appertaining to the office of governor; we have their course; for it cannot be expected that given it to him by our voices in the convention, men who publish to the world opinions, for and at his election, and have no right to take which they are not able to give one good reait away without his consent. son, and whose exaltation into notice and ofIt has also been said by some, that Slaughter fice depends solely on the success of their has not a right to administer the government opinions, will ever change their conduct until until the expiration of the term for which he their dispositions and tempers be radically alwas elected, because he would still be eligible tered. To those men I did not address myto the office of governor, which would be con- self with any hope of success; but it is to you trary to the spirit of the constitution, which who may have been innocently seduced by declares that the governor shall not be re-eli- their artifice, and deluded by the confidence gible to the office of governor for seven years you reposed in their intelligence and candor, after the expiration of the term for which he without examining the constitution, and who was elected. This is so futile an argument have no interest or disposition to violate it; that I shall only refer you to the 3d article and you, the honest yeomanry of the country, who 8th clause of the constitution to prove its falla- are the stay and hope of the government, and cy. By that clause, the lieutenant governor, who will spill your blood in defence of your in case the governor shall be absent from the constitutional liberty. Examine honestly, I state, shall administer the government until his conjure you, the conduct of those prominent return, or another be duly qualified. Suppose men who advocate a new election; observe he should not return until the expiration of the their situations and their motions, look at their term for which he was elected, would not the arguments, and ask yourselves, in the honesty lieutenant governor have a right to his office the of your hearts, why all this parade, this zeal whole of that time? Certainly he would. and fermentation? Is it because those men Would that make him ineligible to the office of love their country more than their countrymen governor at the next election? It would not. do?-because they are disinterestedly and excluThis argument also is then prostrated. I will sively our friends, or because they wish to do not pretend to answer the arguments in detail us a service? Or is it not more because they that have been used-they are all completely love themselves, and wish to climb into office answered. I will not fatigue your patience and power by exciting our prejudices and our nor insult your understanding by detaining fears? Do they furnish any evidence of their you with further argument to prove that which love for us, or regard for our interest, peace or is almost as self-evident as that you have happiness, when, without any good cause, noses on your faces, and which, if proof were they attempt to excite tumult and commotion, necessary, has been abundantly, and I believe destroy the harmony of the country, and bring unanswerably demonstrated, to the satisfac- on all the horrors of a civil war? And for tion and conviction of every impartial mind. what is this to be done? To preserve our conI might say much more on this subject, but I stitution? No; to sacrifice it. Is it to promote have said more already than I would have our interest or happiness? This cannot be. desired, if the nature of the subject would have But an attempt has been made to lull our appermitted less. The constitution is sufficient-prehensions. We have been gravely told that ly plain on its face, but the ingenuity of man there is no danger of confusion, anarchy, or can distort and disguise, by subtle sophistry, civil strife. This is the language of all revothe most self-evident truth. This has been the lutionists. Can you believe it? Suppose you object of the advocates of a new election. To elect another governor to supersede Slaughter, aid in an honest endeavor to defeat their mach-will he give up the administration of the govinations, and arrest the further extension of ernment? Surely if he be a firm and honest their erroneous and mischievous doctrines, was man, determined to do his duty, and save the the only motive that prompted this address. constitution from violence, and his country And I think I have shewn clearly that we have from ruin and disgrace, he will defend them not a right to elect a governor to supply the to the last. If he would tamely submit, he vacancy occasioned by Madison's death-by would treacherously surrender them-he proving, in the first place, from the provisions would be a pusillanimous and unfaithful senin the constitution, that the convention did not tinel. He is not such a man. intend that there should be such election; in should be frightened or forced out of his duty, But suppose he the second place, that at every election for gov-would you say there was no commotion, no viernor there should be an election for lieutenant olence? And what further would be the consegovernor, and that the lieutenant governor is quence? Those who do not believe that the elected for four years, and that consequently constitution warrants an election, would not we cannot now elect another in his place. And submit to any law signed by the new goverthe latter proposition I think I have abundant-nor. How would you force obedience? Would ly supported, not only from our own, but also not this be anarchy? But then the courts, the from the constitution of New York, and the last anchor of safety, would be appealed to; old CONSTITUTION, from which the NEW some might decide one way through fear, was copied, and not as alleged from that of others differently from a sense of duty. But New York. I think no man will now feel a do you believe the Court of Appeals, sworn to doubt; but I do not expect that those who have support the constitution, would surrender it? written in the newspapers, and made stump But we are boldly told, that they dare not respeeches in favor of a new election, will change fuse!! Oh! my country, art thou, with all thy

