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despondency of our friends in Europe is not, therefore, surprising. But there was no real occasion for gloomy apprehensions on either side of the ocean Reverses are as unavoidable in civil wars as successes are certain with a good cause, large forces, and abundant resources. The reaction has only recently commenced here, and it will be felt in Europe when this de spatch sball arrive.

Rest assured that it is not one nor even a series of defeats of the national arms that can destroy this government. Nor is it in the power of the metropolitan presses of Europe to shake its foundations. We are solving for ages the question whether there shall be one free political State in our great country which shall peacefully regulate all conflicting interests by debate, as heretofore, or whether we shall now adopt the European system of inde pendent states indefinitely, multiplied and maintaining themselves with standing armies, keeping peace only by temporary and ever uncertain truces. The condition of things existing in Europe may pass away, but ours will not.

How could we attempt to regulate the press of Europe when we cannot regulate our own? Where are the funds which would be necessary? Who the agent that could be trusted with them? What an endless chapter of political intrigues should we be opening! Who in our country has the skill to conduct them ? No, no. Let us trust in the mighty interests this nation has at stake, the enduring principles it maintains, the noble sentiments the struggle inspires, and the intelligence and virtue of a people who have a higher and happier destiny before them than was ever set before any other portion of mankind. The interest of Europe is to let us alone, and the sentiments of mankind will not allow interference which is at once wrong and pernicious to the world's peace. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

WILLIAM H. SEWARD. HENRY S. SANFORD, Esq., &c., &c., Brussels.

Mr. Serard to Mr. Sanford.

No. 67.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Washington, Oclober 10, 1862. Sir: I have your private letter of the 23d of September, which, in its subdued tone and spirit, is like the last of your favors which it has been my duty to acknowledge. I trust that you may have been encouraged to entertain more hopeful views by the auspicions news which you will have received long before this despatch shall come to your hands. It is an obvious and cheering fact that the insurgent invasion of the loyal States has everywhere failed. I might speak of our expectations of advantage from military and naval movements already in progress, but that would be, in some sort to commit myself concerning the success of operations which depend on circumstances beyond human control or foresight. I may, however, safely remark that the buoyancy of expectations on the part of the insurgents has passed away, and that apprehensions of danger are manifested by them which indicato a condition very unfavorable to long persistence in their designs. Besides this fact, the proceeding of the President, in giving warning to the insurgents of the necessity for a return to their allegiance under the penalty of a withdrawal of the protection hitherto extended to their system of slavery by the federal government, must exert no small influence upon the fortunes of the civil war they have so unnecessarily and wantonly waged against the Union. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

WILLIAM H. SEWARD. HENRY S. SANFORD, Esq., sc., 8c., 8c., Brussels.

Mr. Seward to Mr. Sanford.

No. 68.]

DEPARTMENT OF State,

Washington, October 13, 1862. Sır: Your two despatches of September 26 (Nos. 69 and 70) have been received.

It is an occasion of sincere satisfaction to the President to know that bis Majesty the King has recovered his health, and that his popularity bas augmented during his long and painful confinement.

The remarks of Mr. Rogier concerning the condition of our domestic struggle might surprise us if we had not too many other proofs that Europe, as might naturally be suspected, reasons in regard to our affairs under the influence of its own temporary interests and impulses, and not those which are inspired by concern for our own permanent safety and welfare, or even the permanent welfare of Europe itself. There is, nevertheless, an opinion in foreign circles that does appear unaccountable, namely, that this government, with the loyal people that are sustaining it, are desiring, or being prepared to desire, a compromise with the insurrection. No country in the world has ever poured out, in an equal period, so much of its treasure and its blood to save its integrity and its independence. These precious streams have flowed from springs as free as they are abundant. They are renewed now as freely and as plentifully as before. Temporary and partial disappointments not only produce no despair or despondency, but they stimulate and invigorate. These facts might be expected to satisfy Europe that the insurrection is not likely to be brought to an end by the surrender of the destinies which the country claims as its own. Our cause is now, as it was in the time of our great revolution, the cause of human nature. It deserves and it yet will win the favor of all nations and of all classes and conditions of men. • A copy of so much of your despatch (No. 70) as relates to New Orleans will be transmitted to Major General Butler. The international congress for the promotion of social science seems to have been wise in foregoing a discussion of American affairs under influences committed to the extension of slavery, which desolates one continent in preparing scourges for another and hindrances to civilization throughout the whole world. There is one fundamental principle of social science which cannot be too steadily kept in view by all who desire to promote the advancement of civilization, namely, the principle that every people ought to be left free to establish their own institutions, regulate their own affairs, and arbitrate their own domestiu conflicts. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

: WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Henry S. Sanford, Esq., fc., 8c., fc., Brussels.

Mr. Sanford to Mr. Seward.

[Extract.] No. 43.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,

Brussels, January 9, 1862. * * * * A despatch from the English government to its representative here, Lord IIoward De Walden, states that Messrs. Mason and Slidell have been given up. Should this prove to be the case, the effect will be highly favorable to us in continental Europe. The eagerness with which the different powers have hastened to put us in the wrong and Eng. land in the right, the desire evinced that we should not defend English law, but yield, shows, if not a lively interest in the preservation of the Union as a counterpoise, at least a lively jealousy at the increase of British influence, the augmentation of whose power they wish to thwart. I observe that in all their notes they inake a point of avoiding an expression of opinion on the legal question, because they know the seizure was in conformity with the principle of law, as declared and practiced by Great Britain and submitted to by all others, though the principle has always been opposed or reluctantly yielded by the continental powers and ourselves. They now unanimously reassert the true doctrine, which, as before said, puts England in the right and us in the wrong, in this case, and I cannot doubt that the result will be valuable as forcing England to abandon definitely her old position touching belligerent rights; and the evidence of jealousy and feeling of other powers, as ready tu profit of her exigencies as she is to take advantage of ours, is also not without value. I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

H. S. SANFORD. Hon. William II. SEWARD,

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

Mr. Sanford to Mr. Seward.

