paign strenuous enough to satisfy President Roosevelt, whose advice to the convention undoubtedly settled the matter of the nomination. And the next day the nominee was closing up his law affairs so that he could devote himself to a whirl-: wind campaign as assiduously as he had to the insurance investigation. That campaign was an eye-opener even to those who thought they knew Mr. Hughes. He changed so greatly in his method of speaking and in adaptability that his friends were agape with wonder. Nobody suspected it was in him to take the stump and make good with all kinds of audiences. But he did it. And he did it without sacrificing a principle or even a bit of his dignity. He was no "hail fellow well met" with the boys; there was no clap-trap or playing to the galleries in his speeches; nobody thought of slapping him on the back. He won squarely on his merit.

It was his absolute and unescapable sincerity that carried the day. He talked straight from the shoulder. Mr. Hearst called him "the animated feather duster, and thought he had done a smart and effective thing in fastening such an epithet on his adversary. There was no reply in kind. Mr. Hughes was always the same courteous gentleman, indulged in no personalities, made no flings, held to a high plane of discussion. But how he exposed the pretenses and false principles and bare hypocrisy of the opposition! His exposition was as merciless as his examination of an insurance witness. He made hundreds of speeches, sometimes ten in a day; but he did not utter a sentence that he need wish to retract, or that weak ened his cause. He did not repeat himself. He developed a simply marvelous capacity for speechmaking of a high quality. His points stuck, and his illustrations illustrated. When it was over, the party leaders conceded without a dissenting voice that the entire campaign had been dominated and carried to its conclusion by the nominee. If elected, the credit would be his in full degree.

Elected he was, and the only one on his ticket of whom that could be said. A Republican governor, with every other state officer democratic, it was a novel position. He knew that the Democrats had made an exception in his favor, and

that he was free to be the governor of all the people of the state. Without a pledge or promise, untrammeled, the lawyer who had no practical experience in politics or public life faced a task that would test all his powers. There were plenty to predict that when pitted against the experienced legislators and lobbyists of the capitol, the new governor would find himself no match for those who certainly would prepare pitfalls for him. The people, however, believed in him. He knew it, and that was where he had the best of it.

Within a week after he took the executive chair it was perfectly plain that he was governor, and that in his conception of duty a governor was to govern. The party leaders were aghast. He turned down their selections for office, and informed them that it was his duty to select, not theirs. There is plentiful authority for saying that even the presidential intimation of preference only served to solidify the governor in his independence. He was sorrowfully given up as hopeless. But it had to be acknowledged that his appointments were without exception admirable. The men chosen were chosen because they were experts in the work that was to be done, not because they had a "pull" or a record of political service. And the people felt that here was something new under the sun.

A new sense of the dignity of office and the nobility of true public service seemed to radiate from Albany. For to begin with, this strange governor, after his election, actually gave up his law business, shut off entirely his source of revenue from his profession - at a sacrifice of tens of thousands of dollars, concerning which one would never hear from him and moved his family to Albany, even taking his church letter with him. Having accepted public office, he felt it his duty to give himself wholly to that office, although the ten-thousand-dollar salary would represent only a singlc retainer.

Governor Hughes is the type of the new order in politics. He may be classified as a public servant in distinction from a politician. He is a servant instead of a seeker. He is in office because the office sought him, not he the office. "No party and no leader of a political organization," he says, "shall dare take the posi

tion that there is anything above honorable service to the state." But his idea of honorable service is not a common one.

One of the hardest shocks he gave to the old-timers was when he abolished the secret chamber and took his place at the big desk in the large executive room where everybody comes in. In other days this was the reception room, while the governor occupied the inner of two smaller rooms, the first containing his private secretary. This made the secret conclave possible. But such an arrangement did not accord with Governor Hughes' ideas of democratic accessibility and honest consultation. What could the politicians do when they sought the governor to have a private conference, and found that they must talk to him without secrecy? An Albany correspondent gives a description

of the new order and its results.

A country leader had come in to have a consultation. With uncertain glance at the Governor he approached and assumed a bluff air of familiarity. Instantly the lines around the mouth of the Governor tightened. He seized the proffered hand. "What can I do for you?" he asked guardedly.

"Oh, I want to see you in private about a matter up our way," and the boss directed an inquiring glance toward the inside room.

"Sit down," invited the Governor, indicating a chair two feet from his own and seating himself before his caller could recover himself. The latter sank into the chair uneasily. The Governor with an encouraging smile waited for him to begin.

"Why, er-er, Governor, there are some matters about politics and legislation I want to talk to you about in private."

"Oh, well, go ahead," said the Governor, looking directly at his caller. "No one will interrupt us here. But I think you have come to the wrong place about legislation. I am not a member of the legislature."

"Oh, well, you know, I understand that, you know - know," and the boss was evidently disconcerted. He looked around the room, noted the proximity of half a dozen men who had come in and ranged themselves on the sofas and chairs along the south wall, and began to talk with obvious embarrassment. He didn't

say one-half he intended, nor in the way he meant.

The Governor listened attentively, nodded only to indicate that he understood, but did not make any direct statement or comment. And when the political boss awkwardly shook hands with him and faded through the door, his cigar was bunched in one of his hands and he looked sheepishly at the other men waiting for an audience.

IV.

