Question. You did not know whether the mob was going to burn the town or not? Answer. No, sir; I came out and heard the noise, and after it was over I went back to bed.

Question. You knew it was in this house?

Answer. Yes, sir; there is a bar-room here.

Question. There is but one intervening house, that frame dwelling?

Answer. Yes; sir.

Question. You did not apprehend fire?

Answer. No, sir; I heard damning and cursing.

Question. You knew nothing of what these men were doing until next morning?

Answer. I could only judge from the noise that they were breaking down something. Question. You did not get up to inquire?

Answer. No, sir; not until next morning.

Question. At what time?

Answer. My usual time of getting up.

Question. Did it cause a disturbance of your usual rest?

Answer. Yes, sir; it caused a disturbance, but I make it a rule not to get up for these disturbances.

turbances.

I might get myself into a difficulty by attending public dis

Question. Do you know any man that was present here that evening?
Answer. I do not.

Question. Had you no previous knowledge of violence being intended?
Answer. I had not.

Question. Was that the general course of your citizens here, to remain in bed while this thing was going on, and no one know what it was?

Answer. I understand some did get up.

Question. Was there no knowledge in this town that a company of cavalry was expected here that evening by the railroad?

Answer. No, sir; I do not think the cavalry was expected.

Question. Or infantry?

Answer. I think the infantry was expected.

Question. There was no knowledge that the rails were torn up below this town? Answer. Yes, sir; the rails were torn up.

Question. So that the train could not go down to bring them up?

Answer. Yes, sir. Who tore them up I cannot tell.

Question. Have you any knowledge of how they were torn up?

Answer. No, sir.

Question. Was there no knowledge that the infantry was expected here that evening ? Answer. Yes, sir; our citizens understood it, because the train was down the day before.

Question. Was there any knowledge that night or next morning that the rails were torn up?

Answer. The next morning the train went down and returned, and the inquiry was made why did they not go down, and the answer was that some of the rails had been

torn up.

Question. That was Sunday evening?

Answer. I think the train started down Sunday morning.

Question. And came back?

Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. And it was known here Sunday that the train was stopped by rails having been taken up below the town?

Answer. Yes, sir; the train brought back these men.

Question. And it was that Sunday night this raid occurred?

Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. The next night the troops got here?

Answer. Yes, sir; Monday. That was on Sunday the train started to go down, but failed to go that day, and the next day they went, and the troops came up that evening Monday.

Question. When you heard of the rails being taken up how many did you hear had been taken up?

Answer. Three or four rails. That was the report of the engineer.

Question. That train laid there all day for the want of these three or four rails?

Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. How long did it take to put them down?

Answer. I think they put them down next morning.

Question. In ten or fifteen minutes?

Answer. I understood the rails were lost-so the engineer said. They could not find them.

Question. And the train came back here, and staid until next morning for want of two or three rails?

Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. Was there no idea that the persons in control of the road and citizens were winking at the detention to prevent the troops from coming?

Answer. No, sir; I heard nothing of the kind. I saw the president of the road that night, and he told me the train was going down Sunday morning for the troops. That was Saturday night.

Question. Did you see him Sunday?

Answer. No, sir. I think he went down there. I think I went into the country that day, and when I came back they told me the train had not gone, from the fact that the track was broken.

Question. It did go next morning?

Answer. Yes, sir; Monday.

Question. You say there was no expectation on the part of the citizens here that that raid would take place that night?

Answer. That may have excited surmise in the minds of persons from the fact of the rails being taken up.

Question. Did it excite any in yours?

Answer. I might have had some idea that something was to be done-I could not say what.

Question. When the rails were taken up, and you learned it on Sunday in connection with the coming up of the troops, had you no idea that the raid was to be made? Answer. I had not.

Question. Had you no idea that a visit of the Ku-Klux was to be made that night?
Answer. No, sir.

Question. You had an apprehension that something was to be done, you say?
Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. What gave rise to that apprehension?