No. 46.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,

Brussels, January 14, 1862. Sir: The news of the settlement of the “Trent” affair has given universal satisfaction here. As influencing public opinion, it has caused a very cousiderable reaction in our favor, which, I doubt not, will gather strength.

The surrender by England, when they are applied to herself, of her own cherished principles of international law, principles which she has ever enforced and practiced upon unwilling Europe, is considered a great gain. I hope she will not prove apostate to her new faith; and the eagerness and unanimity with which the great powers have, while avoiding discussion of an act in conformity with lier established usage, urged us to yield in favor of neutral rights, and thus secure Great Britain in her new position, are significant, in my view of it, of anything rather than sympathy for England of hostility to ourselves. England can hardly congratulate herself upon this intervention, which indicates not alone the desire to secure a recognition of the more liberal extension of neutral rights, but a jealousy of an attempt to cripple a power recognized as a necessary counterpoise in the world's affairs. The eagerness of the government which, ignoring its own precepts and believing its own practices, seeks a pretext to fasten a war

and disaster upon us is now exposed, and, it is to be hoped, will meet fitting retribution at home and abroad. The sentiment is universal here that she will now, failing in this pretext, seek one upon the question of the inefficiency of our blockade. I look to Parliament, public opinion, and the success which I confidently expect we shall, in the next thirty days, have tidings of, to squelch out this further attempt of a selfish and jealous governing class to destroy our power and check our development.

The cry now sought to be raised about the “vandalism” of shutting up a port with hulks instead of bombarding and destroying it and its inhabitants, is in keeping with the whole transaction. My opinion is, our cause is at this day stronger in Europe than at any time before, since the Bull Run affair. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

H. S. SANFORD. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State.

Mr. Sanford to Mr. Seward.

[Extract ] No. 55.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED States,

Brussels, March 20, 1862. Sir: . # # # Politically, I have little of moment to report. The impression created by the brilliant successes of our arms is steadily gaining strength in all circles, that we are surely to triumph over the rebellion, and is reflected in the organs of public senti. ment, and in the language of the governing classes, who, whatever their secret antipathies to a system of government whose success assures new agitation and revolutions in old Europe, speak now most respectfully of a government whose unexpected strength and resources, as evidenced in the war, has made a deep impression upon them. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant,

H. S. SANFORD. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State.

Mr. Sanford to Mr. Seward.

[Extract.]

No. 58.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED States,

Brussels, April 3, 1862. Sir: * * * * * *

* The general sentiinent touching our affairs is excellent. The message of the President, with respect to slavery, has been read with almost unanimous encomiums.

With the increasing respect which the success of our arms causes in the general conviction that the rebellion is nearly crushed out, and the continued rout or surrender of its forces before our armies, in contrast with the vain-glorious boastings of their leaders, has been a source of contemptuous comment.

No one event in the course of the war has excited more interest in Europe than the naval action in Hampton roads. Its results can hardly be measured. It is admitted on all sides that the “Monitor” has revolutionized the whole system of maritime warfare. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant,

H. S. SANFORD. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State.

Mr. Sanford to Mr. Seward.

No. 66.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,

Brussels, August 26, 1862. Sir: I have the honor to report to you my arrival at Liverpool on the 9th, and at my post on the 23d instant.

I saw M. Rogier on the occasion of a friendly call the following day. He was preparing for a journey to England the next morning, and our conversation on public topics was quite informal.

He assured me, in answer to my inquiry, that his government had not been approached by any of the other powers with a view to joint action in respect to the war in the United States. Belgium was a neutral and a small power, he said, and could not be expected to take part in such schemes did they exist. They were suffering greatly from the effects of the war, he continued, and he inquired as to its probable duration and if there was no prospect of a compromise. I replied, the duration of the war would depend very much on the encouragement given to the insurgents by European powers, that they bad to thank for the present distress the eager haste of England and others in according belligerent rights to the insurgents in anticipation

of hostilities, and which greatly stimulated and aided their efforts: that " there was no thought of compromise or cessation of the war till the whole

country had returned to its allegiance. The war was a domestic affair, in which neither intermeddling nor intervention would be tolerated from any quarter. We were grieved that its effects weighed so heavily on Europe, but it was Europe that had constantly reproached us with the crime of slavery, and urged upon us its abolition, and it was but fair it should now bear its share of the burdens which the war, the result of that "institution," and which would probably cause its extinction, had created.

M. Rogier remarked that the condition of the negro, if free, did not seem to be much ameliorated in the northern States, where he was not tolerated as an equal, and inquired what would be done with the slaves if emancipated. With regard to that, I replied, there certainly was a prejudice in the United States against the African race, which local and municipal legislation had given expression to, and certainly the negroes, a tropical race, had not thriven por could thrive in the temperate regions of the north, and were, consequently, not generally regarded with favor. I did not perceive why they might not labor as freed inen as well in the southern States as in a condition of slavery. They were found, as slaves, to be a source of great profit to their masters; why could not their labor be turned to their own profit? It was certain that the white man could not be employed to advantage in tropical cultivation, and it seemed to me that the negro, or some other tropical race, would always be needed there to cultivate the free cotton and rice, to take hereafter the place of slave-grown cotton and rice. I had been struck on a recent visit to the French and Danish West India colonies

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