noble and exalted destinies, quivering on this office under the state government, yet I do awful precipice! Have we come to this, that feel a deep interest in Kentucky's welfare and a few men may sack the constitution when repose; it is the place of my birth and my they please, with impunity? The advocates home. of a new election admit that we have not a If any thing I have said, or any position I right to change the constitution in any other have taken be doubtful, I only ask you to exway than that therein prescribed, but some of amine the constitution over and over again unthem still have the effrontery to say, that we til you shall become completely satisfied. But can force the courts to give it what construc- if it be possible you can still doubt, pursue the tion we please. What is this but repealing it? course dictated by your interest and safety. Are we not constrained to fear that any man Recollect that if it even be doubtful, whether who will endeavor to make us believe such you have the right to elect a governor, to fill doctrines, would prostrate our liberties that he the vacancy occasioned by Madison's death, might rise on their ruins? Will you then, peo- you cannot violate the constitution by a subple of Kentucky, permit yourselves to be mission to the present state of things, but that duped and cheated out of your constitution by you may destroy it, and with it your peace and those candidates for power? Are you not free- happiness, by hazarding an unnecessary elecmen? Then think for yourselves, and act tion. Sport not with this sacred instrument, like men who deserve to be free; act coolly, de- I beseech you. It is your interest and duty, liberately, and wisely. I do not ask you to not only to yourselves, but to your children believe what I have said, because I have an and your children's children, to defend it interest in the welfare of my country, and none even against the slightest encroachment. in erring on the question I undertake to dis- This is the only way to preserve your liberties, cuss; but because I have addressed you in the and transmit them unimpaired to your posterlanguage of truth and honest sincerity; for al- ity. A KENTUCKIAN.

though I do not, nor never expect to hold any

PRELECTION.

On the 16th of December, 1818, on the motion of Mr. Robertson, of Kentucky, a select committee, consisting of Mr. Robertson, Mr. Beecher, of Ohio, and Mr. Jones, of Tennessee, was appointed to inquire into the expediency of organizing a separate territorial government, in that portion of the then territory of Missouri, lying south of 36:30 north latitude. On the 21st of the same month, Mr. Robertson reported to the House of Representatives of the United States the Bill, as it finally passed. On the 18th of February, 1819, the following amendment was offered, in the committee of the whole, by John W. Taylor, of New York:

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And be it further enacted, That neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall be introduced into the said territory, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes, whereby the party shall have been lawfully convicted. And all children born of slaves within the said territory shall be free, but may be held to service until the age of 25 years."

This was a year before the agitation of the "Missouri Controversy," and may be deemed the origin of what has since been called "the Wilmot Proviso."

On that proposition the following speech was made. The proposed amendment having been rejected by the committee of the whole, Mr. Taylor renewed it in the House, which also rejected it by the following vote:

Yeas-Messrs. Adams, Allen, of Mass., Anderson, of Pa., Barber, of Ohio, Bateman, Bennett, Boden, Boss, Comstock, Crafts, Cushman, Darlington, Drake, Folger, Fuller, Hall, of Del., Hasbrouck, Hendricks, Herrick, Hiester, Hitchcock, Hostetter, Hubbard, Hunter, Huntington, Irving, of N. Y., Lawyer, Lincoln. Linn, Livermore, W. Maclay, W. P. Maclay, Marchand, Mason, of Ř. I., Merrill, Robert Moore, Samuel Moore, Morton, Moseley, Murray, Jer. Nelson, Ogle, Orr, Palmer, Petterson, Pawling, Rice, Rich, Richards, Rogers, Ruggles, Sampson, Savage, Scudder, Seybert, Sherwood. Southward, Spencer, Tallmadge, Tarr, Taylor, Terry, Tompkins, Townsend, Wallace, Wendover, Whiteside, Williams, of Conn., Williams, of N. Y., Wilson, of Pa.--70.

