"Kings," might re-ascend the throne, and by his Excellency be crowned. at the opening and at the close of our session, that he will preserve peace by making war? This is susceptible of no commentary; it Your guardians wrong you. It is time to esspeaks volumes which have not until now cape from minority and assert the right of been unsealed. You see who are hunters for manhood. All that is necessary, is that your office, and lovers of the people. Sanction representatives shall tell you by their acts, not these things, and your constitution is not by their speeches.-"Your will and not ours worth preserving; its title may stand, but its be done." Then and not till then, we shall living spirit will be extinguished, and the have peace. Then our state may re-ascend right of suffrage, freedom of conscience and the proud eminence from which she has fallen? security of life, would all tremble on the inter- Then we shall be once more brethren-Kenested and capricious will of a favored few. To tuckians; and then the eye of philanthropy may prevent this catastrophe, the minority appealed soon see, emerging from the flood of party futo you last winter; to avert it, you pressed to ry, the verdant summit of that region, which the polls last August; and to warn you of its we hope is even yet destined to be the seat of approach, we now address you in tones firm, science, reason, justice, liberty and law, inand in language bold as becomes the momen-separable companions. tons occasion. But if, by acceding to any of the terms of Desirous to terminate this unnatural and un- compromise which have been offered to us, we profitable warfare, we have done every thing had acknowledged (as we must have done) which our duty to principle and to you would that your "old judges" are not in office; if, by allow. We reiterated the proposition which thus uniting with the hostile party in forcing was made by the minority last winter, to save your judges from the bench, in any mode not the country from the mischiefs of the "midnight permitted by your constitution; if, by aiding act." It was then spurned; it is received no in imposing on you all the burthen and conbetter now. Nothing will satisfy the other fusion of a "new court" of six judges, and alparty short of a virtual acknowledgment of so acknowledging, by requiring the old judges their right to remove the judges of the appellate to be recommissioned, the constitutionality of court by a legislative act; and the admission the "act" which you have decided to be unconof the judges, that they are indebted to their stitutional-thereby sanctifying the means bounty for their offices. We then proposed, employed so long to degrade your judiciary, as our ultimatum, that the Representatives, and subvert its constitutional independence, Senators, Judges, Lieutenant Governor and and render it subservient to faction, and the Governor, should all resign, as the only plaything of ambition; if, by thus surrendermode of enabling you to settle all controversy ing, at the moment of success, all the sacred without obstruction or delay. The resolution principles for which you have been so long offered for this purpose passed the House of contending, for the petty and unworthy purRepresentatives by a vote of 75 to 16. But pose of elevating to the honors and the emoluthe Governor, Lieutenant Governor, and their ments of appellate judges, three of those who party, who profess so much anxiety to quiet have denied the constitutional creation and inthe country; who are themselves the only ob- violability of the Supreme Court, and thus stacle, and who boast of so much regard for crown them with victory, and consecrate their you and your rights, cannot consent that you doctrines; if, by these means alone, we can shall exercise this salutary and necessary pow- make peace-there can be NO PEACE. If er. They are apprehensive that you will err we had thus compromised your will and your and become distracted by commotion. Thus constitution, we might proclaim peace, peace, you see that the patriots who are so solicitous but there would be no peace. Such a peace that the judges should resign, are unwilling to would be the peace of death-the death of your set the good example, although requested by constitution of the hopes which it inspires, an almost unanimous vote of your immediate and the liberty which it secures. Your govrepresentatives. Yet, these men say that they ernment will never be guided by reason, until do not love office, that they are for the people the head of your judiciary, placed firmly on the and the people's will, while they will neither eminence raised for it by the constitution, submit to that will, nor get out of the way, shall be able to hold up JUSTICE to the rich that the people may elect those whom they and the poor, and, as if planted on the isthmus prefer, and who would do their will. Re- between conflicting elements, dispense her flect on this; hear the response of the judges impartial awards, unawed by the storms that to the Senate's invitation to them to resign, rage below, and unshaken by the waves that and then doubt longer, hesitate longer, if you break at its base. To secure this great obcan. To