Answer. Simply the train being stopped. It meant that something was to be done, or that the citizens, or whoever did it, did not want the troops to come up that day. Question. Did that thought strike you?

Answer. Yes, sir; you might draw that conclusion.

Question. Who did you think was going to do whatever was going to happen?

Answer. I could not fix that upon any individuals, because no one had expressed any intention to do anything to me or to the community. It was simply a matter from which to draw a conclusion.

Question. Are you a member of any secret organization?

Answer. I am not. I belong to no Ku-Klux organization.

Question. Do you hold any official position in any organization in this county, either political or otherwise?

Answer. I do not. I have met frequently in political meetings, but held no position. Question. Do you believe there is a Ku-Klux organization in this county?

Answer. If there is, I do not know it.

Question. I am not asking for your knowledge, but your belief.

Answer. I do not believe there is. All I know about the Ku-Klux organization is simply from their proclamation.

Question. What do you mean by that?

Answer. Their public proclamation, which is in the public print.

Question. Did they publish any proclamation here?

Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. What was it?

Answer. I will read it to you. Knowing I was to be examined, I remembered something of the kind was published, and I went up to the office this morning, and have got this paper.

Question. What is the date of the paper?

Answer. This is March 9, 1871, from the Yorkville Enquirer:

"KU-KLUX MANIFESTO.-Below we publish a document which we received through the post office on Monday last, it having been dropped into the letter-box the previous night, as we are informed by the postmaster. As to whether or not the paper is genuine, and emanates from the mysterious Ku-Klux Klan, we have no means of knowing, as the handwriting is evidently disguised. Although it is our rule to decline the publication of all anonymous communications, we have decided to waive the rule in this instance, and print the document for what it is worth. Here it is in full:

EXTRACT OF MINUTES.

"ARTICLE 1. Whereas there are malicious and evil-disposed persons, who endeavor to perpetrate their malice, serve notices, and make threats under the cover of our august

name, now we warn all such bogus organizations that we will not allow of any interference. Stop it!

"ART. 2. There shall be no interference with any honest, decent, well-behaved person, whether white or black; and we cordially invite all such to continue at their appropriate labor, and they shall be protected therein by the whole power of this organization. But we do intend that the intelligent, honest white people (the tax-payers) of this county shall rule it! We can no longer put up with negro rule, black bayonets, and a miserably degraded and thievish set of lawmakers, (God save the mark!) the scum of the earth, the scrapings of creation. We are pledged to stop it; we are determined to end it, even if we are 'forced, by force, to use force.'

"ART. 3. Our attention having been called to the letter of one Rose, county treasurer of York, we brand it as a lie! Our lieutenant was ordered to arrest him, that he might be tried on alleged charges of incendiarism, (and if convicted he will be executed.) But there were no shots fired at him and no money stolen; that is not in our line; the legislature of the State of South Carolina have a monopoly in that line.

"By command of the chief.

"Official:

"K. K. K., A. A. G.”

Question. Did that appear after the raid on the county treasury?
Answer. Yes, sir; some time after. I do not remember the night of the raid.
Question. Does that convey to your mind the belief that there is an organization in
the county?

Answer. Yes, sir; who constitute that organization I cannot tell.
Question. You do believe now that there is a Ku-Klux organization?

Answer. From that article there must have been at that time; whether there is now I do not know.

Question. Who compose it you do not know?

Answer. I do not know. It was upon outrages committed by what are called counterfeit Ku-Klux in this county. That was the rumor here. For instance, I understood that some negroes were whipped and their whisky was taken from them. That article was intended, it seems, to meet such cases.

Question. Then the fact being that counterfeit Ku-Klux were in the county, was this proclamation necessary to convince your mind that the genuine article was here? Answer. That seems to be the tenor of the article.

Question. Before this appeared were you in doubt whether the Ku-Klux organization existed?

Answer. I did not know that there was any such organization until I saw that article, and it seems to be to warn the bogus Ku-Klux who were doing this mischief.

Question. Have you any knowledge where this came from?

Answer. I have not, except as I saw it in that paper.

