vouch for. One Whig nominates another for the Speakership, who is known to be in favor of agitation and of repealing the only feature, as I deem it, in that compromise, beneficial to my constituents, and the South generally. Now, sir, I know the purpose for which this motion is made, and that purpose I wish to expose. It is made, sir, for political capital at the South, in the approaching presidential electionto obtain Southern votes. The people of the South understand the Whigs of the North. My constituents understand them as well as I do. We know that there are some honorable exceptions in that party from the general rule that controls them. We know that a large body of that party, under the auspices of a celebrated Senator from New York, [Mr. SEWARD,] are opposed to the execution of the fugitive slave bill, and that they have had conventions, time after time, in which they have avowed their determination to have it repealed. All the talents of Daniel Webster, and those acting with him at the North, have been unable to allay the storm which that fugitive slave bill has created there. While we know well that a majority of the Whig party at the North are unsound and untrue to the compromise, we also know that a large body of the Democratic party at the North are faithful to the compromise especially those who stand so prominently before the community there as to be known to the people of the South. I can allude to such men as Marey, Dickinson, Buchanan, Dallas, Douglas, and others whom it is unnecessary for me now to enu

merate.

I have named some of those who are the acknowledged leaders of the Democratic party at the North. We know that they are the true friends of this Union. I know, sir, though I was opposed to the series of compromise measures, that if justice is to be done the South, it must be expected from, and it will come from, that quarter, assisted by a few conservative Whigs, who are battling gloriously (whose services we are willing to acknowledge) in favor of the preservation of the Constitution, of the Union, and of the rights of my constituents. If the Whig party of the South do not intend to shut their eyes and willfully to stalk in the dark regardless of the stumbling-blocks in their way, I foresee their destiny, and the end to which they must come. If true and loyal to the interests of the South; if true and loyal to the Union, I say their destiny is with us the Democracy of the North and the South. They must cooperate with the Democratic party; laying aside the minor principles which have hitherto divided them, the Whig party must unite with the Democrats of the North and South in securing those blessings which they were so eloquent in describing to their constituents at home. We, sir, are not to be gulled in this mode by the gentleman from New York, [Mr. BROOKS.] If the gentleman had not made the speech which he has, I was perfectly willing to have acknowledged him as a friend of the compromise and of this Union; but when I know the effect of that speech will be probably to induce some of the people of the South to believe in his declarations-to infer from the passage of that resolution by two thirds of one third of his party, that they intend to abide by the measures of compromise, I felt it my duty to rise in my place and undeceive my people, and to let them know it is but finesse, an artful contrivance

Mr. CAMPBELL. If the gentleman will allow me to explain, I desire to say to him and the House, that the presentation by me of the name of Mr. STEVENS had no connection whatever with the caucus referred to by the gentleman from New York. I was not in the caucus; with it my presentation had no connection.

Mr. MEADE. I consider the gentleman as a Whig, and his nominee as a Whig. He vouches for him, and many would of course vote for him as being a Whig. Now, the country shall not be deceived by this ruse practised by the Whig cau

cus.

If I understand aright, that subject was brought before the Democratic caucus, evening before last, (at which I was not present, nor was I in the city,) and was laid upon the table as being the appropriate subject for the consideration of the people in convention.

Several MEMBERS. That is it! That is it!

Mr. MEADE. That it was a question for the people afterwards to be assembled in Democratic convention, who will take this subject in hand and will proclaim to the world the opinions upon which Northern and Southern Democrats stand. While I know, sir, that there are Free-Soil agitators who call themselves Democrats, I for one, sir, as a member of the Democratic party, who will be willing to carry out in good faith this compromise which has been passed, but which I believe has been detrimental to us, repudiate every soul of them who are in favor of the agitation of the fugitive slave bill. They are not part and parcel of what I conceive to be the legitimate Democratic party of this Union. They are repudiated by the leading men of the North, whom we all know at the South, and in whom we can trust. These resolutions it was the policy of the Whig party to take up for the purpose of imposing upon the South the idea that their own party had been true upon this question. These resolutions, I again repeat, in the Democratic caucus, consisting of a bare majority, were laid upon the table as improper to be acted upon in a private meeting for another purpose. Sir, we wanted no declaration of opinion or principle by which we should be actuated here in this Congress. The Democratic party in this Congress are known to be united on the fugitive slave bill. I cast out of view the few dozen Free-Soilers and agitators who pass for Democrats at home, and who come here as members of the Democratic party. I do not call them members of the Democratic party. I, for one, do not view them as such. When they become willing to abide this

settlement and to regard the compromise measures as the final settlement of the slavery question, they may come in the Democratic party, and unite with that party in carrying out the other principles that characterize it. These resolutions were taken up, as I have stated before, with a view to contrast the action of the Whig caucus, containing about one fourth of the Whigs of the North, and for the very purpose of creating a false belief at the South that we had rejected and they had passed them. On any proper occasion I will venture to affirm there is not a dozen Democrats here who will vote against resolutions in favor of executing the fugitive slave bill. They were taken up by the Whig party this morning with a view of imposing their rotten party and its principles upon the South-of deceiving them. The trick will not succeed.

Mr. RICHARDSON. Mr. Clerk, I have heard it said that the soldier who in the hour of battle deserts, is sure to be the loudest after the victory in proclaiming his joy; that he is most anxious to be the vigilant sentinel, after the danger is past, in guarding the camp, and he is always the first when on guard to descry danger to the camp, and raise false alarms. This is not only true in relation to the soldier, but it is true in relation to the politician.

The gentleman from New York [Mr. BROOKS] comes forward to-day as the leader, as the especial champion of the measures passed by the last Congress, and known as the compromíse meas

ures.

The compromise measures embrace six distinct propositions. For five of them there was but little opposition from the North, and against two of the five-the admission of California and the abolition of the slave trade in this District-no gentleman representing a free State cast his vote. The only one of the series of measures thus passed that was distasteful and violently assailed at the North, was the fugitive slave bill. When the time came for Northern men to assume responsibility, the gentleman now so fierce, so bold, so valiant, found it convenient not to record his vote; he fled the flag under which he now thinks all true patriots, all who love the country and the Union, should do battle-he being leader.

Mr. BROOKS, (Mr. R. yielding the floor.) I voted upon that question the same way General Cass, and Mr. Douglas from his own State, voted.