Nays-Messrs. Anderson, of Kentucky, Austin, Ball, Barbour, of Va., Bassett, Bayley, Beecher, Bloomfield, Blount, Bryan, Burwell, Butler, of La., Cobb, Cook, Crawford, Culbreth, Desha, Earl, Edwards, Garnett, Hall, of N. C., Harrison, Hogg, Holmes, Johnson, of Va., Johnson, of Ky., Jones, Kinsey, Lewis, Little, Lowndes, M'Lane, of Del., M'Lean, of Ill., M'Coy, Marr, Mason, of Mass., H. Nelson, T. M. Nelson, New, Newton, Ogden, Owen, Parrott, Pegram, Peter, Pindall, Pleasants, Porter, Quarles, Reed, of Ga., Rhea, Robertson, Sawyer, Settle, Shaw, Simpkins, Slocumb, S. Smith, Alex. Smyth, J. S. Smith, Speed, Stewart, of N. C., Storrs, Stuart, of Md., Terrell, Trimble, Tucker, of Va., Tucker, of S. C., Tyler, Walker, of N. C., Williams, of N. C.—71.

Mr. T. then moved so much of said amendment as related prospectively to the issue of slaves, and that was adopted by the following vote:

Yeas-Messrs. Adams, Anderson, of Pa., Barber, of Ohio, Bateman, Bennett, Boden, Boss, Comstock. Crafts, Cushman, Darlington, Drake, Ellicott, Folger, Fuller, Gilbert, Hall, of Del., Hasbrouck, Hendricks, Herrick, Iliester, Hitchcock, Hostetter, Hubbard, Hunter, Huntington, Irving, of N. Y., Kirtland, Lawyer, Lincoln, Linn, Livermore, W. Maclay, W. P. Maclay, Marchand, Merrill, Mills, Robt. Moore, Samuel Moore, Morton, Moseley, Murray, Jer. Nelson, Ogle, Orr, Palmer, Patterson, Pawling, Rice, Rich, Richards, Rogers, Ruggles, Sampson, Savage, Schuyler, Scudder, Seybert, Sherwood, Southward, Spencer, Tallmadge,

Tarr, Taylor, Terry, Tompkins, Townsend, Wallace, Wendover, Westerlo, Whiteside, Williams, of Con., Williams, of N. C., Williams, of N. Y., Wilson, of Pa. -75.

Nays-Messrs. Abbott, Anderson, of Ky., Austin, Ball, Barbour, of Va., Bassett, Bayley, Beecher, Bloomfield, Blount, Bryan, Burwell, Butler, of La., Cobb, Cook, Crawford, Cruger, Culbreth, Desha, Earl, Edwards, Garnett, Hall, N. C., Harrison, Hogg, Holmes, Johnson of Va., Johnson, of Ky., Jones, Kinsey, Lewis, Little Lowndes, M'Lane, of Del., McLean, of Ill., M'Coy, Marr, Mason, of Mass., Middleton, H. Nelson, T. M. Nelson, Nesbitt, New, Ogden, Owen, Parrott, Pegram, Peter, Pindall, Pleasant, Quarles, Reed, of Md., Reed, of Ga., Rhea, Robertson, Sawyer, Settle, Shaw, Simkins, Slocumb, S. Smith, Alex, Smyth, J. S. Smith, Speed, Stwart, of N. C., Storrs, Stuart, of Md, Terrell, Trimble, Tucker, of Va., Tucker, of S. C., Tyler, Walker, of N. C.-73.

On the next day Mr. Robertson moved a reference of the Bill to a select committee, with instructions to strike out of the 1st section thereof the following words: "And all children born of slaves within the said territory shall be free, but may be held to service until the age of twenty-five years."

