conquered. I might run this parallel through history, but I will give but one other example. During the American Revolution, when the people of England desired to prevent this country from sepaating from them, and when they turned out their own people into the army they took Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Charleston, the Chesapeake, and in fact the entire coast. But when the feeling changed towards us, and the King of England was compelled to hire Hessians to come here and fight us, we whipped them. You cannot win victories with hired soldiers. They must be moved by a higher motive and purer patriotism than the mere love of the dollar they receive for their services.

The gallant and patriotic soldiers of the Union are here defamed as "hireling Hessians;” their defeat predicted and desired, and the triumph of the rebels taken for granted, "Out of the fullness of the heart the mouth speaketh." At the very moment this old rebel sympathizer was proclaiming that the rebellion could not be subdued, one-half of it had been crushed, and the residue was tottering, notwithstanding the aid and comfort given to the insurgents by such men as the speaker.

DEWITT, OF NEW YORK, STIGMATISES THE BRAVE POTOMAC ARMY

Mr. Dewitt, of New York, addressed a crowd from the balcony of the Sherman House:

Speaking of the achievements of our armies, the speaker said, when that grand army that had crossed the Rapidan under Gen. Grant had failed, what could be expected of an army of conscripts, hirelings and negroes? [Cheers and cries of "Nothing."] Men taken from new emigrants just arrived upon our soil; men torn unwillingly from their homes and forced into the ranks, and untutored Africans—those were the men before Richmond and Petersburg, and what could be expected of them, when a grand army of chosen men had failed to accomplish good.

A HISSING REPTILE

S. S. Cox, who is known to be the most intimate and confidential friend of Geo. B. McClellan, among political men, and next to Belmont, the leading wire-puller for his nomination, made the following speech, as reported in the Chicago Times:

Senator Cox being introduced, said he did not want to use any harsh language towards Old Abe. [Cries of "give it to him."] He had attempted in his own city, a few weeks since, to show, in a very quiet way, that Abraham Lincoln had deluged the country with blood, created a debt of four thousand millions of dollars, sacrificed two millions of human lives, and filled the land with grief and mourning.

A pious man, who had listened attentively to his remarks, sang out, “G―d d▬▬n him.” He did not agree with his pious friend. He hoped God would have mercy on Abraham

Lincoln, but at the November election, the people would damn him to immortal infamy. [Immense cheering.]

One of our friends, Judge Hall, had been arrested in Missouri a short time since, because he happened to say that Jefferson Davis was no greater enemy to the Constitution than Lincoln. He (the speaker) would say it boldly; let them arrest him. [Cheers and cries, “they dare not."]

The speaker concluded by recapitulating the infamous actions of the President; showed how he had exercised fraud to overpower and defeat the purposes of loyal people, and said Republicans, Wade and Davis, not Democrats, were his accusers. He exhorted the people to join in the grand determination to remove the despot from the place which he was unfit to fill.

The report of the Chicago Tribune adds the following:

For less offenses than Mr. Lincoln had been guilty of, the English people had chopped off the head of the first Charles. In his opinion, Lincoln and Davis ought to be brought to the same block together. The other day they arrested a friend of his, a member of Congress from Missouri, for saying, in private conversation, that Lincoln was no better than Jeff. Davis. He was ready to say the same now here in Chicago. Let the minions of the Administration object if they dare.

He asked, did they want the whole country mortgaged for the freedom of the negro?

He would be entirely willing to mortgage the whole country to pay Jeff. Davis's debt incurred in securing the slavery of the negro.

If this war was to continue four years longer, where would we bring up?

He might have asked, if this war should continue one year longer, where would the Rebels bring up?

STAMBAUGH PREFERS DISUNION TO THE FREEDOM OF SLAVES

Mr. Stambaugh, a delegate from Ohio, said, "that if he was called upon to elect between the freedom of the nigger and disunion and separation, he should choose the latter. [Cheers.] Bayonets and cannon, and above all, negro emancipation, cannot conquer a permanent peace." His plan for the solution of these difficulties was an armistice, and an arrangement for a joint convention, in which to talk over and arrange all family grievances. He was certain that in Ohio the entire community were in favor of peace.