Mr. RICHARDSON. The gentleman from New York is certainly apprised of the fact that Judge Douglas was confined to his bed by sickness at the time the bill passed. Does he pretend that he was unable to attend the House at the time the fugitive slave bill was under discussion, or when it was being voted upon? This hope, if such hope be entertained-this excuse, if it is pleaded, is cut off, the gentleman was in the House on the same day, and voted just before the vote was taken upon that bill; he was in the House and voted upon the next proposition that succeeded that bill. Does the gentleman say that he could not have voted upon that bill if he had desired so to do? Does he deny that he was here? If denied, I am prepared to show, by the Journal, all that I have stated.

Mr. BROOKS. The gentleman should be consistent in his charges, and not say I was both in my seat and fied the House. I admit the fact of not voting on the final passage. The gentleman will find me upon every vote facilitating action upon the bill. I have only to say, in addition to that, that there are reasons which I have given elsewhere for not voting on the final passage, and among others that the bill was never printed for this House, but driven through under the previous question, without giving us time to read what the bill was. Mr. B. said he regretted that he did not vote for the bill on its final passage; and he regretted it as the most unfortunate act of his political life, because, in addition to defending the bill in its details, whether he approved of all these details or not, he had been obliged to enter into long and detailed personal explanations of his reasons why he did not vote for the bill on its final passage. When an act of Congress was to be defended as he had defended this act, and a public man was to be attacked upon it as he had been attacked, whether he approved it or not, the wisest way, experience had shown him, was to take the bull by the horns and walk off with him at once. Mr. B. was sorry to hear that Judge Douglas

had been then confined to his bed so as to deprive him of the power of leaving a record in the Senate, as he (Mr. B.) had left in the House. But it was very remarkable that every Northern Democratic Senator, save only the two Senators from Iowa, was equally sick on that day, and was also confined to his bed. The malady was general, and only Iowa escaped the contagion.

Mr. RICHARDSON. The gentleman says he is sorry that he did not give that bill his support. I have no doubt of it, sir. The soldier who deserts his flag is always sorry, after the victory is won, that he was not there to help fight the battle. The gentleman, by refusing to vote upon the bill, placed himself in that condition (so desirable with some politicians) to avail himself of advantage either way, while he was unwilling to hazard anything by the course he pursued. If the bill was odious to his constituents, he could say, I could not find it in my conscience to vote for it. If the returning sense of justice made it acceptable, he could say, I had not time to read what the bill

was.

The gentleman thus situated is selected to announce to us the fact, that the Whig party have adopted by their caucus these measures as the platform upon which alone they are willing to stand; and in the execution of his mission he denounces as abolitionists and secessionists the whole Democratic party, because they have seen fit and proper to defer all these questions to the appropriate tribunal, the National Convention, which is soon to assemble, to be considered and acted upon. As a Democrat, I have fought for these measures when the gentleman from New York was enlisted under the banner of Free-Soil, going quite as far as him who went furthest.

His conversion has been sudden, and, like all new converts, his zeal is very great. I ask the gentleman if modesty should not moderate his denunciations of those who were so lately fighting side by side with him in the Abolition ranks? Who, sir, first joined hands and forces in the North with the Abolitionists? The Whig party; and by their votes and their aid they trampled down and beat the Democrats in more than half the northern States; and while it is true they forced some of the Democrats to alliances with Abolitionists, the only men who at the North opposed Abolitionism were Democrats. When I first entered Congress, not one Northern Whig Representative could be found to place himself upon record, except under the lead and side by side with the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. GIDDINGS;] while there were many Democrats from the same section (fully half of them) who opposed here, and before their constituents, Abolitionism and FreeSoil in all its shapes and phases: I am one of the number. Sir, it was but recently the whole Whig press of the North, among whom was the gentleman, were in the habit of calling me doughface, because I could not and would not bow to this deity, once so supreme with the gentleman.

With the past before me, the gentleman will pardon me--I beg his forgiveness—if I decline to follow in his lead; and I hope he will indulge me while I say to him, that he had better see that he is sound himself before he pronounces others so unsound; that if he will be content to serve in the ranks awhile, and does good service, by and by we may promote him to command, as the reward of skill, industry, and zeal.

But, sir, the gentleman says the Whig party in caucus have, with great unanimity, agreed to acquiesce in the compromise measures; and he says that caucus was made up of mostly Northern men. He also says that Democrats are afraid to put themselves upon record for these measures. The gentleman's fancies are fine-his facts unfortunate. He was a member of this House when those measures passed, and he knows that they received two Democratic votes to one Whig.

Mr. HARRIS, of Tennessee, (Mr. RICHARDSON yielding the floor,) said, that during the progress of this discussion, he had analyzed the vote by which the fugitive slave law had passed the House of Representatives, and found, upon examination of the Journal, that eighty-two Democrats voted for that bill, and only twenty-six Whigs; and this, too, in a House composed of about an equal number of Whigs and Democrats.

Out of seventy-six Whig Representatives from the North, ONLY THREE VOTED FOR THE BILL. And out of only fifty Democratic Representatives

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from the North, TWENTY-EIGHT RECORDED THEIR

VOTES FOR IT.

The State of New York had, at that time, thirtytwo Whig Representatives upon this floor, and not one of them voted for this bill; while the Hon. Hiram Walden, the only Democratic Representative from the State, recorded his vote for it.

In the Senate, there was not a Northern Whig vote for the bill. And, sir, if gentlemen will take the trouble to analyze the vote by which the other bills composing the adjustment were passed, they will find, as already stated by my honorable friend from Illinois, that there were about two Democrats to one Whig that voted for those bills. When these facts have gone to the country, the people will be enabled to determine from them to whom they are indebted for the passage of these measures and the settlement of those vexed and agitating questions.

Mr. CAMPBELL. Are those three Whigs in this House? They were in the last House.

Mr. HARRIS. I meant the House of Representatives when I used the term. But three Whigs of the last House voted for the fugitive slave bill.

Mr. MARSHALL, of Kentucky. How many of those Democrats who voted for it have got back to this House?

Mr. HARRIS. There were more Democrats returned than Whigs. I see quite a number around me I have not counted them-my friend Mr. RICHARDSON, and a number of others.