dismiss the compromise-by analyz- ject has been our only aim-this is our only ing all the propositions, you will see that the hope-and for our endeavors for success in basis of ours was the recognition, that the "old such a cause, we have been charged by the judges" are in office; of theirs, that they are organ of the opposing party, with "knavery out of office. The precise question you have and hypocrisy.' We shall not degrade ourdecided. Is this agony of the body politic selves or insult your dignity by retort. We never to be "over?" Is there any inherent de- wish to be judged by our deeds, and not by fect in our social or political organization? our professions; and if our principles, and our Or whence this sad fate? Why does your gov- characters and conduct cannot repel such acernor in substance declare and declare again, cusations, give them your credence. One of us, now 80 years old, fought in the revolution overcome by the governor's army. Protect for his country's independence, and assisted them by your countenance, and all is safe. in convention to establish the two constitutions of Kentucky, to secure that independence. Is not this some little pledge of his sincerity, and of the fidelity of those who are associated with him in endeavoring to save the constitution? You can LOOK DOWN all opposition. Your voice can stay the paricidal arm, and redeem your constitution from the fiery ordeal, unhurt. Do your duty; stand to your integrity; do not be drawn from your ground; the "new court" will soon expire for want of When did we ever attempt to violate the NOURISHMENT, and your constitution will charter of your rights? When did we ever resume its sway, and good old times will soon persecute distinguished and faithful officers, return. But suffer yourselves to be alarmed to supplant them in office? When did we or- or wearied into inaction; allow your constituganize plans for turning out of office your cir- tion, to be bartered away by your public cuit court judges, and clerks, &c., to fill their agents-compromise the sacred principles places with our friends, to whom we had which you have already consecrated, or leave promised them? Let those whose consciences them unsettled-and then you will have no are not reproached with these things, charge us safety, no peace, no constitution. On you with ambition. We are ambitious, but our on-hangs the fate of that constitution. Having ly ambition is to exalt the character of our done all that we could do, we submit the isstate, and give quiet and security to her peo- sue to GOD and the PEOPLE. ple; to inculcate habitual reverence for the G. Robertson, principles of rational liberty; to give security to right, stability to justice, confidence to virtue; and as we hope to be immortal, the highest aim of our ambition, in relation to ourselves, is to deserve well of our country, to obtain the good opinion of the good and the wise, and ensure the approbation of our own consciences. Whatever may be the issue of this controversy, we shall enjoy the consolation of having, throughout, done our duty faithfully and honestly; and whatever others may be prepared to do, as for ourselves, we will defend the constitution, and cling to it as the plank which, in the wreck of every thing else, will save us and ours, in WAR as well as in PEACE. But this constitution is yours; you made it; it is in your keeping. Do with it as you deem best for your welfare. But recollect, that it is the best guardian of that liberty which is your richest inheritance, and which it is your duty to transmit unimpaired, to those who shall come after you. Your judges, although they have received no compensation during this year, and expect to receive none during the next, instructed by your votes, and by their own sense of duty, will continue, without longer suspension, to do your business, unless James Allen, S. H. Woodson, C. M. Cunningham. John M. McConnell, Daniel Mayes, TO THE GOVERNOR ELECT OF KENTUCKY. NUMBER I. "A subject's faults, a subject may proclaim, A monarch's errors are forbidden game." stifle the voice of truth, nor stop his ears against its dread tidings. It is mighty, and will prevail. You may bribe the venal by promises In presuming to address you in the un-of preferment; you may instigate the vicious, courtly style of a freeman, I shall make no by the hope of impunity; you may alarm apology. I shall not attempt to propitiate the timid, by the terrors of your authority; but your regard by flattering your vanity, nor a free and enlightened people will not always shall I be deterred from my duty, by any false submit to oppression. notions of reverence for your official title. I am a plain man, unacquainted with the adulation of courts. My speech is blunt, my course direct. They are intelligent and will escape from delusion. They are virtuous and will put down vice. Your corrupt presses may groan with the falsehoods and slanders which they In regal governments, the dogma, that "a publish weekly through these sewers you king can do no wrong," is consecrated as a po- and your adherents may continue to throw off litical axiom, and even as a tenet of religious your feculence on the pure characters of the