peace and tranquillity could not fail to afford her. He could have no earthly motive but a desire to contribute his humble suggestions for the good of his country in thus expressing his opinions. If he could bring himself to think that the noble earl's motion was calculated to effect the purpose which he gave him credit for having in view, it should have his support; but because he thought there were other and more practical remedies, which might be immediately applied, he dissented from his proposition, and preferred what he believed to be the mpre direct path of administering relief to the country.

The Earl of Rosebery declared, that he was friendly to the principle of inquiry, and would vote for inquiry in a practicable and expedient way; but he could not support the motion before the House, because he thought it, in its present form, neither practicable nor expedient. His lordship assigned many causes for the existence of the distress which undoubtedly prevailed. Much of it was owing to the introduction of a metallic currency, and the sup. pression of small notes. These measures had been adopted without giving the country time to prepare itself for the change; but having been adopted, they ought not now to be interfered with. Another cause of distress was to be found, undoubtedly, in the extensive use of machinery, which deprived many persons of employment. A third source of the evil lay in the influx of Irish labourers, who reduced to a mere pittance the remuneration of the English labourer. Another cause of increasing distress lay in the poorlaws, which, by apportioning the

relief afforded to a man according to the number of his family, held out a premium to inconsiderate marriages. Much of the misery which prevailed was likewise to be ascribed to the imperfect system of banking, which made loans be withheld that otherwise would be granted; much of it to the bad harvests of the last two years; much of it to the mode in which wealth was at present distributed, and the immense accumulation of capital in a few hands. Relief ought to be sought by reducing the taxes which bore more immediately on the necessaries of life, or in commuting them, if necessary, for an income or property tax, affecting the fundholders as well as the other classes of society. At present the fundholder did not pay his due share, owing to the changes in the currency, the sinking-fund system, and other financial measures, which had all operated for his benefit.

The motion was supported by the Duke of Richmond and Lord Eldon. The former insisted principally on various facts, proving the wide extent, and heavy pressure of the distress which prevailed, and maintained that, in common sense, the causes of the misfortune should be investigated, before means for removing them were tendered.

Lord Eldon declared, it would appear most strange to the people of England, that ministers should come down to parliament and tell them that there were "other causes" for the distress of the country, which they did not deem it expedient to specify, and which they left to each man's sagacity to guess at as he might. The smallest consideration of the causes and remedies of the

present not partial, but all-pervading distress, would have been received by the country at large with gratitude. He was the more confident in this assertion, when he bore in mind the pacific and loyal demeanor of the numerous thousands who were suffering under the most pinching distress, and who, he hoped, would be prevented from being drawn away from the line of good conduct by the expressed determination of parliament to inquire into the causes of their sufferings, with a view to remedy them so far as circumstances might permit. There were two ways proposed to effect this inquiry namely, a select committee, and a committee of the whole House. If both modes of inquiry were objected to, he should like to know what other constitutional means were within the reach of parliament. If both a select committee, and one of the whole House, to investigate the causes of a distress which no man could take it upon him to deny, were refused by the noble duke, were not their lordships' inquisitorial functions at an end? When their lordships were told that there were other causes for the existing distress, for which there was no legislative remedy, was it not incumbent on the government to specify those causes, in order that parliament might determine for itself how far the remedy was beyond its reach, or whether a legislative remedy could be applied to any or all of them? Judging from the speeches made on the other side of the House, he should infer that the government had determined that no committee of inquiry, select or otherwise, should be appointed, to investigate those "other causes"

of the distress which were declared to be beyond the reach of a legislative remedy; and yet he knew that it was not only the right, but the solemn duty, of that House to ask, what were the other causes, and why they did not admit of a legislative remedy. The speech of lord Goderich contained, as it appeared to him, a flat contradiction; for he set out with stating, that the causes of the distress were beyond the reach of parliament, and yet he proposed measures which he said would alleviate that distress. Lord Rosebery, in the same spirit, enlarged the catalogue of remedies, so as to propose some dozen means or remedies, if the House would only condescend to act on them, and yet the distress was said to be beyond the reach of parliament. That is, they were ready to vote on the assumption, that parliament could do nothing to relieve distress,— while in their speeches they declared, that, if parliament would only do what they wished it to do, it would alleviate that distress most sensibly. Whether their proposed remedies were the right ones, he would not take upon himself to say; but neither could heimagine why these noble lords should resist an inquiry which would shew whether they were, or were not applicable. Though entertaining the highest possible respect for the opinions of both these noble lords, he thought it better for their lordships not to take their doctrines on trust, but to follow the old constitutional mode of ascertaining for themselves, by a committee, what were the causes of the distress, what were the remedies, and how far they fell within the reach and aid of parliament If it should happen to