Mr. RICHARDSON. I will with pleasure reply to the inquiry of the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. MARSHALL,] and I am under deep obligations to him for affording me the opportunity of placing this fact before the House and the country. Of the twenty-eight Democrats from the North who voted for the fugitive slave bill, twelve are members of this House, viz: Messrs. Bissell, Dimmick, Dunham, Fuller, Gorman, Hibbard, M'Lanahan, Peaslee, Richardson, Robbins, Ross, Wildrick. Mr. Buell, of Michigan, was beaten by a Whig for the vote he gave for the bill, and it may be that this Whig was one of those Northern Whigs who, in caucus this morning, adopted the compromise as the Whig platform. Of the twentyeight Northern Democrats who voted for this bill, fifteen were candidates for reëlection, twelve elected, two defeated by Whigs, and one by a Democrat.

From all the districts in the North represented in the last Congress by those who voted for the bill, there are Representatives here as sound as their predecessors, save it be from the districts where Whigs have been returned. This is not all; a large majority of the Democrats of this Congress from the North are opposed to any and all disturbance of these measures, but they are for a full and faithful execution of all the laws of the land. But, sir, where are the Whigs from the North who supported the fugitive bill? There were but three of them, it is true; only one of them has been spared. Are gentlemen candid when they say the Northern Whig party, either at home or here, are sound upon these measures-Winthrop, Vinton, Johnson, bright shining lights, all true and sound? In what but name do they differ from the rankest Abolitionists in the land? They have but recently been the standard-bearers in their States of this party that now are in such love with the Compromise. When I am reduced to the alternative of selecting between them and Abolitionists, I could not make a choice. If there are any persons in this country who are deceived by these professions of Northern Whigs, except themselves, I am greatly mistaken. If any of our friends anywhere are deceived by this specious resolution, it is because they are anxious to be duped. If any portion of our Southern friends are disposed to unite their fortunes with those who are the real authors of all those difficulties that have agitated the country, they are more anxious to be duped and deceived than I think they are. It is for them to make their election.

I am unwilling that the recruit of yesterday shall dragoon me, after twenty years of contest with abolitionism. In all that I have done, I have been actuated by a sense of duty, and a desire to overthrow those whom I regarded as threatening the existence of our Government. And, in conclusion, I have to say to the honorable gentleman from New York and his Northern Whig friends, who with so much unanimity adopted the Compro

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mise, that when they shall undo what they have done, or when they bring their party North to acquiesce in these measures in good faith, by acts instead of promises that they cannot and will not perform, the day of agitation is over here. I trust they have seen the error of their way, and intend in future to seek and follow in the path of duty. Several MEMBERS. "Call the roll!" "Call the roll!"

Mr. CABELL, of Florida. I have but a few words to say in reply to what has fallen from the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. MEADE,] and from the gentleman from Illinois, [Mr. RICHARDSON.] The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. MEADE] has said in the course of his remarks that it is the destiny of the Southern Whigs to affiliate with the Democrats of the North.

M. MEADE. And of the South.

Mr. CABELL. When I left my home in the South, I did feel it was to be my destiny to affiliate with the Democracy of the North. I could not affiliate with the Democracy of the South. The Southern Democracy were, in my opinion, as wrong on many questions as the Northern Whigs. They were seeking to tear up the foundations of our Government, whilst the Abolitionists of the North were seeking to produce excitement there that would lead to the same result. I could not affiliate with the Disunionists and Secessionists of the South, or with the Abolitionists of the NorthWhig or Democratic.

I came here believing that it was my destiny to affiliate with the Northern Democrats and such Southern Democrats as will stand by the Union and the Constitution as it is. For I had observed, in the course of my Congressional experience, that there were more sound men in the Congress of the United States upon this question, n the Democratic party than among the Whigs, and I had confidence in their assurances for the future. I came here for the purpose of taking those men by the hand, regarding them as brothers, who were willing to stand with me by the Constitution of the United State. I will not mention individuals, or 1 might point to the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. GoaMAN] who has been named by the gentleman from Illinois, and to the gentleman himself, [Mr. RICHARDSON.] It was my expectation that I should act with those men. I was willing, and even expected, that I should cast my vote for the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. BoYD,] believing that he would be the nominee of the Democratic party; that that party, after all their professions on this subject, would indorse the compromise measures, which I feared the Whig party would not do. We had been told all over the South that the great Democratic party of the country was sound upon that question.

Mr. POLK, (interposing.) I wish to state a fact which has not been heretofore stated that I introduced that resolution into the Democratic caucus, and that there was not a word uttered in that caucus in contradiction of the principles embraced in the resolution. The chief objection was as to the question of time, and, as it was not a full caucus, the objection was also raised, that it would not be right for a portion of the party to take action on a great national question of this charac

ter.

Mr. STANLY. How many were there in the caucus?

Mr. POLK. Eighty-nine were present, and I say, that of those eighty-nine, not one member gave utterance to a sentiment in contradiction of the principles embraced in the resolution. We have a right to ask for time, that we may have a full expression of the opinion of the Democratic party.

Mr. HUNTER. Do I understand the gentleman as saying that all who were in attendance at that caucus indorsed the compromise?

Mr. POLK. There was no expression of sentiment against it.

Mr. CABELL, of Florida. No, not a sentiment was uttered against it; but they voted against it. They voted to lay it on the table. I say, then, that I came to Congress believing there was truth in what we had heard, and with a determination to cut myself loose from all party affiliations; to stand by those who stood by the rights of my section of the Union, and by the Constitution of these States. When I came to the city of Washington yesterday, I learned that a resolution ap

Mr. HART. I think the gentleman is in error. Mr. DEAN. As one of the members elected to this House from the State of New York, I would say that the Democratic convention of New York of last year, and the Democratic convention of this year, and the Democratic convention of the Congressional district which I have the honor to

Mr. CABELL. I did not mean to do the gentleman any injustice, I assure him. What I have said is on the authority of his colleagues. But I may speak of the great Democratic party of his

proving of the compromise had been introduced
Into the Democratic caucus, and, much to my sur-
prise, had been defeated. The Whig party held
a meeting to-day, and I confess, somewhat to my
surprise, put themselves upon my platform. They
sand where I stand; they stand where the great
Ttion party of the South stand; they stand upon
the Constitution as it is; they indorse the compro-represent, indorsed in full the compromise meas-
pise as a total and final settlement. The gentle- ures as a final settlement of the slavery ques-
man from Virginia [Mr. MEADE] arrived at the tion.
conclusion that this action of the Whig caucus
was consummated by Southern Whigs, with a few
Northern Whigs. I would say to the gentleman,
that the distrust among the Southern Whigs was
very great in reference to the action of the North-State, whose resolves are before the country. They
ern Whigs. My impression is, that the majority
of them did not attend the caucus. There were,
I think, but twelve or fourteen of the Southern
Whigs in that caucus, all of whom declared their
determination to withdraw from the caucus, and
no longer to act with the Whig party, if it failed
to put itself on this national platform. A ma-
jority of those present were Northern Whigs.
The Northern Whigs have now placed themselves
where I stood last Congress-where the gentlemen
from Georgia and myself took our position at an
early stage of the organization of the last House
of Representatives. We refused to act in concert
with men who were pursuing a course that must
inevitably lead to the subversion of the institutions
of our country. We determined no longer to affil-
iate with a party that was pursuing such a course.

