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Comparison of upper level jobs of District government by race
A. WHITE EMPLOYED

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1 Includes nonwhites other than Negroes, but estimated at less than 2 percent of the total.

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[From Washington's Labor Market, Washington Urban League, Washington, D.C.,

October 1962]

JOB AND SALARY GAP WIDENS BETWEEN NEGRO AND WHITE WORKERS IN DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA GOVERNMENT

Although the District of Columbia government operates under the Board of Commissioners' stated policy of fair employment practices, employment gains of the District government Negro workers since 1960 have been much lower than those registered by white employees. Consequently, a comparison of the jobs and salaries between Negro and white employees of the District government is more unfavorable for Negroes today than it was in 1960.

Statistics on employment and income by race for the District of Columbia government are contained in annual reports of the District government for the years 1960, 1961, and 1962. The reports are entitled: "Report on Manpower Utilization in the District of Columbia." The Washington Urban League has just completed a detailed analysis of these reports. A summation of the findings are presented below.

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Total employment by the District of Columbia government increased from 23,180 in 1960 to 25,553 in 1962. The percentage of total Negro employment remained at 47 percent during this period. Negroes held about 39 percent of the District's 9,801 positions subject to the Federal Classification Act in June of 1962; only 3.4 percent of these 3,812 Negroes were classified above the level of GS-9. However, more than 19 percent of the white employees subject to the act were classified at levels above GS-9. Although the number of Negroes classified above GS-9 increased between 1960 and 1962, the increase of Negroes was only one-third the increase of white employees in the same grades.

Among the District government's departments, the Police Department affords an excellent example of the declining significance of Negroes in upper level jobs. Although Negro representation in the Police Department increased from, 13 percent of the total policemen in 1960 to 15 percent in 1962, the percentage of Negroes above the level of private decreased. In 1960, 18 percent of all Negro policemen were above the level of private compared to 15 percent in 1962. Contrarily, the percentage of white policemen above the level of private increased from 30 percent in 1960 to 32 percent in 1962.

The failure to upgrade on the basis of merit has resulted in widening differentials between the median salaries of Negroes and white employees. The median annual salary of Negro workers as a percentage of the median annual salary of white workers was about 90 percent in 1960. The percentage decreased to 84 percent in 1961, and remained the same in 1962. The number of Negroes with annual salaries above $6,000 increased by only 324 between 1960 and 1962, while the number of white workers with salaries above this level increased by nearly 1,400 during this same period.

Whitney M. Young, Jr., executive director of the National Urban League, has repeatedly stated that the only meaningful measure of racial progress is the closing of the socioeconomic gap between Negroes and whites. By this criterion the District government is moving backward. However, the Urban League is mindful of the fact that the study covered only a 3-year period. Copies of this study may be obtained by contacting the editor of this newsletter.

EDITORIAL-DEMOCRACY, RACE AND ECONOMIC STATISTICS

In a democracy the distribution of the fruits of labor must be determined solely on the basis of each person's ability and efforts. A distribution based upon subjective factors such as race, color, or creed is inconsistent with this fundamental democratic ideal. However, a historic fact is that these subjective criteria have been used. This may be less of an indictment though, if the passage of time brings with it a sufficient curtailment of the practice to satisfy the aspirations of those being deprived. Has this practice been sufficiently curtailed? The answer to this question is so crucial that antagonists to greater "deliberate speed" in integration have corruptively distorted statistical data used in their arguments that the present speed is sufficient.

Consider for example the arguments used in support of the so-called tremendous progress of the Negro since World War II. "The Negro now has more income and is better trained, housed, and clothed than he was 10, 20, or 30 years ago." Recently, a leading national magazine made comparisons of the economic conditions between U.S. Negroes and the populations of several European countries indicating that Negroes were much better off. Negroes have a gigantic [sic] purchasing power of some "$20 billion" per annum.

These arguments are at best misleading, if not ridiculous. It is completely irrelevant that Negroes are better off today compared to themselves yesterday, or that their income is greater than that of certain foreign countries. What is the true meaning of 11 percent of this country's population receiving only 4 percent of its gross national product? It is certainly no basis for rejoicing. Negroes are Americans. As such the only significant question is "how well does the economic conditions of Negroes compare with those of other Americans— both yesterday and today?" But how do we make this vital comparison? Do we use money or real income, or do we use occupational advances?

AMERICAN TEAMWORK WORKS

On September 12 of this year an editorial in the Washington Post, “Income and Race," suggested that money income was a useful measurement. It stated that nonwhite median family income as a percentage of the median family income of the Nation's white population was 50 percent in 1950 and 56 percent in 1960. Did this indicate progress? Not necessarily. Using any years that you prefer,

you can show what you choose. For an example: the nonwhite percentage during the Korean war year of 1952 was 56 percent, while it decreased to 51 percent during the recession of 1958.