HE ADVOCATES REPUDIATION

One reason why the Democrats should support the candidate of the Convention, whoever he might be, was, that they might search hell over and they could not find a worse President than Abraham Lincoln. When this war is over, he would not give a pinch of snuff for the 5.20s and the 10.40s now hoarded by the rich.

JUDGE ALEXANDER WANTS AN ARMISTICE

Judge Alexander, of Kentucky, was then introduced. After a few introductory remarks,

he said, "was the Constitution to be restored by the party in power? [Cries of 'No, no.'] Was it to be restored by a continuance of the war? [Cries of 'No.'] Since they could not do it by shedding blood, he would ask, how were they to obtain peace? They had tried the bayonet and failed, and they would now try the ballot, because with it they would drive out Lincoln and his minions. In order to stop the war they must have an armistice, to be followed by a convention of all the States. No war had ever been settled except by compromise, from the time [in] which Moses fought the Amalekites down to the present day. If they did not believe this, then they must believe that the physical powers were superior to the mental powers, and if such were the case, then they had better leave the abode of civilization and go forth to the wild prairies to live. [Cheers.] He could tell them that Kentucky would stand by the nominee of the Convention. [Loud and prolonged cheering.] He felt assured that the proper platform would be submitted, and would contain a plan for an armistice and a convention of States. Then their grief and sorrows would pass away, and the people would cry 'Let us have peace.' [Cheers.] He concluded by relating a couple of anecdotes which created much laughter. One of them had reference to the opinion of a Kentucky gentleman who thought that as Mr. Lincoln was so fond of the negro, he should have one of the slain ones skinned and made into a pair of moccasins for his daily wear.

COL. CARR ON BUCHANAN AND LINCOLN

Col. Carr was then introduced. He said he considered this one of the proudest days in American history. Between three and four years ago the Republican party had met to nominate a person for President, and selected a citizen of Illinois. It was not the first time a king had been deposed and a fool put in his place. In former times, kings had kept fools to keep from wearying, but this was the first country that had elected a fool to reign over it. [Cheers and laughter.]

SATURDAY, August 27.

The Chicago Times says, of the meetings held on Saturday evening, which were largely attended as well by the peace sympathizers and "plug uglies" of the whole country, as by those curious to hear what the friends of peace with the rebels, and war with the Government, had to say:

The demonstration last night was not a meeting merely; it was a whole constellation of meetings. The grand centre of the city-Randolph, Clark, Washington, and La Salle streets, in the vicinity of the Court House-and the Court House Square, presented one solid mass of human beings. And these were independent of the crowds that had assembled in other parts of the city-in the Democratic Invincible Club Hall, in Bryan Hall, and in the remote streets. From 7 until 10 o'clock, there were continual, unbroken columns pouring from all directions towards the Court House, and the adjacent thoroughfares.

During the entire evening there were, at all times, five speakers holding forth to thousands of assembled citizens, and almost within the sound of each other's voices. The number of people composing the grand nucleus of the entire assemblage, was at no time during the evening estimated at less than forty thousand, even by the most scrupulous.

THE OLD THREAT

Hon. H. S. Orton, of Wisconsin, repeats the old Southern threat-"Elect us or we'll split you:"

The fanaticism of the North conjoined with the fanaticism of the South has run its course, and it is for us, the conservative masses of the United States, to say whether it shall longer prevail, or whether the Government, the Constitution and the Union shall be preserved and resume their sway. On this Convention and the one to follow it, hangs the fate of this great Republic. Bear it in mind and recollect it well and solemnly that on these Conventions rests the fate of this Union. And what is involved in that? To an American everything-life, property, all the endearments of home and society-everything that Americans hold dear.