Mr. MEADE. I would ask the gentleman from Florida if he intends to be deluded by the voices of the twelve or fourteen Northern Whigs who took part in that caucus? For, by his own account, there were fourteen Southern Whigs present, which would leave about twenty-seven Northern Whigs, and as one third of those present refused to vote for the resolution, it leaves but twelve or thirteen Northern Whigs who voted for it.

Mr. CABELL. I will state to the gentleman from Virginia that I was present at that caucus, having determined to act with the Whigs, if they would do what the Democrats failed to do-fully indorse the compromise—and that I have no hesitation in saying that there were not five gentlemen who left the meeting on the passage of the resolution. I think there were but three.

There were, I am pretty sure, between fifty and sixty members present; quite as large a propor

tionate number as attended the Democratic caucus. I am equally sure there were not more than seven or eight who voted against the resolution. Had the Southern Whigs generally attended the caucus there would have been a much better exhibit. The action of this caucus must be regarded as the action of the Whig party in Congress.

It is certainly a fact, and this must go forth to the country, that a meeting of the Whig members of Congress was called by advertisement, in the papers of this city; that all were invited to attend, and had an opportunity of voting for or against the resolution; and it is to be presumed that if they had had this violent hostility to Southern institutions that is imputed to them, they would have

gone into the caucus and done what the Democratic caucus have done-voted down the resolution. At present I am bound to presume that the action of the caucus held this morning is the action of the Whig party, and they have placed themselves upon the platform where I stand.

Mr. MEADĚ. I would ask the gentleman to state to the House whether he believes that that resolution, even if voted for by the Northern Whigs present, does in fact reflect the opinion of the Whig party of the North?

Mr. CABELL. I will say this, that it reflects the sentiments of the Whig Representatives of the North in this House. I cannot say what are the sentiments of the individual constituents, but it reflects the present sentiments of a majority of the Whig Representatives elected to this House, however unsound the opinions of that portion of the Whig party may have been in former times.

Since I have been in this city and have conversed with members, I have learned--and if I am mistaken I ask gentlemen to correct me--that the Democratic party of the great State of New York have returned to this House but one member (the gentleman from the city of New York, Mr. HART) upon the endorsement of the compromise

measures

do not indorse the compromise. I know not what
the party of his district may have done; but I
have it on good authority that in no district but
one was the compromise measures fully indorsed
by the nominating convention. The gentleman
tells us that the great Democratic party of New
York have indorsed the compromise measures.
This will astonish the Van Burens and other
Barnburners, who compose a majority of that
party. Why, who are the members here repre-
senting the Democratic party of that State? Who
is the honorable gentleman who sits before me,
[Mr. PRESTON KING,]-the great head and front
of Free-Soilism and Van Burenism in his own
party? Who are the great majority of his asso-
ciates? Were not more than half the men on
their State ticket Barnburners? The Hunker
Democrats have surrendered, and are in open coa-
lition with the Free-Soilers in the State of New
York; and yet the gentleman tells the House that
the great Democratic party of the State of New
York have indorsed the compromise measures!
Go, again, to the State of Ohio-how is it there?
How is it in Massachusetts? But it would be in-
appropriate for me to detain the House at this
time by any further reference to this matter.

He

But the gentleman charges that we, the Whigs
of the South, have heretofore acted in concert and
coalition with the Abolitionists of the North.
condemns and denounces us for it. But I ask the
gentleman, with whom does he find the members
of his own party acting in caucus for the purpose
of securing certain advantages in the organiza-
tion of the House? Why, we find them acting in
concert with the gentleman from Massachusetts,
[Mr. RANTOUL,] with the gentleman from Con-
necticut, [Mr. CLEVELAND,] and the gentleman
from New York, [Mr. PRESTON KING,] whose
positions upon this subject are well known. The
resolution approving of the compromise was laid
on the table, because it was not the time to adopt
it; it was not politic to adopt it at this time. It
might interfere with their organization, and defeat
a Democratic Speaker or Clerk. Thus, the South-
ern Democrats are doing the very thing that we
have been denounced for doing; the very thing
that I refused to do in the last Congress. I broke
myself loose from my party. And now, the gen-
tlemen opposite are all voting for the gentleman
who has been nominated by the Democratic cau-
cus, although no platform has been laid down.
They who have been denouncing the Whig party
for years past for not laying down their principles
openly, now come in here and hope to elect their
candidates by the aid of Free-Soilers and Secession-
ists. We see Union Democrats and Disunion
Democrats, Old Hunkers and Barnburners, Free-
Soil Democrats and Southern Rights Democrats,
everybody of all sorts from the North and from
the South, who will come into the Democratic cau-
cus, all acting harmoniously together for the sake
of dividing the spoils, but all studiously absolved
from expressing their opinions on these important
questions.

Mr. MEADE, (interposing.) The call of the
caucus was an invitation to all who call themselves
Democrats, to attend, just as the call of the Whig
caucus was an invitation to all who call themselves
Whigs to attend. We could not exclude any-
body. We came here for the purpose of making
nominations. But will the gentleman pretend to
say that there are none of his own party who hold
these opinions? Did he attempt to exclude them?
Did he attempt to make a nomination independ-
ently of those Free-Soilers?

Mr. CABELL. I am so frequently interrupted, that I must of necessity speak disconnectedly. I have but a few words more to say.

It is true that in the Whig caucus, as in the

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Democratic caucus, there were men of this description, but we did not choose to compromise ourselves for the purpose of securing their votes. We took our position in spite of them, and I thank God for it. Those men left the caucus, and are no longer Whigs. Let them go and follow the example of Senator Chase and other gentlemen from Ohio-act with the great Democratic party. They are no longer Whigs.

For myself, I have only to say, that whatever may be the position of the Whig party, I, for one, stand upon the Constitution of my country, and shall act with the great Union and Constitutional party, be it Whig or Democratic. I shall vote against any man nominated by a coalition caucus. The Whig party could not expect to elect a Whig, and have therefore made no nomination; but having placed ourselves on this constitutional platform, we are willing, and I intend to vote for some good Union compromise Democrat.

