and those contained in the above resolutions is their reason for entering this protest.

DAN STONE,

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

Mr. Lincoln never materially departed from the political doctrine herein enunciated and never ceased to hold that the Constitution conferred no right upon any one to interfere with slavery in the slave States.

At the close of the session he walked home from Vandalia, a distance of one hundred miles. The rest of the delegation rode upon horseback, but Lincoln was able to keep up with them and beguiled the tedium of the journey with many a story and pointed joke.

The weather was cold and his clothes were thin and worn. Complaining of the cold, one of his companions told the future President that "it was no wonder he was cold, there was so much of him on the ground." No one enjoyed the joke more than its victim.

Upon their return to Springfield they were greeted with the most extravagant manifestations of gratitude and joy. They had secured the greatly coveted honor for the city and the citizens could not do enough to show their appreciation of the service. In the midst of the feasting and rejoicing, Lincoln was observed to be sad and preoccupied. When questioned as to the cause of it he ascribed it to the unsettled condition of his life, and the uncertainty of his future. In view of his lonely situation his friends determined to secure his removal to the Capital and to assist him, as far as he would permit, to secure lucrative employment.

In April, 1837, he left New Salem and removed to Springfield, where he continued to live until he went to Washington. His possessions were few and easily carried in his saddle-bags. He intended to hire a small room and obtain his meals at a restaurant or boarding-house. Upon his arrival he went into the store of Joshua F. Speed, with whom he was slightly acquainted and inquired the price of the necessary furniture, at the same time remarking that, if he succeeded in his profession, he would pay for it in full; but if he did not succeed, he should probably never pay for it. Struck by his appearance and apparent honesty, Mr. Speed offered to share his own room with him, an offer which Lincoln gladly accepted.

He

He had been licensed to practice law in the preceding month and soon entered into partnership with Major Stuart, who had superintended his legal education and was a warm and consistent friend. remained with him for four years when he entered into partnership with Judge Stephen T. Logan, one of the shrewdest and most successful lawyers of the State.

The Springfield bar was at this time one of the most brilliant in the country and there were several lawyers connected with it, who could have held their own against the ablest advocates of the East. Among those who afterwards achieved a national reputation were Stephen A. Douglas, the prosecuting attorney, E. D. Baker, Ninian W. Edwards, Jesse B. Thomas, Samuel H. Treat and many others. It required a man of more than ordinary ability to make a place among such men.

Lincoln did not appear much in the society of the

place which, for a new town, was pretentious and exclusive. The population numbered less than 2,000, but there were representatives of many old Kentucky families who lived in a state of magnificence and display, which was unattainable for most of the pioneers. It is probable that Lincoln with his rude manners and uncouth appearance, together with his coarse and illfitting garments, could hardly find a place in the first circles. But he was intent on his work and found his amusement in more intellectual pursuits so that he did not miss the round of social gayeties.

The

The means of mental improvement in those days were limited. Books were costly and scarce. few newspapers that came into the community were soon read and their contents discussed. In order to make up for this lack of material for literary culture, as far as possible, the young men were accustomed to form debating societies, where they discussed the great topics of the day and listened to addresses and papers prepared by the members. The meeting of the society was a great event in the smaller towns, and the room in which it was held was generally packed with sympathetic listeners.

Such a society was organized in Springfield under the name of the "Young Men's Lyceum," and Lincoln was an enthusiastic member of it. This was a more dignified organization than the average debating society, and contained much of the best talent of the place.

Speed's store was a popular gathering-place where, beside the great open fireplace, many an impromptu discussion took place. Here Lincoln and Douglas and Baker were often found with scores of others

engaging in heated political discussions, which sel dom ended with a decided advantage to either side.

In 1837, Lincoln was invited to deliver an address before the Lyceum and took for his subject, "The Perpetuation of our Free Institutions." He spent much time in its preparation and it was so favorably received as to be subsequently published in the Weekly Journal of Springfield. The style was florid and declamatory, yet, considering his lack of education, it was a remarkable production. It showed the profound thought and originality of a true statesman while it gave evidence of ardent patriotism and a genuine love of constitutional liberty. The style of thought and expression is in marked contrast to that exhibited in his Gettysburg address, perhaps the best example of true eloquence in the English lan guage.

The one was at the beginning of his public career, the other, near the end. The Springfield address has the same true ring as the one made upon the great battle-field, but the development of his intellectual powers from the first product to the last contains the story of all that is most interesting in his career.

In his exordium he speaks of the peculiar blessings enjoyed by the American people in their natural surroundings and political institutions which conduce to to civil and religious liberty and then reviews the labors of our ancestors to secure to us these inestimable blessings.

"Theirs was the task, and nobly they performed it, to possess themselves and, through themselves, us, of this goodly land, and to rear upon its hills and valleys a political edifice of liberty and equal rights;

tis ours only to transmit these, the former unprofaned by the foot of an invader, the latter undecayed by the lapse of time. This, our duty to ourselves and our posterity, and love for our species in general, imperatively require us to perform. .... At what point, then, is the approach of danger to be expected? I answer, if it ever reaches us, it must spring up among ourselves. It cannot come from abroad. If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves be its author and finisher. As a nation of freemen we must live through all time or die of suicide."

He graphically describes the dangers of mob-violence and lawlessness and speaks of the different menaces from within the people against the stability of our institutions.

"Many great and good men, sufficiently qualified for any task they should undertake, may be ever found, whose ambition would aspire to nothing beyond a seat in Congress, a gubernatorial or presidential chair. But such belong not to the family of the lion, or the brood of the eagle. What? Think you these places would satisfy an Alexander, a Cæsar or a Napoleon? Never. Towering genius disdains a beaten path. It seeks regions hitherto unexplored. It sees no distinction in adding story to story upon the monuments of fame erected to the memory of others. It denies that it is glory enough to serve under any chief. It scorns to tread in the foot-prints of a predecessor, however illustrious. It thirsts and burns for distinction and, if possible, it will have it whether at the expense of emancipating slaves or enslaving free men."

He closed with a tribute to the soldiers of the Rev