Question. Was it never submitted to you before it was given to the paper?
Answer. No, sir.

Question. Had you any consultation about it?

Answer. No, sir.

Question. Has your name never been connected in public rumor with any of these transactions?

Answer. It never was. If that article be in the true spirit of the Ku-Klux organization or any other organization-if the object be to place honest and intelligent men at the head of affairs, without regard to party, every good, honest man ought to sanction it. Question. With this statement, so far as this proclamation is concerned, you indorse it? Answer. So far as honesty and intelligence is concerned, I do. I do not think the remedy is right. This Ku-Klux business is certainly a terrible remedy; but if the motive be to keep down dishonesty and rascality, and place honest and virtuous men in power, and let them rule the State, without regard to party, we all ought to sanction it. Question. Is that the tone in which you have spoken of that organization in this county?

Answer. Yes, sir; and if that be the motive and tenor, that is my opinion. Question. Has it escaped your attention that the protection accorded to honest people in this proclamation is confined to honest white men?

Answer. White and black.

Question. Has it escaped your attention that it is confined to honest white people? Answer. No, sir; it is not alone to white people.

Question. Do you say this proclamation does extend its protection to honest people, white and black?

Answer. Yes, sir; so I understand it-without regard to whites or blacks.

Question. Does it concede to honest black men their political rights in this county? Answer. That is what I think it means.

Question. What construction do you put upon this sentence in it: "But we do intend that the intelligent, honest white people (the tax-payers) of this country shall rule it." Answer. I mean simply this, that the honest, intelligent white people are the only persons in the county capable of ruling it.

Question. Suppose there had been a majority of negro voters in the election which elected a republican ticket, was it the intention of this organization, as you understand it, to submit to such a rule?

Answer. If they elect their members through the ballot-box, we have no other redress than to submit.

Question. What construction do you put upon this language: "We do intend that the intelligent, honest white people (the tax-payers) of this country shall rule it?” Answer. I presume they intend to rule it through the ballot-box. Question. If three negroes had been elected county commissioners, do you believe this organization would have permitted them to remain in office?

Answer. I think so, because I was requested by the colored people to act as their secretary; and they called upon these commissioners to resign.

Question. Which commissioners?

Answer. The county commissioners. Two colored men were elected, and they were called upon to resign.

By Mr. VAN TRUMP :

Question. By whom?

Answer. The black people had a meeting here, and requested me to act as secretary.

By the CHAIRMAN :

Question. They called upon the colored people to resign?

Answer. Yes, sir; and white people.

Question. Did they resign?

Answer. No, sir.

Question. Are they in office yet?

Answer. Yes, sir. They asked me my opinion, and I told them, "If they do not represent you, let them know it by an expression of opinion."

Question. When was that meeting held?

Answer. In March, I think.

Question. Was that after most of these outrages had occurred?

Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. This seems to have been a second or an adjourned meeting?

Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. Are these the proceedings you referred to?

Answer. Yes, sir; this is the one-the second meeting, for final action, and there is the resolution.

Question. Were the proceedings of the first meeting published?

Answer. Yes, sir; a called meeting. I do not think there was anything done at the first meeting. There was not a full meeting, and the colored people met and adjourned to a second meeting.

[The proceedings referred to, as published in the Yorkville Enquirer of April 6, 1871, are as follows:]

'[For the Yorkville Enquirer.]

"PUBLIC MEETING OF THE BLACKS.

"YORKVILLE, April 1, 1871. "In accordance with previous notice, an adjourned meeting of the colored people of this county was held this day in the court-house, with Charles Bessier as chairman, and J. R. Bratton again acting, by request, as the secretary of their meeting.

"On motion of George Byers, a committee of three, consisting of George Byers, Moses Edwards, and Andrew Tims, was appointed to prepare a resolution expressive of the sentiment and objects of the meeting. These persons having requested Captain Mitchell to retire with them and act as their secretary, returned in a little while and reported the following resolution:

Resolved, That we, the colored people of this county, earnestly desiring the restoration of peace and harmony throughout the country, and the perpetuation of kind feelings and true friendship among all classes-both white and black-do hereby request the members of the legislature-our immediate representatives-the probate judge, the school commissioner, and the county commissioners, to resign their respective offices, believing that such action, and such only, on their part, will secure and place the object of our desires on a lasting basis.'

