ARMY OPERATIONS. At the commencement of the year, the army of the Potomac, under Gen. Meade, was near Culpepper Court House, in Virginia, with the army under Gen. Lee in front and south of him. The Confederate Gen. Early had been ordered to command the forces in the Shenandoah valley, with his headquarters at Staunton. The Federal forces held Winchester, Martinsburg, and Harper's Ferry, and occupied the line of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, in Western Virginia. Gen. Burnside was still at Knoxville, in East Tennessee, with a line of communication into Kentucky. Eastward of him was Gen. Longstreet, with a division of the Confederate army. The army of Gen. Grant was in front of Chattanooga, in the southeast corner of Tennessee, and a force of the enemy before him at Dalton, under Gen. Bragg.

The following address to his soldiers had been issued by Gen. Grant, near the close of 1863:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, CHATTANOOGA, TENN., Dec. 10, 1863. The General Commanding takes this opportunity of returning his sincere thanks and congratulations to the brave Armies of the Cumberland, the Ohio, the Tennessee, and their comrades from the Poto mac, for the recent splendid and decisive successes achieved over the enemy. In a short time you have recovered from him the control of the Tennessee River, from Bridgeport to Knoxville. You dislodged him from his great stronghold upon Lookout Mountain, drove him from Chattanooga valley, wrested from his determined grasp the possession of Missionary Ridge, repelled with heavy loss to him his repeated assaults upon Knoxville, forcing him to raise the siege there, driving him at all points, utterly routed and discomfited, beyond the limits of the State. By your noble heroism and determined courage, you have effectually defeated the plans of the enemy for regaining possession of the States of Kentucky and Tennessee. You have secured positions from which no rebellious power can drive or dislodge you. For all this the General Commanding thanks you collectively and individually. The loyal people of the United States thank and bless you. Their hopes and prayers for your success against this unholy rebellion are with you daily. Their faith in you will not be in vain. Their hopes will not be blasted. Their prayers to Almighty God will be answered. You will yet go to other fields of strife; and with the invincible bravery and unflinching loyalty to justice and right which have characterized you in the past, you will prove that no enemy can withstand you, and that no defences, however formidable, can check your onward march.

By order of Major-General U. S. GRANT. T. S. BOWERS, Ass't Adj.-Gen.

The line of communication of Gen. Grant extended to Nashville by the railroad, through Stevenson and Murfreesboro'. Florence and Corinth were also held by a Federal force until the earlier portion of the year, when the former was occupied by the enemy. Military posts consisting of fortifications and heavy guns, with negro troops, were established on the Mississippi River at Cairo, Columbus, New Madrid, Fort Pillow, Memphis, Helena, Goodrich's Landing, Vicksburg, Natchez, Port Hudson, Baton Rouge, New Orleans, and Forts Jackson and St. Philip. There were also

forces at other points adjacent to these. A large force was under the command of Gen. Banks, in New Orleans, with detachments at Brashear City, and at Brownsville, on the Rio Grande. Gen. Steele occupied Little Rock, Arkansas, with a considerable force, and Gen. Rosecrans, in command of the department, had a small body of troops in Missouri. The military positions on the coast of North Carolina and South Carolina remained unchanged.

The number of troops in the field at the commencement of the year can be only indefinitely estimated. Between October, 1863, and May, 1864, seven hundred thousand new troops took the field, as stated by Senator Wilson in Congress. A portion of these supplied the place of the three years' men whose term of service expired in 1864. A large majority of the latter, however, reënlisted (see ARMY U.S.)

The number of Confederate troops in the field known as veterans, in the beginning of the year, was as follows: That portion of the Southern army which constituted the force under Gen. Lee (counting in Gen. Longstreet, who commanded a portion of his army), numbered ninety thousand troops. This is also counting in the troops which were in the vicinity of Abingdon, Lynchburg, and other portions of Southwestern Virginia and East Tennessee, formerly under Gen. Samuel Jones, who was detached from Gen. Lee's army late in September, 1863, to operate against Gen. Burnside, and afterwards under the command of Gen. Breckinridge. At Richmond and at Petersburg there were, not counting in citizens and home guards, about three thousand men. Between Petersburg and Weldon there were one thousand men. Along the railroad, between Weldon and Wilmington, there were at least six thousand men. The forces under Gen. Pickett numbered eight thousand men. Imboden and Moseby together had four thousand men—all guerrillas. This swelled the army in Eastern Virginia and North Carolina to one hundred and twelve thousand strong.