In Wisconsin Lincoln has no party left, except himself and his officers and satraps-that is all there is left of them. I pledge you my word it is all that is left in the State of Wisconsinthe collectors of the revenue, the assessors and their dependents, are all the strength that Abe Lincoln has in these free States. And they are to rule over us. Are you going to submit to it? [Cries of "No."]

Like Mark Antony over the dead body of Caesar he "would not stir up their minds and hearts to sudden mutiny:"

I do not countenance forcible resistance to any law. I am an advocate of law. In 1860, I did not have the honor to vote for that great and good man whose spirit now rests in God, Mr. Douglas [Cheers.]; but I voted for Bell and Everett, and to-day I don't know which of them is the best off. Bell has gone over to the secessionists, and Everett has gone over to the abolitionists, and I am without candidates to-day, and I don't know which of them has gone into the worst company. [Laughter and cheers.]

Neither he nor the South will return to the old Union if slavery is destroyed:

You want the Constitution, the rights of the States, and a return of the old Union. Where is the old Union? A schoolboy's tale, the wonder of an hour! We want a return to it with the Constitution, but not otherwise. After every right established by our fathers was broken down and destroyed would I return to it? Or would the South return it?

Resistance to the draft will save slavery-save the South-and set the sun, moon and stars back to the firmament once more.

Now is the time to return to the right path. Under the pressure of the draft—and God bless the draft, it is the best argument that has ever been addressed to the American people. It proves that we have touched bottom, we have got a realizing sense that we have got nearly to the last ditch, the last man, and the last dollar. Under the pressure of the time stop and save your Government; for if it is gone now it is gone forever, and there is a future of darkness and gloom. The stars of heaven are blotted out, the moon will refuse to shine, the sun will rise no more in the fair firmament of the American Republic!

WHAT YOUNG MORRIS KETCHUM SAID

Young Ketchum of New York, son of the pro-slavery banker, had no confidence in Democratic principles or professions, and said:

Now, gentlemen, we want our man for two reasons. In the first place the people of the city of New York are sick of platforms. We have not had a platform for eight years given to us by either side which has been maintained after i、s adoption. And though we approve of the motto, "principles, not men," yet we feel that we have been so often deceived that we now want a man who shall be a principle in himself, and whose principles we are willing to support. We want to elect a man who will say to the South, “Come back, we will restore to you every Constitutional privilege, every guarantee that you ever possessed; your rights shall no longer be invaded; we will wipe out the emancipation proclamation; we will sweep away this confiscation act; all that we ask of you is to come back and live with us on the old terms. We are both tired and weary, and want to live together again."

But suppose the rebels refuse to come back on any termsthey have a million times declared they never would voluntarily return. What then? Has all the fighting to be done over again? Young Ketchum was candid enough to state the consequence of allowing the Union to be divided. He said:

"This Union must and shall be preserved." God Almighty set the seal of Union on this land when he poured the mighty waters of that great river through this valley of the Mississippi down to the Gulf of Mexico. This was his seal that the land should never be divided. You may separate to-morrow and recognize them as an independent nation, but let me tell you that before five or ten years have rolled over your heads, you would have the same war, bloody, bitter, and everlasting as now.

This is what Ketchum said. Now listen to what Jeff. Davis says. In this late conversation with Col. Jacques* and James R. Gilmore,† he said:

I tried all in my power to avert this war. I saw it coming, and for twelve years [it was not Lincoln then, that caused the war,] I worked night and day to prevent it, but I could not. The North was mad and blind; it would not let us govern ourselves, and so the war came, and now it must go on, till the last man, of this generation falls in his track, and his children seize his musket and fight his battles, unless you acknowledge our rights of self-government. We are not fighting for slavery. We are fighting for independence—and that or extermination we will have.

What good will "wiping out the emancipation proclamation,"

*James H. Jaquess-Col. 73d Illinois.

"Edmund Kirke."