be in their power to alleviate the public suffering, and that could be very speedily ascertained, he was sure it would be on all hands acknowldedged that no duty was more necessary, more imperious, or more pressing, and it behoved them with proportionate zeal and promptitude to discharge it.

The Duke of Wellington complained, that, although professedly the motion was not made from any hostile feeling towards the present government, the impression produced by the discussion was very different. He fully assented to the principle, that it was their bounden duty to do all in their power to alleviate the sufferings and distresses of the people; but that design, he submitted, could never in any wise be promoted by invidiously suggesting personal accusations against the members of his majesty's government. That distress existed no man could doubt; but any committee for inquiry he would oppose as inexpedient, and contrary to the usual practice of the House. What remedy had the noble earl in contemplation, when he demanded a committee of inquiry? And unless some practical measure of relief could be suggested, it was manifest that such a committee could never be productive of benefit or advantage. In regard to agriculture, did the supporters of the motion mean to propose a repeal of the corn-law? If that were the intended specific, he would at once meet it with unqualified opposition. Under the present system, the agriculturist received fair value for his labour, while, at the same time, the importation was greater than it had been before. In manufactures, the low prices, undoubtedly, arose,

in a very great measure, from a competition which parliament could not prevent. On the return of peace, the continental countries, which, for thirty years, had been occupied almost exclusively with armies, and the means of supplying them, naturally directed their attention and energies towards manufactures. The inevitable consequence was, a fall in prices in this country. Thus, in the year 1814, cotton in England was sold at the rate of 2s. 2d., and, including the duty, at 2s. 4d.; in 1817, it might be had at 1s. 8d.; and in 1829, at 6d. ; thus progressively decreasing down to the present time. Again, silk in 1814 was at the rate of 17. 4s.; and, including the duty, at 17. 19s.; while in 1829, it was fallen to 8s. 10d.; and, including the duty, to 8s. 11d. Spanish sheep's wool, an article very common in this country, during 1814 was 8s. 2d., and, including the duty, 8s. 3d.; but in 1829, we find it at 2s. 3d., and, including the duty, at 2s. 4d. This was obviously beyond the control of parliament, and not to be remedied by any provisions of the legislature, proceeding, as it did, from causes without the sphere of parliamentary enactments. Then the price of fir timber, in 1814, was 3l. 4s. 11d., and, duty inclusive, 10l. 5s. ; while in 1829 it amounted to only 21. 4s., and, duty inclusive, to 4. 19s. In fact, he had no doubt but manufacturers, speaking generally, made, at the end of the war, five times the amount they did at present, owing to the natural effects of foreign competition, steam, and machinery. Even where there was no competition, there had been a proportionable reduction of prices, as in pottery-ware, and in the iron

trade. Both cause and effect, in cases like these, were, and would always remain, beyond the reach of the control of parliament, however well inclined to apply a remedy. He defied the noble lords opposite, with all their powers, to do any thing whatever on the subject, which should be at once politic and satisfactory,-expedient and efficacious. Was it fitting, then, he would ask, that parliament should attempt to interfere, when it was utterly impossible to do good? It was easy enough to propose a committee of the whole House. That was doing nothing, for it led to no remedy whatever. The noble mover would simply recommend them to go into a committee, but to what end would they follow his counsel, if he could lead them no farther? and not one step farther had he gone. He had been arraigned for asserting that the existing distress was not so great as some others believed, and for being indifferent to the sufferings of the people: but he was resolved to tell plainly and honestly what he thought, regardless of the odium he should incur from those whose prejudices his candour and sincerity might offend. He was there to speak the truth, and not to flatter the predilections and prepossessions of any man whomsoever. Admitting that distress existed in many parts of the country, he could not agree with those noble lords who stated that it was so general. He would beg of noble lords to look at the produce of most articles of consumption-at the increase of buildings, not merely in London, but in the principal towns and villages throughout the country, and he thought they would find much to show that the people were making a progress to something like prosper

