SUAREZ ON TAXATION 149 in the possession by a prince of power to impose just taxes at his discretion. Moreover, the general consent by which the sovereignty was vested in a monarch covers the special authorization to raise revenue just as it does that to declare war, to build roads and bridges, etc. If a state is really monarchic, full power to raise money must be in the monarch, and any participation by the subjects can be only the result of a benevolent concession by him. This attitude of Suarez is entirely characteristic of the theological Catholic jurists, whose preoccupation was, in their doctrine of popular sovereignty, much more to secure a ground for the subjection of monarchs to the moral and spiritual dominion of the ecclesiastical power than to promote popular demonstrations against the political autocracy of the kings. 6. Campanella To complete the notice of the political doctrine that prevailed in the ranks of good Catholics, some attention may be given to a philosopher who stood entirely alone in his time, and whose system is indeed unique among the philosophers of all time. Thomas Campanella (1568-1639) was a Dominican friar of southern Italy. Intellectually he was wholly out of relation to the normal spirit of his order, and found satisfaction in the ideas that had spread through Europe as the particular characteristics of the Renaissance. The general system of philosophy which he formulated was of a strongly materialistic type, with hardly concealed leanings toward pantheism.1 But with all the rationalism and materialism which permeated his thought, he never deviated from the profession of the strictest regard for the creed and practice of the Catholic church. The unique character of his system appeared in this close union of materialism with a narrow Christian theology. Campanella insisted always on a synthesis of philosophy and theology that had a particularly novel and grotesque effect in his treatment of politics. The political doctrine presented in his systematic philosophy is a rather confused collection of dogmas, many unexceptionable in clarity and practical worth, many vague and mystical, representing a vein that runs through all his thought. What is most distinctive and striking in his politics may be found best, however, in his Utopian work, The City of Sol (Civitas Solis). This is in literary form a description of an hitherto unknown commonwealth by a Genoese sailor. In substance, however, it presents, first, the ultimate philosophical principle on which Campanella explained nature and history, i.e., that all the phenomena of each could be summed up under the three principles, power, intelligence and love; second, a blending of Platonic with medieval monkish ideas in 1 See his Realis Philosophia Epilogistica, in four parts, treating respectively of "The Nature of Things," "Ethics," "Politics" and "Economics." 2 In Realis Philosophia, Part III. Appended to Part III of the Realis Philosophia. Translated, with a few omissions that are not indicated, in the volume entitled Ideal Commonwealths in the Library of Universal Knowledge edited by Henry Morley. French unexpurgated version in the Euvres choisies. the conception of social organization; and third, the conception of papal autocracy as the ideal of political organization and government. The City of Sol is represented as an absolute monarchy whose ruler is designated as Sol. This chief of the state is named for life by a college of magistrates, who combine, as does the chief himself, both political and religious functions in their official character. It needs, of course, no great penetration to discern that Sol's election, tenure and duties are precisely those of the Roman pontiff, according to the views of the extremist supporters of the papacy. For his chief ministers Sol has the three, "Potentia," "Prudentia," and "Amor." The first is in charge of all that pertains to war, diplomacy and whatever requires the application of physical force; the second superintends public instruction, the fine arts and public works; the third has in charge all that pertains to the perpetuation, preservation and physical improvement of the people. This administrative organization is merely an application of Campanella's metaphysics. Besides this system of magistrates, the constitution provides for two assemblies, one consisting of only the magistrates, who are of course at the same time priests, and the other including all the people. The first of these assemblies possesses all authority in legislation and in appointments to office; the second is limited substantially to passing on questions of peace and war. While this scheme of constitutional organization expresses the general philosophy of Campanella and his theory as to the indissoluble union of secular and religious functions, his scheme of social organization and action follows very closely the projects of Plato and Sir Thomas More. Campanella recognizes absolutely no family institution and no individual property. The life of the citizens is lived in common and they eat at common tables, although the grades of food vary according to the merit of the different classes of people. Like Plato, Campanella recognizes three of these classes, though the three do not correspond strictly to those of Plato, the middle class having for its characteristic the modern function of industry rather than the ancient function of military activity. The assignment of citizens to their respective classes is provided for as in Plato; that is, the priest-magistrates, which correspond to Plato's philosopher-guardians, are able through the strict supervision of the whole life of the citizens to determine with perfect certainty in what class each member of the state properly belongs. SELECT REFERENCES BARCLAY, W., De Regno, and De Potestate Papæ. BELLARMIN, Opera, esp. Tom. I and V. BUNGENER, Histoire du Concile de Trent. CAMPANELLA, Realis Philosophia Epilogistica, Pars III; Civitas Solis. FIGGIS, The Divine Right of Kings, chap. vi passim. FRANCK, Réformateurs et Publicistes, XVIIe siècle, 13-51 (Suarez), 149-201 (Campanella). GooсH, English Democratic Ideas, Introduction. HALLAM, Literature of Europe, Part II, chap. iv. JANET, Histoire, Vol. II, pp. 54–82 (the Jesuits), 130-132 (Campanella). KALTENBORN, Die Vorläufer des H. Grotius, chap. vi. KREBS, Die politische Publizistik der Jesuiten, in Hallesche Abhandlungen, 1890. SUAREZ, Tractatus de Legibus. CHAPTER V HUGO GROTIUS 1. Protestant Precursors of Grotius TWELVE years after the publication of Suarez's De Legibus there appeared at Paris a treatise which, though no more learned or logical than that of the Spaniard and little different from it in many of its conclusions, was destined to have an enormously greater influence on the development of juristic and political theory. This was the famous work of Grotius on The Law of War and Peace. To the great Dutch jurist and his work has been attributed by general consent the foundation of the science of international law, in which is to be found the perfect fruit of the doctrine of the law of nature. Without detracting from the just fame of Grotius, it is necessary for the careful student to point out the currents that were manifesting themselves in various philosophical channels before he wrote and that set straight toward the system which he presented. In the preceding chapter we have seen how extensively the law of nature and the law of nations were developed by the Catholic jurists. The substance of their doctrine was entirely in line with that of Grotius, both in general scope and in much of the detail. They wrought over the material transmitted by the |