The second great army in the Confederacy was that under Gen. Johnston, a large portion of which was cavalry. The army known as the Army of the Tennessee was composed of two corps, each having six divisions of infantry, amounting to thirty-six thousand men. There were also several divisions of cavalry, numbering at least eighteen thousand men, making an aggregate of fifty-four thousand. This included the four divisions sent to reënforce Bishop Polk, and the two divisions sent to Mobile, and the entire cavalry under Wheeler, Wharton, and John Morgan. Gen. Johnston also had command of all the Confederate forces in Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, except those at Savannah, Mobile, and under Forrest, who had an independent (roving) commission. Before the arrival of Gen. Sherman at Meridian, Gen. Polk had eighteen thousand troops, only two thousand of which were vet

erans.

The forces in South Carolina and at Savannah, under Gen. Beauregard, and in Florida, under Gen. McCown, numbered ten thousand. This only included the veterans, or old soldiers, as the armies in these three localities above mentioned a little later numbered twenty-five thousand men.

The next regular armies of the Confederacy were the Trans-Mississippi forces, scattered in different portions of Arkansas and Texas, and all under the command of Lieut.-Gen. Kirby Smith, the army in Arkansas under Gen. Holmes, and the army in Texas under Gen. Magruder; the old soldiers of which numbered twelve thousand men.

The forces at Mobile, under Gens. Maury and Claiborne, numbered about eight thousand. The forces under Gen. Forrest, and under Chalmers, Lee, and Richardson, amounted to six thousand, which included all the veterans in the rebel service.

To this may be added, however, in the same line, twelve thousand soldiers engaged in important prison guard, and in the hospitals and quartermasters' and commissary departments. There were also about two thousand men engaged in the guerrilla warfare on the banks of the Mississippi. No other guerrilla bands of importance existed in Gen. Grant's depart ment. There was not a single squad in Kentucky, East and Middle Tennessee, Northern Alabama or Northern Georgia. There were still several guerrilla organizations in West Tennessee and Northern Mississippi. The people themselves had rid the country.

The total of these veterans was two hundred and twenty-four thousand; to these were added, at the beginning of the year, one hundred and twenty thousand conscripts, making the number in the service three hundred and fortyfour thousand.

The earliest operations of importance, in 1864, consisted of a movement under Gen. Sherman from Vicksburg, Mississippi, to Meridian, Alabama; another under Gen. Smith, from Memphis, Tennessee, to cooperate with Gen. Sherman; another under Gen. Grant's orders, from Chattanooga, Tennessee, upon Dalton, Georgia, and another under Gen. Schofield, who relieved Gen. Burnside, upon the forces under Gen. Longstreet, in East Tennessee. Upon the return of Gen. Sherman from East Tennessee to Chattanooga, his command was stationed at Scottsboro', Alabama, and thence along the Memphis and Chattanooga railroad, to Huntsville. Near the end of January, Gen. Sherman went to Memphis and Vicksburg, to command an expedition. Corinth was abandoned, and the Memphis railroad eastward of Lagrange to Huntsville, and a large body of troops sent down the Mississippi to Vicksburg. The following letter was addressed by Gen. Sherman, at this time, to his adjutant-general, relative to the course to be pursued by subordinate commanders of military districts to the

inhabitants:

HEADQUARTERS DEP'T OF THE TENNESSEE,
VICKSBURG, January 31, 1864.

Major R. M. Sawyer, Ass't Adj.-Gen. Army of the
Tennessee, Huntsville:

swered all your questions, save one, and that relates DEAR SAWYER: In my former letter I have anto the treatment of inhabitants, known or suspected to be hostile, or "secesh." This is in truth the most difficult business of our army as it advances possible to lay down rules, and I invariably leave and occupies the Southern country. It is almost im this whole subject to the local commanders, but am willing to give them the benefit of my acquired knowledge and experience.