One year now Governor Hughes has been in office, and what is the record? Quite as remarkable as anything that preceded. His first message was a piece of revolutionary but constructive statesmanship, the central feature of which was a comprehensive scheme for the state regulation of all public-service corporations through a Public Service Commission, to be appointed by the Governor and responsible to him, with power of removal in his hands. This was a counter move to that for national control, keeping the power in the state, but bringing the corporations under a direct and stringent rule and accountability. It was an overshadowing proposition, and it staggered the corporations and the legislative leaders and the lobbyists. Bills were introduced to carry out the recommendations, but it was freely declared that the legislature would never enact such drastic laws, or place such power in the hands of a governor and his appointees. The Governor said nothing. He had done his duty in recommending such legislation as he deemed best for the state. For the rest, the legislative function was responsible. This, too, was a position so novel that the politicians shook their heads and gave it up. A governor who would not use patronage to secure the passage of bills was beyond their comprehension.

According to promise, the Governor began an investigation of the state departments. It was evident that the insurance department was in need of a new head, since under Superintendent Kelsey bad conditions remained unchanged. The Governor conducted the inquiry himself, having found this to be within his power, and the officer was subjected to the same kind of grilling that had proved fatal to many abler men. He made a poor show

ing, and his incompetency was so glaring that self-respect should have led him to resign; but he refused to do so, and his case was made a test of the relative strength of the Governor and the leaders in the legislature. Under the whip the majority of the Senate voted to retain the superintendent, and there was great rejoicing over the Governor's humiliating defeat, as it was described. Evidently his reform measures had no chance of passing, and he was doomed to political destruction. The combined forces of such bosses as Raines and McCarren, Republican and Democrat together in defense of threatened monopoly, were in possession of the field.

What then did this unusual Governor do? Turned to the people, who formed the constituencies of the legislators. In two public speeches he told the people just how matters stood between the executive and the lawmakers. Quick and imperative Quick and imperative was the response. When the remonstrances came in from their districts, there was consternation in the camp; and when a caucus call was refused by the Republican leader the Governor's fighting cap was on, and within two days the caucus was held, and the party was pledged to carry out his wishes. The pressure had not come from him, for he consistently declined to interfere with the legislative function; but the aroused and indignant people told their representatives what they wanted in such unmistakable way that the bills carrying out the Governor's recommendations were passed, and the victory was now all on the other side. The appeal to the people the new method was an unexampled success. This was the new type of politics. One other strange thing must be chronicled, because its effect was to make Governor Hughes national in prestige and influence, and a hundredfold more conspicuous than anything he had previously done.

In response to what was deemed a popular demand a bill was passed establishing a two-cent-a-mile railroad fare throughout the state. Other states had taken or were contemplating such legislative action. What was the consternation when Governor Hughes vetoed this bill, with such clear reason for his action that the real nature of such legislation, enacted without thorough investigation into the

conditions of the railroads affected, became apparent, and the veto commanded the approval of thoughtful citizens. But whether the people approved the Governor's action or not, they realized anew that here was a man who cared nothing for popular favor as against his conviction of justice and sense of right.

Here are his memorable words to the legislature, which perhaps more than any other one thing put a presidential stamp upon him:

We

Injustice on the part of railroad corporations toward the public does not justify injustice on the part of the state toward the railroad corporations. The action of the government should be fair and impartial, and upon this every citizen, whatever his interest, is entitled to insist. shall make matters no better, but worse, if to cure one wrong we establish another. The fact that those in control of railroad corporations have been guilty of grossly improper financiering and of illegal and injurious discriminations in charges points clearly to the necessity of effective arbitrary reprisals. In dealing with these quesstate action, but does not require or warrant tions democracy must demonstrate its capacity to act upon deliberation and to deal justly.

ས.

Many estimates of Governor Hughes have been made, and many more will be, for he is bound to be in the public eye. There is no disagreement, however, as to his sincerity. That is an outstanding quality. It is written in his face and speaks out of his clear eye. You can not see him and doubt his honesty. His most inveterate political enemy admits that the Governor says what he thinks and stands by it. Next to this trait is strength, a kind of ruggedness that settles many things without debate. When he says No, that is instinctively felt to be the end of it. He does not speak or decide hastily. He takes time to make up his mind; when it is made up, no one as yet has found a way to make him change it. One of his fixed habits is optimism. His foundation word is duty.

He is concededly dignified, and in manner reserved and grave. Hence he has been called cold and unsympathetic, and classed with President Harrison as a man who had no magnetism. This is far from the truth. When there is occasion to smile, no man has a brighter one than Governor Hughes, nor a heartier manner. But he does not go about like a flattering and fawning self-seeker, currying favor

Climb with him, and you will discover some muscles that need hardening if you keep pace with him. Tramp with him in the woods and you will find a keen sportsman, full of enjoyment and brimming over with fun.

APPEALING TO THE PEOPLE CONCERNING
STATE ISSUES

with all sorts and conditions of voters. He respects himself and his office, and the people respect him in consequence. He is approachable and accessible to all who have legitimate business with him. He is genuinely democratic, while a gentleman by breeding and temperament. To those admitted within the circle of friendship he is one of the most delightful of companions.

But has he the human element? His intellectuality is admitted, also his indefatigable industry and amazing application. His moral earnestness, his genuine piety, with no smack of cant or hypocritical piosity, his high ideals and unyielding will-all these are granted. Has he no human weaknesses, no failings, no lighter side? To think not would be utterly to misjudge him. Go out with him on the golf links and measure up against his drives, and you will find that he loves an outdoor game as well as the next.

MEETING HIS CONSTITUENTS

An answer to those who say he is cold and not genial