He

ity. Let their lordships also look at the state of the savings' banks throughout the country. A measure had some time back been adopted to prevent the investment of money in those banks beyond a certain amount for each person, in order that parties not entitled to it should not derive the advantage which was intended for the poorer classes. Large sums were drawn out of those banks soon after; but they quickly came back again—and from whom? Why, from the great mass of the lower classes; and this he must consider as a proof that the distress was not so general as some noble lords thought. Their lordships ought likewise not to omit from their consideration the increased traffic on the rail-roads and canals in the country. knew it was said that ministers wished to avail themselves of this increase as a proof of the prosperous state of the country. would not rely upon that of itself, but in looking at the general state of the country, he could not omit from his consideration, that, within the last ten years, the traffic on those rail-ways and canals was nearly doubled. Taking the whole state of the country into consideration, he would ask, whether there was not an improvement as compared with former years. As to the motion before the House, he would observe, that he had no objection to any motion for any documents which might tend to show the actual condition of any particular branch of industry or any class ; but any motion of that kind ought not to be for the purpose of making an attack on the government, or any individual of it, but for the general benefit of the country.

He

The Marquis of Lansdown admitted, that there had been stated in the course of that debate, many

circumstances, and that there did, in fact, exist many other circumstances which had not been stated, which would justify any one in calling for a serious and deliberate inquiry, by this House. For himself, he had no hesitation in stating what he confidently believed were the causes of this distress. Though he was fully sensible that much of the distress might have arisen from the transition from a state of war to a state of peace, yet he could not help recollecting, that a very great part of the difficulties from which they had now to extricate themselves, was to be attributed to that fatal perseverance, with which, during so many years, they had persisted in contracting permanent money engagements in a depreciated currency. That was the root of the evil with which they had now to contend: but, in saying this, he desired to be distinctly understood not to have forgotten that, unfortunate as those engagements were, they nevertheless were engagements, which the honour and credit of Parliament were bound to respect, and which they must find the means of discharging. It was, however, one thing to see the cause, and another to point out the remedy. For the present, he confessed that he saw but one means of uniting all opinions on the subject, and that was retrenchment, retrenchment, he meant, qualified by diminution of taxation. He should be prepared to give his assent to any motion for inquiry likely to be conducted in such a form as the nature of the occasion appeared to call for, and to obtain a sober and deliberate investigation; but he did not think an inquiry at the bar of the House calculated to throw light upon the state of the country, so as to enable their lordships to legislate with

confidence, or in a manner that would afford satisfaction to the public. He was well aware of the vast utility of the function of that form of the House, when their lordships resolved themselves into a committee of their whole body, and called witnesses to the bar: yet he could not bring himself to think that, in cases so complicated, so remote and so various in all the ramifications into which they must necessarily branch out, an inquiry could be successfully prosecuted to a beneficial public result. And if the inquiry could not be so conducted, what would be the consequence? Why, it would excite hopes, and wishes, and expectations, and rivalships, and contentions, and there would be presented at their lordships' bar, a scene which would neither be creditable to that House, nor honourable to the Legislature, nor without mischief to the public.

The Marquis of Salisbury, likewise, expressed his opinion, that a general inquiry at the bar of the House would do more harm than good. He would prefer a select committee, and if that should fail in coming at the cause of the distress, then would be the time for an inquiry by the whole House.

Lord King moved as an amendment, "that a select committee should be appointed to inquire into the depressed state of the agricultural and manufacturing interests of the kingdom, for the purpose of ascertaining, whether any, and what, relief could be afforded." The amendment, however, was received with as little favour as the original motion, which was lost on a division, by 118 to 25.

At a somewhat more advanced period of the session, a similar motion was made, with a similar result, in the House of Commons;