Mr. GIDDINGS said: As yet we are not organized. We are acting under no rules. Each member is permitted to speak when he pleases and as long as his judgment dictates. I, however, (said he,) embrace this opportunity of congratulating the honorable Secretary of State and the President upon the beautiful workings of their peace measures-this quieting of all agitation. I will also suggest to gentlemen who appear so eager for the conflict, that we, the free Democracy, intend to afford each of them a legitimate opportunity to express their views on those questions which have now been so inappropriately precipitated upon us. And now I appeal to gentlemen to permit the vote to be taken upon the election of Speaker. I think we owe it to ourselves, to our constituents, and to the country, to proceed to the regular organization of the House. After that, the questions now referred to will come up in legitimate order, at the proper time for discus

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For Hon. Linn Boyd-Messrs. Andrews, Appleton of Maine, Ashe, Averett, Babcock, Bartlett, Bailey of Georgia, Bocock, Bragg, Breckenridge, Buell, Busby, Campbell of Illinois, Cartter, Caskie, Churchwell, Clark, Cleveland, Cobb, Curtis, Daniel, Davis of Indiana, Dawson, Dean, Dimmick, Disney, Doty, Dunham, Eastman, Edmundson, Edgerton, Ficklin, Fitch, Florence, Floyd, Freeman, Fuller of Maine, Gamble, Gaylord, Gorman, Green, Grow, Hall, Hamilton, Hammond, Harris of Tennessee, Harris of Alabama, Hart, Hendricks, Henn, Hibbard, Holladay, Houston, How of New York, Ingersoll, Ives, Jackson, Jenkins, Johnson of Tennessee, Johnson of Ohio, Johnson of Arkansas, Jones of New York, Jones of Tennessee, Jones of Pennsylvania, King of New York, Kurtz, Letcher, Lockhart, Mace, Marshall of California, Mason, McCorkle, McDonald, McLanahan, McMullen, McNair, Meade, Millson, Molony, Morrison, Murray, Nabers, Olds, Parker of Pennsylvania, Peaslee, Penn, Phelps, Polk, Powell, Price, Rantoul, Richardson, Riddle, Robbins, Robie, Robinson, Ross, Russell, Savage, Scurry, Seymour of New York, Seymour of Connecticut, Skelton, Smart, Smith, Snow, Stanton of Tennessee, Stanton of Kentucky, Stratton, Stuart, Sutherland, Sweetser, Thompson of Vir

ginia, Thurston, Venable, Wilcox, Wildrick, and Williams.
For Hon. E. Stanly-Messrs. W. Appleton, Bennett,
Bowne, Briggs, Geo. H. Brown, Chapman, Conger, Geo.
T. Davis, Dockery, Duncan, Goodrich, Harper, G. G.

King, Miller, Penniman, Porter, Schermerhorn, Schoonmaker, Scudder, B. Stanton, and Taylor.

For Hon. Mr. Chandler-Messrs. Barrere, Bell, Bibighaus, Brenton, Burrows, H. M. Fuller, Goodenow, Haven, Hebard, Horsford, Hunter, Kuhns, Martin, Meacham, Minor, Moore, Parker, B. Thompson, Washburn, Welch, and Yates.

For Hon. Thaddeus Stevens-Messrs. C. Allen, L. D. Campbell, Durkee, Fowler, Giddings, Hascall, J. W. Howe, Mann, Newton, Perkins, Sackett, Schoolcraft, Tuck, Waldbridge, and Wells.

For Hon. T. H. Bayly-Messrs. E. C. Cabell, Chastain, Cottman, Faulkner, Hillyer, Jas. Johnson, Murphy, and

J. F. Strother.

For Hon. J. L. Taylor-Messrs. Ewing, Gray, H. Marshall, Stanly, Ward, and Addison White."

For Hon. A. Evans-Messrs. Brooks, Chandler, Morehead, and Bowie.

For Hon. Mr. Bocock-Messrs. Burt, Colcock, Woodward, and Aiken.

For Hon. Mr. Gentry-Messrs. A. Evans, Watkins, and Walsh.

For Hon. Mr. Hillyer-Messrs. A. H. Stephens, and Toombs.

For Hon. Mr. Bowie-J. P. Caldwell.
For Hon. Mr. Outlaw-Mr. Clingman.
For Hon. Mr. Cabell-Mr. Outlaw.

For Hon. Mr. Ashe-Mr. Orr.

For Hon. Mr. Allison-Mr. Thomas M. How.
For Hon. Mr. Meacham-Mr. Thad. Stevens.
For Hon. P. King-Mr. Townshend.

For Hon. G. Jones-Mr. Alex. White.
For Hon. Mr. Gorman-Mr. Thomas H. Bayly.
For Hon. Thos. M. Howe-Mr. Allison.

The Hon. LINN BOYD, having received a majority of the whole number of votes given, was declared to be duly elected Speaker.

The CLERK requested Mr. STANLY of North Carolina, and Mr. DISNEY of Ohio, to conduct the Speaker elect to the chair; which duty they performed; thereupon,

The SPEAKER said: Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, for the kindness and confidence shown in selecting me as the Presiding Officer of this body, I beg you to accept my grateful acknowledgments. Properly appreciating the high trust-the responsibility imposed, as well as the high honor conferred by it-I accept the station with a most earnest desire, and a fixed determination to administer its functions, so far as I may be able, in such a manner that our deliberations may be pleasant to ourselves and agreeable and profitable to our common country. [Great applause.]

The CLERK stated that it was customary for the oldest member consecutively of the House to administer the oath of office to the Speaker; and that as Mr. GIDDINGS was the oldest member, he would perform that duty.

Mr. GIDDINGS came forward accordingly, and administered to the Speaker the usual oath to support the Constitution.

MEMBERS QUALIFIED.

The CLERK, according to usage, called the roll, when the members came forward by delegations to the Speaker's chair, and were qualified by the Speaker administering to them the usual oath to support the Constitution of the United States.

Mr. BAYLY. In accordance with our usual custom, I offer the following resolution:

Resolved, That a message be sent to the Senate, to inform that body that a quorum of the House of Representatives has assembled, and LINN BOYD, one of the Representatives from the State of Kentucky, has been chosen Speaker; and that the House is now ready to proceed to business.