"The chairman then stated that the resolution was open for discussion by his colored friends. Nelson Davis, colored, then spoke against the resolution, stating that the meeting had been called, not to ask the resignation of members of the legislature or county officers, but to put down the 'Ku-Klux.' He admitted the corrupt legislation, the extravagant expenditure of the public money, and the unjust and oppressive taxation again imposed upon the people by the legislature, but appeared to have an idea that the resignation of the members of the legislature for this county could not in

any way, assist to purge out and purify that body. He thought that all corrupt legislation and incompetency should be met by an action under the law in the court-house, and concluded by earnestly hoping that not one colored person present would vote for the resolution.

"No other colored person being anxious to speak upon the resolution, the chairman personally requested General E. M. Law to give his opinion upon the resolution before the meeting.

"In compliance with that request, General Law frankly stated that he was pleased to see the resolution coming from the colored people, as they were the prime and willing instruments by which these members were put into office; and have, undoubtedly, the moral right and power to request them to resign their offices if such action would secure sound, healthy legislation for them in Columbia, and peace and contentment at their homes. He stated that it was folly to talk about peace, harmony, and true friendship among all classes, so long as the virtuous, intelligent white men were represented by vice and ignorance, and such reckless, rotten legislation and reckless extravagant expenditures of the public money continues. Let virtue be substituted for nice; intelligence for ignorance; and honesty for rascality. Let the morality, intelligence and wealth of the people of the country be honestly, fairly represented; then, and not till then, would we have peace secured on a permanent basis. He could see no other way, devise no other plan, by which the object of the resolution could be more fully and satisfactorily carried out for all classes than that set forth in the resolution, and therefore advised the colored people to vote for it because it was a peace measure, looking not only to our own individual good, but also to the general improvement and prosperity of the country.

"After the mode of voting was made clear to the understanding of the colored people by the chairman, the resolution was put to the meeting, and carried without a dissenting voice.

"It was then ordered that the Enquirer be requested to publish the proceedings of the meeting.

"The meeting then adjourned.

"J. R. BRATTON, Secretary."

By the CHAIRMAN:

"CHARLES BESSIER,

"Chairman.

Question. Now, Doctor, having stated your belief that there is a Ku-Klux organization, since you saw this notice in the paper, state who in your belief compose it. Answer. I cannot tell you that, sir.

Question. What class of people, sir?

Answer. I cannot tell you who compose that organization. I know nothing about them. I do not belong, and have no means of knowing.

Question. Have you no idea who compose it?

Answer. No, sir; I have no means of knowing.

Question. With the three men of whom you have spoken as murdered by disguised men, as you state-with fifteen cases that you are able to call up, of negroes that you understood were whipped-with this raid upon your county treasury by men in disguise, all transpiring within six months, have you no idea who the men are who compose the organization which does these things?

Answer. I have not; as I say to you, I do not belong to the organization, and therefore have no means of knowing.

Question. Do you believe that they are the respectable men of the county?
Answer. I cannot say that.

Question. Or are they the criminals of the county?

Answer. I do not know whether they are the worthless class or the most respectable class.

Question. Have you no opinion about it?

Answer. I have no opinion as to that point. I have this opinion as to this thing. I say to you here that article now comes up to a better expression of my opinion than anything I can give you. If the object of the organization be to preserve peace and harmony and protect the innocent white and black, I can sanction it.

Question. You believe that that notice in that paper did emanate from the men who were here at the raid on the county treasury?

Answer. No, sir; I do not know that these men were here-the same organization. Question. It refers to Rose's account-of his escape?

Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. And they contradict his statement about the money?

Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. You give credit to that card as coming from some organization ?

Answer. Yes, sir.