In Europe, whence we derive our principles of kings or rulers, through hired armies, and not bewar, as developed by their histories, wars are between tween peoples. These remain, as it were, neutral, and sell their produce to whatever army is in pos session.

Russia, bought forage and provisions of the inhabiNapoleon, when at war with Prussia, Austria, and tants, and consequently had an interest to protect farms and factories which ministered to his wants. In like manner, the allied armies in France could buy of the French inhabitants whatever they needed, try. Therefore, the rule was and is, that wars are the produce of the soil, or manufactures of the counconfined to the armies, and should not visit the homes of families or private interests.

But, in other examples, a different rule obtained the sanction of historical authority. I will only instance that, when, in the reign of William and Mary, the English army occupied Ireland, then in a state of revolt, the inhabitants were actually driven into foreign lands, and were actually dispossessed of their property, and a new population introduced. To this day, a large part of the north of Ireland is held by the descendants of the Scotch emigrants, sent there by William's order and an act of Parlia ment.

The war which prevails in our land is essentially clear compact of Government, but still maintained a a war of races. The Southern people entered into a species of separate interests, history, and prejudices. These latter became stronger and stronger, till they have led to a war, which has developed the fruits of the bitterest kind.

We of the North are, beyond all question, right in our lawful cause, but we are not bound to ignore the fact that the people of the South have prejudices which form part of their nature, and which they cannot throw off without an effort of reason, or the tion arises, should we treat as absolute enemies all slower process of natural change. Now, the quesin the South who differ from us in opinion or prejudice, kill or banish them; or, should we give them time to think, and gradually change their conduct so as to conform to the new order of things, which is

slowly and gradually creeping into their country? When men take arms to resist our rightful authority, we are compelled to use force, because all reason and argument cease when arms are resorted to. When the provisions, forage, horses, mules, wagons, etc., are used by our enemy, it is clearly our duty and right to take them, because otherwise they might be used against us.

In like manner, all houses left vacant by an inimical people are clearly our right, or such as are needed as store-houses, hospitals, and quarters. But a question arises as to dwellings used by women, children, and non-combatants. So long as non-combatants remain in their houses and keep to their accustomed business, their opinions and prejudices can in nowise influence the war, and therefore should not be noticed. But if any one comes out into the public streets and creates disorder, he or she should be

punished, restrained, or banished, either to the rear or front, as the officer in command adjudges. If the people, or any of them, keep up a correspondence

with parties in hostility, they are spies, and can be punished with death or minor punishment.

These are well-established principles of war, and the people of the South having appealed to war, are barred from appealing to our Constitution, which they have practically and publicly defied. They have appealed to war, and must abide its rules and laws. The United States, as a belligerent party claiming right in the soil as the ultimate sovereign, have a right to change the population, and it may be and is, both politic and just, we should do so in certain districts. When the inhabitants persist too long in hostility, it may be both politic and right we should banish them and appropriate their lands to a more loyal and useful population. No man will deny that the United States would be benefited by dispossessing a single prejudiced, hard-headed, and disloyal planter, and substituting in his place a dozen or more patient, industrious, good families, even if they be of foreign birth. I think it does good to present this view of the case to many Southern gentlemen, who grew rich and wealthy, not by virtue alone of their industry and skill, but by reason of the protection and impetus to prosperity given by our hitherto moderate and magnanimous Government. It is all idle nonsense for these Southern planters to say that they made the South, that they own it, and that they can do as they please-even to break up our Government, and to shut up the natural avenues of trade, intercourse, and commerce.

We know, and they know, if they are intelligent beings, that, as compared with the whole world, they are but as five millions are to one thousand millions -that they did not create the land-that their only title to its use and usufruct is the deed of the United States; and if they appeal to war, they hold their all by a very insecure tenure.