Mr. RICHARDSON. Is it not customary to authorize the Clerk to carry that message?

Mr. BAYLY. My resolution provides that the message shall be carried by the Clerk. The law provides that the present Clerk shall continue in office until the appointment of a new Clerk.

The question was then taken, and the resolution was adopted.

COMMITTEE TO WAIT ON THE PRESIDENT.

Mr. BAYLY offered the following resolution: Resolved, That a committee be appointed on the part of this House, to join such committee as may be appointed on the part of the Senate, to wait on the President of the United States, and inform him that a quorum of the House of Representatives is assembled, and that Congress is ready to receive any communication he may be pleased to make.

Mr. OLDS. Is it not necessary to wait until we are informed of the organization of the Senate?

The SPEAKER. The Chair thinks the usual custom is for the Senate first to inform the President.

The resolution was then adopted; and Mr. BAYLY, of Virginia, Mr. HAVEN, of New York, and Mr. JONES of Tennessee, were appointed the committee.

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THE RULES OF THE HOUSE.

Mr. BAYLY. I move that the rules of the last House be adopted as the rules of this House, until otherwise ordered.

Mr. STANLY. I hope the gentleman from Virginia will not insist upon that motion. As one of the minority of this House, it is a matter of very little importance to us what rules are adopted. We expect to be governed by the will of the majority, and they must take the responsibility into their own hands; but I appeal to the experience of every member of this House-1 ask the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. BAYLY] to say if that majority can accomplish its own purposes by the present rules of this House? I had various consultations with the Speaker of the last House, [Mr. Cobb,] and with other individuals, in regard to this subject, who have had much experience in this matter, and I do not hesitate to say, that the rules of this House are made to prevent the transaction of business. A minority can retard the whole business of the House, if they choose. I hope, therefore, for the sake of the country; I hope, for the sake of gentlemen upon the other side of the House, who have business of their own to transact, that they will not adopt the resolution of the gentleman from Virginia. If we adopt the rules until further order, there they will stand, and we shall never change them. I desire to see the majority of this House control its busiexperience of the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. ness according to their wishes; but I appeal to the BAYLY] whether, if these rules be adopted, the majority will be able to accomplish their own object?

Mr. GIDDINGS. I offer the following amendment to the resolution offered by the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. BAYLY.] I move to add to the 102d rule, as follows:

"And that if either of the standing committees shall neglect for thirty days to report on any subject committed to it, a minority of such committee may report thereon whenever such committee shall be called for reports."

Mr. G. I will detain the House but a few moments. I wish to say, that for the last eight years a large portion of the people of these United States have been denied the right of petition. The petitions of the people are referred to the clerks of the standing committees, and there they rest in silence. The voice of the people is smothered, and their constitutional rights are practically denied. The object of this amendment is to insure to the people a respectful answer to their petitions. I need not go into a history of the course which has been pursued in relation to this subject. All of us recollect the efforts of the distinguished and venerable gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Adams,) to rule has been resorted to as an alternative for secure the right of petition to this body; and this smothering the voice of petition. It seems to me that if we are, as the majority of this body profess to be, Democrats, the voice of the Democracy of this country, expressed through their petitions, should not only be heard, but should be replied to with respect; that their petitions should either be granted or rejected. The object of this amendment is to insure that result-to provide that the voice of the people shall be heard in this body.

announcing that a quorum of that body had as[A message was here received from the Senate, sembled, and were ready to proceed to business.]

Mr. GIDDINGS, (resuming.) It is not my intention to extend my remarks. I wish, however, to say to the new members here, that if we pass over this opportunity for amending our rules, we shall have no other opportunity of effecting that object. It is the only chance. Fourteen years' experience in this House has taught me that this is the only moment when we can lay our hands upon these rules to amend them. The gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. STANLY] has alluded to the principle "that the majority shall rule.” If the majority are to rule so as to smother the voice of the minority of this House-to prevent petitions from being heard-I, for one, cannot acquiesce in that principle.

Now, for the purpose of testing this question, upon which gentlemen seem so anxious to precipitate their remarks to-day, I offer this amendment, and hope every man will record his vote for or against it.

Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. I have but one remark to make, and it is this: Of all the difficulties and perplexing questions upon which this House

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will be called upon to act, they will find none more difficult to settle than the rules which are to govern its deliberations. I have had some little experience upon this subject, and I know that it is with extreme difficulty, when we get into a discussion of this sort, that we can ever close it. The amendment which has just been offered by the gentleman from Ohio is new and unheard-of.

Mr. GIDDINGS. The gentleman will permit me to correct him. He will find by examining the Journal of the House four years ago, that the same amendment, couched in the same language, was offered by the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Adams,) and discussed.

Mr. JONES. I had reference to its adoption as one of the rules for the Government of a legislative body, that the minority of a committee shall have power to report. If it prevail, the minority of a committee-it may be a solitary member representing the minority of a committee-will make the report, and it will be presented here as the report of that committee.

Now, in order to bring the House to the question on the original resolution of the gentleman from Virginia, and to get clear of the amendment of the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. GIDDINGS,} I move the previous question.

Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia, desired to inquire of the Speaker what would be the effect of the previous question?

The SPEAKER said it would be, if sustained, to bring the House to a direct vote upon the main question.

Mr. STEPHENS asked if it was debatable? The SPEAKER replied in the affirmative. Mr. JONES said that, according to his understanding of parliamentary law, the effect of the previous question was to cut off all amendment and all debate, and to bring the House to a direct vote upon the original resolution.

The SPEAKER said the gentleman from Ten

nessee was correct.

The previous question was then seconded, and the main question ordered.

Mr. GIDDINGS desired the Speaker to explain the effect of the previous question upon his amendment.

The SPEAKER decided that, according to parliamentary law, the question must be taken upon the original resolution of the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. BAYLY.]

Mr. MEADE asked if it would be in order to move that the rules of the House be referred to a committee with instructions to amend?

The SPEAKER decided that the motion could not be made under the operation of the previous question.

tion of the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. BAYLY,] The question was then taken upon the resoluand it was adopted.

Mr. JONES rose to a privileged question. He moved that the vote just taken be reconsidered, and that that motion be laid on the table; which latter motion was agreed to.

THE ELECTION OF CLERK.

Mr. HALL moved that the House do now proceed to the election of Clerk.

The motion was agreed to.

The SPEAKER appointed Mr. JONES of Tennessee, Mr. RICHARDSON of Illinois, Mr. BROOKS of New York, and Mr. BowIE of Maryland, to act as tellers.