faith. The inviolability of the king's person, old soldiers of the revolution, and the most the infallibility of his judgment, and his legal virtuous men of the age, but the day of retriimpunity, are the elements of his vast and bution will come. It will come speedily and gothic pile of prerogative. Homage is the ex-with vengeance. A free press will arraign you acted tribute of every tongue: none are allow before the bar of public opinion, and your ed to censure. He is above the law. Public doom, which is now sealed, will be there proopinion expends its force on the ministry. The claimed. minister is made the scape goat of all the sins of a bad administration. When the subject feels the weight of oppression, he denounces the minister, but his mouth is loyal to his king.izen, feel its lash or its halter. You may talk of war and bloodshed-you may contemn the people's voice, and deride their opinions, but the time is not far distant when you will hear and may TREMBLE. You are responsible to public opinion. You shall feel at least the censorship of the press. The galley slave, whilst he tugs at the oar, suffers no murmur against the crown to escape his lips-complaint would be high treason against majesty; and even whilst his heart is bursting with anguish, his tongue mechanically ejaculates, "God save the King." The law is above you. It can make a governor, as well as the most humble private cit But you, sir, are not yet a king-nor am I, Do not be alarmed, sir. I am not about to thank God, your subject. You are the become your biographer. My purpose is more responsible servant of a free people; I am one of those humble. I propose only to preserve a few people: and although one of the least worthy, fragments, as memorials of your worth. I shall not draw the minute traits, and give the charyet, as you will find, not the least FREE.The pre-eminence of your station secures to acteristic tints to your portrait. I shall only You no peculiar title to personal impunity. attempt to exhibit the outline. Even this I It gives you no claim to infallibility. It can could not be induced to do, if you stood alone. neither make your heart more pure, nor your But in sketching you, I shall necessarily assohead more wise. It is a high station, and fall ate with you on the canvass, a group not enof glory when well filled. Its incumbent may tirely uninteresting to the people of Kentucky. be either a blessing or a curse to his country. Your office entitles you to peculiar notice. When he is virtuous and intelligent-firm yet You have identified your name with "rewise-inflexible yet decent-When he is such lief” and “judge breaker." You are the ostena man as a Governor ought to be, he is honsible leader, though, as I know, only the "Auored-his administration is benificent, and his tomaton" of a desperate faction, whose aim is country flourishes and is happy. But when despotic power, whose means are licentioushe prostitutes his patronage to selfish ends-ness and anarchy, and the tendencies of whose when, by abusing his trust, he relaxes the principles are a dissolution of the union, and a law, and encourages vice, injustice, and crime--destruction of all the ties of morality and juswhen, instead of being the venerable and au- tice. In your patronage, this party live, move, gust umpire between conflicting parties, and the pure minister of executive justice, he is the dupe and pander of a little, restless faction-he blasts his country and his own fame, and all his power, aided by the flattery of all his expectants and parasites, cannot and have their being. Your office is prostituted to their ends. You are their organ.Through you they speak and act. Therefore it is proper to address you, when my object is to expose the ambition and counteract the designs of your party. In your image they will see their own. I address them through you as good one. It is inferior to that of no state in their official impersonation. the union. The people of Kentucky are intelIn a series of letters which I propose to ad-ligent; their soil is prolific, their climate prodress you, (not in a spirit of dedication,) I pitious: in all these particulars they are emishall take an occasional notice of your official nently blessed. Yet these people-so much faconduct: shall endeavor to expose the misrep- vored by a benificent Heaven-so much signalresentations and fallacies of your late messa-ized by their peculiar natural capacities-are ges; and incidentally touch, as I go along, oth- oppressed with debt; their currency depreciaer topics such as the origin of the relief systed; their constitution disregarded; their laws tem-the character and motives of its projec- powerless; their lives and their property insetors-the means employed to sustain it, &c., cure; themselves driven to the verge of civil &c. I shall attempt no method-my only aim war; industry deprived of its incentives and is truth-and that I will tell, whatever may be despoiled of its rewards; fraud sanctified by the consequences. I shall deal with you plain- law; the improvident living on the provident; ly. I shall "naught extenuate, nor aught set the idle fattening on the sweat of the laboring; down in malice." dishonest