ceived to be in danger, perhaps they are entitled to the sort of apology offered by a witness,' since much distinguished, to the committee of the Senate, in February, 1860, at the investigation of the attack upon Harper's Ferry. The question proposed to him, in reference to Brown, and his answer, was as follows:

Question. There was another feat of his, that of kidnapping negroes in Missouri, and running them off to Iowa. Was that a part of his services which commanded your sympathy?

Answer. The transaction to which you refer, is one which I do not, from my point of view, regard as justifiable. I suppose Captain Brown did, and I presume I should not judge him severely at all for that transaction, because I should suppose that he might have regarded that, if not defensive, at least offensive warfare in the nature of defence—an aggression, to prevent or repel aggressions."

But, certainly, there never was a war, assuredly never one upon so grand a scale, with which the people, in its inauguration, had so little to do. This fact is rendered evident enough by the actual state of parties during the year antecedent to the outbreak of hostilities. As if apprehending, however, the necessity of prompt and decisive political action, each party summoned its ordinary convention of delegates at a much earlier day in the season than that at which such assemblies were usually held. It is not to be thought that, at this period, actual war between the free and the slave States was contemplated, on either side of the line by the many, however the possibility of such an event may have entered into the imaginations of a smaller number in both sections of the country. It had not been out of the conceptions of some, certainly, in the North; and there were unquestionably those in the South who were ready enough to meet the contingency, if their object could not be accomplished at a less costly sacrifice. But, while there could be no question in regard to the class in the one quarter, which

1 Ex-Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts.
2 Senate Report, p. 193.

FEW DISUNIONISTS IN EITHER SECTION.

339

had openly avowed its sentiments, and had been sedulously, but in a somewhat futile manner, endeavoring to dissolve the Union, for many years, by the aid of, perhaps, one out of a thousand of its population, including collaborators of the fairer sex-in the other quarter, there were few, indeed, even of those who afterwards took a conspicuous part in the rebellion, who at the period in question either desired or seriously contemplated such a consummation.

In reality, the number of actual disunionists in either section was comparatively insignificant. In the South, unconditional disunionists can at any time have been very few among persons of intelligence and reflection, since nothing could be more clear than the superiority of their position within the circle of the great republic of States, if properly protected by it, to that which they would occupy as a separate republic of States, each of which would contain a slaveholding community. The union of free and slave States was the bond of strength, as it should have been the pledge of peace. Yet, it might have seemed, on repeated occasions, during the ten or a dozen years immediately antecedent to the rebellion, as if not a few conspicuqus persons in the North, in despair of carrying into effect their public or private aims while the Union existed, or else from actual prejudice and repugnance towards the South-whatever might have been the degree of support they would have received from the people-did entertain the idea of Northern secession, or of a separation of the free from the slave States. Expressions to that effect were by no means uncommon in certain quarters. Memorials asking for a peaceable dissolution of the Union frequently obtained a great number of signatures. A well-known politician had been repeatedly chosen Governor of a New England State, notwithstanding his avowal that in a certain contingency, not specified, he would be willing to "let the Union slide." It was during the occupation of the executive

1

'Ex-Governor Banks.

340

ORIGIN OF THE LATE WAR.

chair by the same chief magistrate, that the banner of
the Commonwealth, at a period of high political excite-
ment, was substituted for the flag of the United States upon
the staff of the State House, and continued to be there dis-
played for days, at least, and until public notice called to a
fact, the significance of which could not be mistaken, caused
the restoration of the national ensign to its accustomed
place. Another chief-magistrate' of the same Common-
wealth, while peace was yet unbroken, had accepted, on the
part of the State, the present of a Revolutionary musket
from a conspicuous abolitionist clergyman, who had himself
declared "a drum-head Constitution" the only one worthy of
regard-and with due ceremonies, in the presence of the
members of the legislative assembly, in session, had wel-
comed the gun with a formal and enthusiastic address, at
the capital of the State; and, rather as a symbol of what
guns might be expected to do afterwards, it may be thought,
than for the past achievements of an ordinary relic of the
old Revolutionary War, " with dewy eye and trembling lips,""
had actually imprinted a kiss of affection upon the body of
the weapon.
A very aged citizen' of the same Common-
wealth, of high social and literary position, already men-
tioned as the Freesoil candidate for Governor, while the
amalgamating process was going forward between the Whigs
and the Republicans, had published a pamphlet, during Mr.
Buchanan's administration, in which he urged it as the duty
of the North to "take possession of the Government,"
whether "forcibly," if "peacably " the means might have
seemed inadequate, can only be conjectured.