The SPEAKER said that nominations were in order, and that no gentleman could be voted for for Clerk unless he was put in nomination before the voting commenced; thereupon,

Mr. SAVAGE nominated JOHN W. FORNEY. Mr. MEACHAM nominated JAMES C. WALKER.

Mr. CHARLES ALLEN nominated E. J. STANSBURY.

Mr. ALLISON nominated GEORGE DARCY. Mr. J. W. HOWE nominated HORACE GREELEY, but subsequently withdrew the nomination.

The roll was then called, when the tellers reported, that 208 votes had been given; necessary to a choice 105; of which

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The following is the vote in detail:

For Mr. Forney-Messrs. Abercrombie, Aiken, Allen of Clinois, Andrews, Appleton of Maine, Ashe, Averett, Bab cock, Bartlett, Bailey of Georgia, Bayly of Virginia, Boeck, Bragg, Breckenridge, Buell, Busby, Cable of Ohio, Campbell of Illinois, Cartter, Caskie, Chastain, Churchwell, Clark, Cleveland, Cobb, Curtis, Daniel, Davis of Indiana, Dawson, Dean, Dimmick, Disney, Doty, Dunam, Durkee, Eastman, Edmundson, Edgerton, Ficklin, Fich, Florence, Floyd, Freeman, Fuller of Maine, GamMe. Gaylord, Gorman, Green, Grow, Hall, Hamilton, Hamand, Harris of Tennessee, Harris of Alabama, Hart, Headricks, Henn, Hibbard, Hillyer, Holladay, Houston, How of New York, Ingersoll, Ives, Jackson, Jenkins, Johnson of Tennessee, Johnson of Georgia, Johnson of Ohio, Johnson of Arkansas, Jones of New York, Jones of Tennessee, Jones of Pennsylvania, King of New York, Kuhas, Kurtz, Letcher, Lockhart, Mace, Marshall of California, Mason, McCorkle, McDonald, McLanahan, McMullen, MeNair, Meade, Millson, Molony, Morrison, Murphy, Murray, Nabers, Oids, Orr, Parker of Pennsylvaa, Peaslee, Penn, Phelps, Polk, Powell, Price, Rantoul, Etadson, Riddle, Robbins, Robie, Robinson, Ross, Russel. Savage, Scurry, Seymour of New York, Seymour of Connecticut, Skelton, Smart, Smith, Snow, Stanton of Tennessee, Stanton of Kentucky, Stratton, Stuart, Sutherland, Sweetser, Thompson of Virginia, Thurston, Venable, Wilcox, and Wildrick.

Fer Mr. Walker-Messrs. Appleton of Massachusetts, Burrere, Bell, Bennett, Bibighaus, Bowie, Bowne, Brenton, Briggs, Brooks, Brown of New Jersey, Burrows, Cabell of Florida, Caldwell, Campbell of Ohio, Chandler, Chapman, Clingman, Conger, Davis of Massachusetts, Dockery, Dunean, Evans, Ewing, Fowler, Goodenow, Goodrich, Grey, Harper, Haws, Hascall, Haven, Hebard, Hurstond, John W. Howe, Hunter, King of Rhode Island, Mano, Marshall of Kentucky, Martin, Meacham, Miller, Moore of Pennsylvania, Morehead, Newton, Outlaw, Parker of Indiana, Penniman, Porter, Sackett, Schermerhorn, Schoolcraft, Schoonmaker, Scudder, Stanly, Stanton of Ohio, Stevens of Pennsylvania, Strother, Taylor, Thompson of Massachusetts, Toombs, Tuck, Walbridge, Walsh, Ward, Washburn, Watkins, Welch, Wells, White of Kentucky, Williams, and Yates.

Per Mr. Stansbury-Messrs. Allen of Massachusetts, Giddings, and Townshend.

For Mr. Darey-Messrs. Allison, and Thomas M. Howe. For Mr. Young-Messrs. Colcock and Woodward. Mr. FORNEY having received a majority of the whole number of votes cast for Clerk, was declared to be duly elected; and he came forward to the Speaker's chair and was qualified by taking the usual oath of office.

HOUR OF MEETING.

Mr. FOWLER offered the following resolution; which was agreed to, viz:

Recloed, That the daily hour to which this House shall stand adjourned shall be twelve o'clock, until otherwise ordered.

Mr. HARRIS, of Tennessee, rose for the purpose of saying, that if no gentleman on the other side of the House objected, he would offer a resolution to save time in regard to the election of Sergeant-at-Arms. It was read as follows:

Resolved, That A. J. Glossbrenner be and he is hereby declared Sergeant-at-Arms of the House of Representatives for the Thirty-second Congress.

the right of way, and a portion of the public lands, to aid in the construction of a railroad from Hannibal to Saint Joseph, in said State.

By Mr. PHELPS: A bill granting the right of way, and making a grant of land to the State of Missouri in aid of the construction of a railroad from St. Louis to the western line of said State.

IN SENATE.

TUESDAY, December 2, 1851. Prayer by the Rev. C. M. Butler. Mr. HUNTER, of Virginia, appeared in his seat this morning.

ORGANIZATION OF THE TWO HOUSES.

The following message from the House of Representatives was delivered by Mr. FORNEY, its Clerk:

Mr. PRESIDENT: I am directed to inform the Senate that a quorum of the House of Representatives has assembled; that LINN BOYD, one of the Representatives from the State of Kentucky, has been chosen Speaker; JOHN W. FORNEY, of Pennsylvania, Clerk; and that the House is ready to proceed to business.

I am also directed to inform the Senate, that the House of Representatives has passed a resolution for the appointment of a committee jointly with such committee as may be appointed on the part of the Senate, to wait on the President of the United States, and inform him that a quorum of the two Houses has assembled, and that Congress is ready to receive any communication he may be pleased to make; and that Mr. BAYLY of Virginia, Mr. HAVEN of New York, and Mr. JONES of Tennessee, have been ap pointed the committee on the part of the House.

On motion of Mr. BRIGHT, it was Ordered, That a committee of two members be appointed, jointly with the committee appointed by the House of Representatives, to wait on the President of the United States and inform him that a quorum of each House has assembled, and that Congress are ready to receive any communication he may be pleased to make.

On motion of Mr. WHITCOMB, it was Ordered, That the committee be appointed by the President pro tem.

The PRESIDENT appointed Mr. BRIGHT and Mr. MILLER the committee.