bankruptcy considered honorable, My feelings towards you are not those of a solvency criminal; refusing to pay debts, a private enemy--I cherish such feelings towards badge of patriotism; attempting to exact pay no human being. Your conduct has been such, ment, called oppression; the punctual, laboring that I consider you a public enemy to the con- citizen, denominated aristocrat, tory; the lazy stitution, and I shall treat you as one. I shall and dissolute, who live by fraud or stealth, not intrude into your private concerns. I have lauded as patriots, whigs, republicans; travno private grievance to redress-it is my coun-elers murdered for their money, and no puntry's wrongs of which I shall complain. I ishment inflicted; citizens murdered weekly, have no personal object. I have no hope-no and no murderer hung; the fines inflicted on fears for myself. I desire no office; you have those who support "the powers that be," remitnone that I would accept. I am no landhold-ted; the honest alarmed; the upright miseraer, stock-jobber, or money dealer. I owe noble; the state degraded. This is a faithful, money: there is very little due to me; I am not but very imperfect picture of the condition of rich; I inherited no fortune-my only legacy our conntry. Who so blind as not to see the was a sound constitution, and (as I trust) a causes of all these effects, in an unjust and ungood conscience. I never had any agency in constitutional administration of the governmaking or borrowing from a bank. I was ment? Principles are abstract, political liberborn in Kentucky, and here I wish to die. All ty is speculative; civil liberty is practical. I ask of the government is security; all I de-The best form of government, corruptly and sire of my fellow men is justice; I am no aris foolishly administered, will be oppressive. Locrat-no patrician; I am the friend of equal The English constitution under Charles II, rights and equal laws; of industry, fidelity, had attained more theoretic perfection than it the inviolabilty of contracts; of moral hon-ever before possessed; but it was never practiesty and constitutional liberty. I am a repub-cally less free or more oppressive. This is atlican; poor, but not a bankrupt; the friend of tributable alone to the vices of the king and the honest poor and of the honest rich; the his party. The constitution of Kentucky is thefriend of religion and of law; of order and of oretically one of the best the world ever saw; PEACE. I am, sir, (pardon the egotism) what and during your reign, no people were ever you ought to be, an honest man; and what more cursed with bad laws and obstructions you affect to be, "THE PEOPLE'S FRIEND." of justice, than we have been. A PLEBIAN. Is it not because we have in Kentucky a Charles the II, and his "CABAL?" Charles and his party were called "THE COURT PARTY! The patriots who opposed their TO THE GOVERNOR ELECT OF KEN-vices, their luxury and their perversions and TUCKY.-No. II. "When the virtuous are in authority the people rejoice; when the wicked bear rule the people mourn. denials of justice, were called "THE COUNTRY PARTY." The king's party were called "the court party," because they were courtiers; because they were the adherents of the • king. They exercised a corrupt influence The vices or virtues of an administration over the judges, and controlled the adminis are known by its fruits. Whenever distress tration of justice. "The country party" were pervades any country; whenever vice predom-so denominated, because they advocated the inates over virtue; whenever licentiousness independence of the judges and the purity of and crime wanton with impunity; whenever judicial administration, and were opposed to the moral and industrious are discontented the king and his court. Your party in Kenwith their lot, and alarmed for their security; it is undeniable, that whoever may be at the head of affairs, or whatever the form of gov ernment, there is either some inherent defect in the constitution, or some perversion of its principles by mal administration. The constitution of Kentucky is acknowledged to be a tucky is "the court party"-I, sir, belong to "the country party." Your party advocate the doctrines of "the court party" in Englandmine, those of "the country party.' Your party are the adherents of the executive, and the enemies of a pure and independent judiciary; mine are the advocates of the people, their constitution, and their constitutional ju- Those who are unwilling to live by honest diciary. You call yourselves whigs! Your industry must live on the people's money; principles are those of the old tories of Eng- they must have offices, or rather pensions. land. You call us tories. Ours are the true Those who have acquired splendid fortunes on principles of genuine, old-fashioned whigism. credit, must live on the property and labor of The whigs of England advocated the su- other men; and the honest man who dares to premacy of the constitution and laws, and in- think that the property should be enjoyed by sisted on the judges being so far independent those to whom it justly belongs, is called a as to be able to uphold the principles of magna "Shylock," an "aristocrat." Are these things charta. The tories were the defenders of the right? Do you expect by such means to exalt supremacy of the king over the judges, and of yourself, or the state over which you rule? the dependence of judges on his will. Such No, sir, no. You know you can do neither. were the whigs and tories, court party and Justice is the attribute of God, and shall be country party in England, and such they are respected? No government ever long flour. ín Kentucky. ished, whose policy was not dictated by jus You may steal the title of whigs, you may tice. No community can prosper, which loves arrogate that of country party, and you may not justice. No man can ever enjoy honest attribute to us what you will, but you cannot fame who does not do justice and revere its disguise the counterfeit; you cannot alter the precepts. The government whose maxim is essence of things. Yours are tory principles, justice, is loved by its friends and respected by your policy that of the court party of Charles its foes. The magistrate who is just, like the II, and you ought not to repudiate the Aristides or Cato, is revered and canonized. name. You and your "cabal" have brought But the public functionary who sports with distress and disgrace on your country. The justice, or prostitutes its ministry to the unhalvice is yours and theirs, and not that of the lowed purpose of his own or his party's advan great body of the people, or of their constitu- tige, is the scourge of society and the enemy of tion. Had a more wise and upright man mankind. been at the helm of our affairs, we should now A man may be celebrated either for his wisbe blessed with "peace and plenty;" we should dom or his folly, his virtues or his faults. It be one people, and a cheerful, moral, happy will be your destiny to be very famous. You people. But it has been our hard fate to be will long be remembered. Your name has alunder your sway; and your pestiferous princi- ready acquired very extensive notoriety. ples have scattered discord and vice over the In other states, and even here, your name land. Like the tree of Java, your official has been signalized by associations with such breath is pestilence, and moral desolation sur-execrable principles and unfortunate incidents, rounds you. You have had the power to do in- as to become synonimous with almost anyfinite good; you have done irreparable mis- thing that is wrong or reproachful. You chief. You might have been the father of the cannot be ignorant, sir, of this fact. people and been blessed; you have been their worst enemy, and may be cursed. This has all grown out of the events of your eventful administration. Your party will be Accident made you Governor; your temper the burthen of many a future legend, the theme has made you an active and frantic partizan. of a long-lived and garrulous tradition. In You have endeavored to intimidate the judi- spite of you, it will go down to posterity. You ciary, and have persecuted its friends; you are denied the consolations of oblivion. The have endeavored to prostitute the judgment official eminence to which you have crawled, seat to factious interests; you have treated as denies you the refuge of obscurity. Your enemies those who did not assist to make character is impressed indellibly on the face, you Governor. You have appointed to office, and will be imprinted conspicuously on the men notoriously unfit and incapabie. By an history of Kentucky. Erostratus burnt the abuse and perversion of your pardoning pre- temple of Ephesus, and has emblazoned his rogative, you have frustrated the ends of pub-name in the light of the conflagration. Nero's lic justice, and encouraged disorder and is written with the blood of the Romans whom crime. You have menaced war against the he slaughtered, and is as immortal as the repeople for not submitting as "faithful subjects" cords of his crimes. Yours will be more humto your will. You have denied justice, by ob- ble, but not less memorably advertised; it will structing the courts. You have endeavored to be inscribed on the broken columns of Kenalienate the affections of the people from the tucky's fame, associated with "relief laws!" general government, and disaffect them with judge-breakers"" and-If your of the principles of the Union. You have em- ficial portrait shall never be delineated by the ployed your patronage to influence elections. pencil of a Titian, or the chisel of a PhidiasYou have made frequent and direct attempts nevertheless, in the wasted strength of your to influence legislation. You have virtually state, in her violated constitution, in the tridenied the people the right of self-government, umphs of vice and injustice which mark your unless they do as you do, and think as you executive career, abundant materials will be think. All this, and much more, have you furnished to give to the page of history the imand your "cabal" done and tried to do. Your press of your likeness. Out of the ruins of object is self-aggrandizement. "RELIEF," your country's peace and your country's honor "OFFICE," "MONEY," these are your watch-will rise your fame. Like the Pyramids of words. Egypt, its base will be broad; its altitude tow |