These are but straws, it is true, which make manifest more or less pointedly the spirit of the times; but it is quite certain that, throughout the West and centre of the country, as well as in the East, there were many indications

1 Ex-Governor Andrew.

* See his speech on the occasion.
* Josiah Quincy, Senior.

1

1

DISTURBERS OF THE PEACE.

341

which did not look favorable to the future peace of the Union, long before Southern secession had begun to assume any definite aspect. Indeed, there were well-informed and judicious persons, who were quite as apprehensive of an outbreak in the free States, in case of a Democratic triumph at the election to ensue, as of resistance at the South, should the turn of that election prove in favor of the Republican party.' It is true, that the general disposition of the Northern population was such, and the numbers of those in favor of law and order so very largely exceeded any conceivable reckoning of others upon whose aid or sympathy the fanatics could possibly count, that the imagination of such an adventure might seem wild in the extreme. It was, nevertheless, believed that schemes of this description, perhaps, were entertained; seldom taking any distinct shape in the minds of more than a comparatively few of the more reckless, among the native, and a certain class of the foreign population, of the Union. For there were many of this latter class in the country-radicals, revolutionists, and Red-Republicans from the Continent of Europe-restless, and ready for any enterprise, which might seem likely to promote the doctrines which they had failed to inculcate successfully at home. Others of this same description of immigrants, who had been the victims of foreign revolution, more rationally became quiet citizens of a land, in which they had found peace and freedom, and which they felt it both unwise and ungrateful to disturb.

In evidence of the state of sentiment referred to-and it may be thought as conclusive as many citations from inferior authorities—the following passage is an extract from the report of a speech, delivered at a mass meeting held at South Framingham, Massachusetts, in October, 1860, by a leading Republican Senator of the North (Mr. John P. Hale), who had been the candidate of the Freesoil party for President a few years previously:

"The South talked about dissolving the Union if Lincoln was elected. The Republican party would elect him, just to see if they would do it. The Union was more likely to be dissolved if he was not elected."-Report of Boston Courier, October 12th.

CHAPTER XIV.

The several Party Conventions for the Nomination of President and Vice-President in the Spring of 1860-the Democratic, the Constitutional Union, and the Republican.-The Doings of each stated, and those of the Democratic and Republican Parties particularly analyzed

THE National Democratic Convention was first in the field, in the spring of 1860, and assembled at Charleston, South Carolina, on the 23d day of April. They came together in no very harmonious spirit. The Northern and Southern Democrats in Congress had not, for some time, acted with that cordial coöperation which had distinguished them in former times. Mr. Douglas was the prominent candidate of the party; and, judging of the matter simply upon those grounds of action which are obvious to the public apprehension, there seems to have been no sound reason why he should not have received a nomination which would have been equivalent to his election by a very great majority. For the aggregate sum of votes cast for the two Democratic candidates proved to be more than three hundred and fiftysix thousand larger than that given for Mr. Lincoln. Had Mr. Douglas been nominated, it may be judged improbable that the remnant of the Whig party would have thought it worth while to propose candidates; and, in that event, though it is likely that many would have declined to vote, there can be little question that, at least, five hundred thousand more votes would have swelled the Democratic majority. Whatever designs may have been entertained by any portion of the radicals, it does not seem probable that they would then have ventured upon an open rupture with the Govern