Independent of whether or not income differentials between the races are increasing or decreasing, they cannot possibly tell the complete story. They do not measure real income; i.e., what each group can purchase with their dollars. A cursory glance around Washington will tell you that Negroes must pay at least 20 percent more than do whites for comparable housing.

Does the fact that in Metropolitan Washington, the percentage increase of nonwhites within the professional occupations was twice the increase of whites within this category during the 1950-60 decade indicate a reduction in employment discrimination? Not necessarily, if we consider the fact that these are shortage occupations within the area, and the fact that nonwhites have always had more than proportional increases in shortage occupations. Besides, nonwhites had only 15 percent of the total increase in jobs within these occupations during the last decade and represented less than 7 percent of the area's professionals in 1950.

Because of the great ease of misusing statistics, it is incumbent upon social researchers that they develop greater moral integrity in the interpretation of comparative economic statistics. Because, if the economic progress of the Negro is an illusion, then social researchers who conceal this are only hiding this Nation's feet of clay, rather than providing bases for recasting them into impenetrable steel.

NONWHITE EMPLOYMENT IN METRO AREA

During the month of October total nonwhite employment in Metropolitan Washington is expected to reach 202,000 or 25 percent of the 805,000 persons employed in the area. Although the annual increase in Washington's total employment for this year is above average and the percentage of the work force.. unemployed is only half that of the national average, more than 50 percent of the area's unemployed are nonwhite.

This year's expansion of employment-in all major industrial classifications will be above their average annual increases with the exception of manufacturing, finance, and services. A continuation of present trends in the economic conditions of Metropolitan Washington will result in this year's average employment exceeding that of 1961 by 5 percent. This would be the largest increase in average annual employment of any post-Korean war year except 1959.

Growth of rates1 of the major industries of Metropolitan Washington

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"Compiled from: Nonagricultural Employment Manufacturing Hours and Earnings, Washington Metropolitan Area, 1957 SIC," U.S. Department of Labor, U.S. Employment Service for the District of Columbia.

Nonwhite labor has not had a proportionate share of this year's bumper increase in total jobs because of the fact that the service industries are increasing their employment at a rate which is only three-fifths their average annual rate. The services represent the area's third largest employment category, and employ the largest percentage of nonwhite workers (29 percent),

Government and construction have led in this year's employment expansion. However, both began to taper off in August. The continuation of the seasonal decline in construction employment for October will be sharp, and could add as many as 800 nonwhite workers

to the lines of the unemployed, bringing the estimated total of nonwhite unemployed to about 11,700 or 51 percent of Metropolitan Washington's unemployed.

Unless this post-World War II trend of nonwhites representing an increasing percentage of the unemployed is arrested, nonwhites could represent as much as 60 to 75 percent of Metropolitan Washington's unemployed within 10 years.

Estimated1 October employment for all workers and nonwhite worker, by industry: Washington metropolitan area

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1 Estimates for all workers were derived from seasonal indexes compiled from U.S. Department of Labor monthly employment data for the District of Columbia, 1949-61. The estimates of nonwhite employment are based upon U.S. Census reports of employment by industry, 1960.

ABOUT THIS NEWSLETTER

Some thought about the content of the newsletter should convince the reader that, though we cannot always distinguish between effects of present and past discrimination in the labor market statistics, the entire community needs to make an effort to "close the gap" in terms of employment opportunity and educational attainment if equal opportunity is to become a reality. We must also motivate and train our young people so that the next generation of workers will have higher standards of attainment and will at the same time face greatly diminished discrimination. None of these things will happen automatically under the economic and social conditions of the next decade.

WASHINGTON URBAN LEAGUE,
Dr. JEROME P. PICKARD,

Research Committee.

Mr. PUCINSKI. More or less, how many employees are employed by the District government? This is not the Federal Government, but the District government?

Mr. LEWIS. In 1962-these figures come from the manpower utilization report of the District of Columbia government-the total employment was 25,535. In 1960 it was 23,180.

Mr. PUCINSKI. Do you have any idea how many of these local government employees are Negro?

Mr. LEWIS. Yes.

Mr. HARRIS. Forty-seven percent for all 3 years.

Mr. PUCINSKI. Forty-seven percent for 3 years?
Mr. HARRIS. Yes, for 1960, 1961, and 1962.

Mr. PUCINSKI. The local government has increased by roughly 1,500 from 1960 to 1962, and the number of Negro employees remained relatively consistent with the increase, I take it.

Mr. LEWIS. That is right.

Mr. HARRIS. But the difficulty is not in terms of quantity. It was the level at which the Negro employees were hired.

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