For my part I believe that this war is the result of false political doctrine, for which we are all as a people responsible, viz.: that any and every people have a right to self-government; and I would give all a chance to reflect, and when in error to recant. I know slave owners finding themselves in possession of a species of property in opposition to the growing sentiment of the whole civilized world, conceived their property in danger, and foolishly appealed to war; and by skilful political handling involved with themselves the whole South on the doctrines of error and prejudice. I believe that some of the rich and slaveholding are prejudiced to an extent that nothing but death and ruin will extinguish, but hope that as the poorer and industrial classes of the South realize their relative weakness, and their dependence upon the fruits of the earth and good will of their fellow-men, they will not only discover the error of their ways, and repent of their hasty action, but bless those who persistently maintained a Constitutional Government, strong enough to sustain itself, protect its citizens, and promise peaceful homes to millions yet unborn.

In this belief, whilst I assert for our Government the highest military prerogatives, I am willing to bear in patience that political nonsense of slave rights, State rights, freedom of conscience, freedom of press, and such other trash as have deluded the Southern people into war, anarchy, bloodshed, and the foulest crimes that have disgraced any time or any people. I would advise the commanding officers at Huntsville, and such other towns as are occupied by our troops, to assemble the inhabitants and explain to them these plain, self-evident propositions, and tell them that it is for them now to say, whether they and their children shall inherit the beautiful land, which, by the accident of nature, has fallen to their share. The Government of the United States has in North Alabama any and all rights which they choose to enforce in war, to take their lives, their homes, their lands, their every thing, because they cannot deny that war does exist there, and war is simply power unrestrained by constitution or compact. If they want eternal war, well and good-we will accept

the issue and dispossess them, and put our friends in possession. I know thousands and millions of good people who, at simple notice, would come to North Alabama and accept the elegant houses and plantations now there. If the people of Huntsville think different, let them persist in war three years longer, and then they will not be consulted. Three years ago, by a little reflection and patience they could have had a hundred years of peace and prosperity, but they preferred war; very well, last year they could have saved their slaves, but now it is too lateall the powers of earth cannot restore to them their slaves any more than their dead grandfathers. Next year their lands will be taken, for in war we can take them, and rightfully, too, and in another year they may beg in vain for their lives. A people who will persevere in war beyond a certain limit, ought to know the consequences. Many, many people, with less pertinacity than the South, have been wiped out of national existence.

My own belief is, that even now the non-slaveholding classes of the South are alienating from their associates in war. Already I hear crimination. Those who have property left, should take warning in time. Since I have come down here, I have seen many Southern planters who now hire their negroes, and acknowledge that they knew not the earthquake they were to make by appealing to secession. They thought that the politicians had prepared the way, and that they could part in peace. They now see that we are bound together as one nation, by indissoluble ties, and that any interest or any people that set themselves up in antagonism to the nation, must perish.

While I would not remit one jot or tittle of our nation's rights, in peace or war, I do make allowances for past political errors and false prejudices. Our national Congress and Supreme Courts are the proper arenas in which to discuss conflicting opin. ions and not the battle-field.

You may not hear from me again, and if you think it will do any good, call some of the people together, and explain these my views. You may even read to them this letter, and let them use it, so as to prepare them for my coming.

To those who submit to the rightful law and authority, all gentleness and forbearance, but to the petulant and persistent secessionists, why, death is mercy, and the quicker he or she disposed of, the better. Satan, and the rebellious saints of heaven, were allowed a continuance of existence in hell, merely to swell their just punishment. To such as would rebel against a Government so mild and just as ours was in peace, a punishment equal would not be unjust.

We are progressing well in this quarter. Though I have not changed my opinion that we may soon assume the existence of our National Government, yet years will pass before ruffianism, murder, and robbery will cease to afflict this region of our country. Truly your friend, (Signed)

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General Commanding.

The advance of Gen. Sherman's movement, consisting of the 17th corps, under Gen. McPherson, left Vicksburg on February 3d, in light marching order, with rations for some days. The enemy were encountered after crossing the Big Black River, during the day, and some skirmishing ensued. The encampment was made that night on the west side of Baker's Creek, the enemy appearing in line of battle on the opposite side. The Confederate force consisted of about two thousand cavalry under Gen. Whitworth, who was in command from Jackson westward. At Canton there was