ELECTION OF CHAPLAIN. On the motion of Mr. ATCHISON, it was Resolved, That the Senate will proceed to the election of a Chaplain to-morrow, at one o'clock.

IRISH PATRIOTS.

Mr. FOOTE, of Mississippi. I beg to notify the Senate that I shall to-morrow ask leave to introduce a joint resolution expressive of the sympathy of Congress with the exiled Irish patriots, Wm. Smith O'Brien, Thomas F. Meagher, and

their associates.

The resolution is as follows:

Joint Resolution expressive of the sympathy of Congress for the exiled Irish patriots, Smith O'Brien and Thomas F. Meagher, and their associates:

Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assem

Mr. MACE suggested that the name of Z. W. McKnew be inserted for Doorkeeper, and that of bled, That in consideration of the general sympathy felt by

John M. Johnson for Postmaster for the Thirtysecond Congress.

There being no objection, the resolution was so modified and unanimously agreed to.

Mr. STANTON, of Kentucky, moved to reconsider the vote on the adoption of the resolution, and to lay that motion on the table; which latter motion was agreed to.

The above officers then presented themselves at the Speaker's table, and were severally sworn in. SEATS OF MEMBERS.

Mr. HIBBARD offered a resolution; which was read as follows, viz:

Resolved, That the Clerk of the House immediately after the passage of this resolution place in a box the name of each member and delegate of the House of Representatives on a separate piece of paper; that he then proceed in presence of the House to draw from said box, one at a time, the said pieces of paper; and as each is drawn, he shall announce the name of the member or delegate upon it, who shall then choose his seat for the present session, provided that before said drawing shall commence, the Speaker shall cause every seat to be vacated, and shall see that every seat continues vacant until it is selected under this order.

On motion by Mr. RICHARDSON, the House then adjourned.

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the people of the United States for Smith O'Brien, Thomas F. Meagher, and their immediate associates, exiled Irish patriots, and the warm sympathies felt by the countrymen of these distingnished sufferers, who have become adopted citizens of the United States, the President of the United States be requested to authorize a correspondence to be opened with the Government of her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain, appealing to the magnanimity of the British Government and people in their behalf, and respectfully requesting the liberation of these personages from their present confinement, with an offer to receive them upon the hospitable shores of the United States.

MEMORIALS.

Mr. DODGE, of Iowa. Mr. President, I desire to present the memorial of a convention of 294 delegates from the States of Wisconsin, Iowa, Illinois, and Missouri, and the Territory of Minnesota, which assembled at Burlington, in the State of Iowa, on the 23d and 24th days of October, 1851, praying for an appropriation for the removal of obstructions to the navigation of the Mississippi river. As the committees are not yet organized, and the memorial is one of a large and most respectable body, I ask that it be laid on the table and printed.

The memorial was laid on the table and ordered to be printed.

Mr. JONES, of Iowa, presented the petition of the present State registers and receivers of the land office at Dubuque, Iowa, asking extra compensation for services in locating military land

warrants.

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way and making a donation of a portion of the public lands to the State of Missouri, to aid in the construction of a railroad from Hannibal to St. Joseph's, in said State.

Mr. MORTON gave notice of his intention to ask leave to introduce a bill granting the right of way to the Florida, Atlantic, and Gulf Central Railroad Company through public lands, and appropriating lands to the State of Florida in aid of the construction of said railroad and branches.

BILLS INTRoduced.

Mr. JONES, of Iowa, in pursuance of previous notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a the construction of a railroad in said State. It bill granting land to the State of Iowa in aid of was read a first time and ordered to a second reading.

Mr. CHASE, pursuant to notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill to grant to the State of Ohio the unsold and unappropriated public lands remaining in that State. And it was read a first time and ordered to a second reading.

SPECIAL ELECTION COMMITTEE. The hour of one o'clock having arrived, the Senate proceeded to ballot for the special committee agreed to be appointed yesterday to consider and report on the Florida contested-election

case.

The PRESIDENT announced that the Secretary had furnished him with the following result of the balloting: Mr. BERRIEN had received 21 votes, Mr. BRIGHT 21, Mr. DAVIS 21, Mr MASON 17, and Mr. PEARCE 12. These five gentlemen having received the highest votes, they were duly elected the special committee.

The remainder of the votes were as follows: Mr. Douglas........10 Mr. Norris..........3 Mr. Pratt ......6 Mr. Clarke..........3 Mr. Hamlin.. ......6 Mr. Shields..........2

Mr. Underwood......5 Mr. Dodge, of Iowa..2

Mr. Clay...

Mr. Cass.... Mr. Walker. Mr. Felch.. Mr. Bayard Mr. Geyer.. Mr. Hunter Mr. Atchison.. Mr. Clemens.

..4

Mr. Sumner..

...1

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..4 Mr. Foote, of Miss..1

.4 Mr. Foot, of Vt......1

.4 Mr. Miller....

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.3 Mr. Jones, of Iowa..1

.3 Mr. Badger..

.3 Mr. Whitcomb..

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.3 Mr. Hale.......

Mr. BERRIEN. I would inquire what was the whole number of Senators voting?

The PRESIDENT. The Chair cannot tell. It is not usual to require a majority of the whole number to elect members of a select committee. They are elected by a plurality.

Mr. BERRIEN. I was under the impression that it required a majority to constitute any act of the Senate. My impression is, that we have several times balloted repeatedly for members of committees.

The PRESIDENT. The majority rule applies to standing committees.

Mr. BERRIEN. So little desirous am I of the position in which I seem to have been placed, that if the rules of the Senate require a majority to elect, I shall be very glad if those rules be adhered to.

Mr. FOOTE, of Mississippi. I hope that question will not be urged. The Senate is exceedingly rejoiced at the composition of the committee. I hear on all sides perfect satisfaction expressed.

The PRESIDENT. The rule on the subject, after speaking of the standing committees, says: "All other committees shall be appointed by ballot, and a plurality of votes shall make a choice." That settles the question.

PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

Mr. BRIGHT, from the committee appointed to wait upon the President of the United States and inform him that there was a quorum of each of the two Houses in attendance, and that they were ready to receive from him any communication he might be pleased to make, reported, that the committee had discharged the duty intrusted to it, and that the President of the United States informed them that he would immediately communicate with the two Houses in writing.

Soon afterwards, M. P. FILLMORE, Esq., the President's Private Secretary, appeared below the bar, and said:

Mr. PRESIDENT: I am directed by the President

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