Which motion prevailed by the following vote:

Yeas--Messrs. Abbott, Anderson, of Ky., Austin, Baldwin, Ball, Barbour, of Va., Bassett, Bayley, Beecher, Bloomfield, Blount, Bryan, Butler, of La., Campbell, Cobb, Colston, Cook, Crawford, Cruger, Davidson, Desha, Earl, Edwards, Ervin, of S. C., Fisher, Floyd, Garnett, Hall, of N. C., Harrison, Hogg, Holmes, Johnson, of Va., Johnson, of Kentucky, Jones, Kinsey, Lewis, Little, Lowndes, M'Lane, of Del., McLean, of Ill., McCoy, Marr, Mason, of Mass., Mercer, Middleton, H. Nelson, T. M. Nelson, Nesbitt, New, Newton, Ogden, Owen, Parrott, Pegram, Peter, Pindall, Pleasants, Poindexter, Quarles, Reed, of Md., Reed, of Ga., Rhea, Ringgold, Robertson, Sawyer, Settle, Shaw, Simkins, Slocumb, S. Smith, Bal. Smith, Alex. Smith, J, S. Smith, Speed, Stewart, of N. C., Storrs, Strother, Stuart, of Md., Terrell, Trimble, Tucker, of Va., Tucker, of S. C., Tyler, Walker, of N. C., Walker, of Ky., Whitman, Williams, of N. C.-88.

Nays-Messrs. Adams, Allen, of Mass., Anderson, of Pa., Barber, of Ohio, Bateman, Bennett, Boden, Boss, Clagen, Comstock, Crafts, Cushman, Darlington, Drake, Ellicott, Folger, Fuller, Gage, Gilbert, Hale, Hall, of Del., Hasbrouk, Hendricks, Herkimer, Herrick, Hiester, Hitchcock, Hopkinson, Hostetter, Hubbard, Hunter, Huntington, Irving, of N. Y., Kirtland, Lawyer, Lincoln, Linn, Livermore, W. Maclay, W. P. Maclay, Marchand, Mason, of R. I., Merrill, Mills, Robert Moore, Samuel Moore, Morton, Moseley, Murray, Jer. Nelson, Ogle, Orr, Palmer, Patterson, Pawling, Pitkin, Porter, Rice, Rich, Richards, Rogers, Ruggles, Sampson, Savage, Schuyler, Scudder, Sergeant, Seybert, Sherwood, Silsbee, Southard, Spencer, Tallmadge, Tarr, Taylor, Terry, Tompkins, Townsend, Upham, Wallace, Wendover, Westerlo, Whiteside, Wilkin, Williams, of Con., Williams, of N. Y, Wilson, of Mass., Wilson, of Pa.—88.

There being an equal division, the Speaker (Henry Clay) declared himself in the affirmative, and so the said motion was carried.

And Mr. Robertson, of Ky., Mr. Silisbee, of Mass., Mr. Burwell, of Va., Mr. Mills, of Mass., and Mr. Lowndes, of S. C., were appointed the said committee. On the same day Mr. Robertson reported the bill without the said amendment; and on the question of concurrence with the committee in striking out said amendment, the House concurred by the following vote:

Yeas-Messrs. Abbott, Anderson, of Ky., Austin, Baldwin, Ball, Barbour, of Va., Bassett, Bayley, Beecher, Bloomfield, Blount, Bryan, Burwell, Butler, of La., Campbell, Cobb, Colston, Cook, Crawford, Cruger, Culbreth, Davidson, Desha, Earl, Edwards, Ervin, of S. C., Fisher, Floyd, Garnett, Hall, of N. C., Harrison, Hogg, Holmes, Johnson, of Va., Johnson, of Ky., Jones, Kinsey, Lewis, Little, Lowndes, M'Lane, of Del., M'Lean, of Ill., M'Coy, Marr, Mason, of Mass., Mere r, Middleton, H. Nelson, T. M. Nelson, Nesbitt, New, Newton, Og