house of representatives rose simultaneously, and demanded whether the vote of Missouri was, or was not, counted? The speaker of the house pronounced them out of order, and required them to resume their seats.

When the senate had retired, Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, moved the following resolutions :

"Resolved, That the electoral votes of Missouri have this day been counted, and do constitute a part of the majority of 231 votes given for president, and of 218 votes given for vice-president.

"Resolved, That the whole number of electors appointed and of votes given for president and vice-president, has not been announced by the presiding officer of the senate and house of representatives, agreeably to the constitution of the United States, and that therefore the proceeding has been irregular and illegal."

The house was evidently somewhat startled at the principle involved in this motion. It seemed at first glance to shake the validity of the solemn transaction through which they had just passed, and to throw doubts over its binding force! It was a question, whether a vitiating element had been admitted, which corrupted and nullified the whole? Evidently Missouri was not one of the family of states, in full and complete fellowship. And yet she had been permitted to take part, and to have a voice, in this eventful act, which was to determine the presiding magistracy of the republic, and establish a head over the senate, for a term of four years! It was alarming to think, that a doubt could be raised as to the validity of such a transaction! Though there was a majority of thirty against Mr. Randolph's motion, even that vote demonstrated, that there was at least a doubt in many minds. But it was necessary, by common consent, to hold the transaction valid, though no one could say, it was exactly as it should be.

By this time, almost the entire mind of Congress-not to say that of the country had become sore and morbid on this agitating question. Congress wanted to get rid of it; but how could it be done? And who could now define the position and relations of Missouri? Was she a state, or a territory? All knew, that she would never submit to the jurisdiction of the United States as the latter; and what was she to do as a state, without being recognised in full? Was the vast public domain within her bounds to be given up, and the federal jurisdiction to be withdrawn? Or was the federal government to enforce its authority there? These, certainly, were grave questions. In this state of feeling, and during this interval of doubting and agonizing suspense, Mr. Clay was most assiduous and active in his private appeals to the members of both houses. He respectfully demanded of them, "What do you propose? We tell you frankly what we wish to do. It will never do to leave this matter so. Propound your plan. You must come to us; or we must go to you. This business must be settled, and settled now, or who can can tell what a year may bring forth? We put it to your consciences. Give us a plan, or come over to ours."

Appeals of this kind were not without effect. Mr. Clay watched his opportunity, and imagining the time had come, on the 22d of February, he moved the following resolution:

"Resolved, That a committee be appointed, on the part of this house, jointly, with such committee as may be appointed on the part of the senate, to consider and to report to the senate and to the house, respectively, whether it be expedient or not to make provision for the admission of Missouri into the Union, on the same footing as the original states; and for the due execution of the laws of the United States, within Missouri; and if not, whether any other, and what provision, adapted to her actual condition, ought to be made by law."

This resolution was promptly and gladly adopted by a vote of two to one, and a similar resolution passed in the senate, with a corresponding good-will.

Mr. Clay proposed that the committee from the house should consist of twenty-three, the number of states at the time, and that they should be appointed by ballot. He himself made out the list, knowing whom he wanted, and the house conformed, putting Mr. Clay at the head of it. The house was glad enough to give him this work, and to let him have it all in his own way. It was not only a part of his plan to pick his men, but after having mustered them, he was resolved to put the question to every individual separately-will you support this plan, or not? To fail again, would be fatal, and he resolved to risk nothing. The question must be decided, before it should be reported to the house. If his own corps were under good discipline, he knew the result with infallible certainty.

The two committees met in the senate-chamber on the 25th, each maintaining its separate organization, Mr. Holmes at the head of the senate committee; and before they retired, the Missouri question was settled! It was, however, an arduous session. Mr.

Clay would consent to nothing, without unanimity, and without a pledge from each, that he would support it. In the senate, there would be no difficulty, and if the committee of the house would go back pledged to support the resolution agreed on, it was known, that the unanimous decision of the committee would be the decision of the house; and so it proved. The resolution was in substance the same with that reported on the 10th, by the committee of thirteen, and before cited, but more specific. It passed the house on the 26th, by a vote of 87 to 81, and was concurred in by the senate on the 28th. The conditions prescribed were afterward complied with by the state of Missouri, and her admission to the Union was consummated.

The pacific adjustment of this question, when all its difficulties are considered, was doubtless one of the most masterly achievements of man over human society; nor has there ever been a doubt, to whom the country is indebted for such a beneficent influence.

A storm was raised, which all had despaired of quelling. After six weeks of the toil and care of one man, there was a great calm. Not the slightest breeze of disturbance, on the same account, has ever risen from that quarter since; and the whole nation fully appreciated its obligations. The people felt, that a mighty incubus was removed, and breathing freely again, they fell back into repose, and forgot the peril through which they had passed.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.

General Jackson's Renewal of the Charge against Mr. Clay in 1844.-Statement of the Charge.-Present Position of the Question. Mr. Adams' Eighth-of-January Party in honor of General Jackson.- Its Effect.-Nomination of General Jackson for the Presidency. -The Result.--Examination of the Claims to Plurality of Votes.-Mr. Clay defrauded. -Character of the Jackson Party.-Delicacy of Mr. Clay's Position in the House of Representatives on the Presidential Question. Menaces.-First Opening of the Plot. -Mr. Kremer's Letter to the Columbian Observer.-Mr. Clay's Card. -Mr. Kremer's Card.-Mr. Clay's Appeal to the House. - Mr. Forsyth's Resolution for a Committee of Inquiry.The Debate. Report of the Committee.-Mr. Kremer's Decline to answer.Unexpected Position of Affairs.-Who wrote Mr. Kremer's Letter of Decline.Position of the Conspirators and Mr. Clay at the End of the First Stage.

THE heading of this chapter is given in anticipation of the evidence; but that having been well considered, and being about to be offered, the propriety of this denomination of this piece of history, is assumed, in the belief that the facts will be a justification. That it was a great conspiracy, is determined, not only by a consideration of its extent, but of its comprehensive influence on the destinies of the parties concerned, and on the destiny of a nation. Though one of the greatest atrocities in the moral history of mankind, yielded profit to the actors for a season, it would disappoint the ends of justice, human and divine, if it could for ever purchase impunity. It is the doom of vice to come to judgment.

"A CARD.

"HERMITAGE, May 3, 1844. "GENTLEMEN: My attention has been called to various newspaper articles, referring to a letter said to have been written by me to General Hamilton, recanting the charge of bargain made against Mr. Clay, when he voted for Mr. Adams in 1825.

"To put an end to all such rumors, I feel it to be due to myself to state, that I have no recollection of ever having written such a letter, and do not believe there is a letter from me to General Hamilton, or any one else, that will bear such a construction. Of the charges brought against both Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, at that time, I formed my opinion as the country at large did-from facts

and circumstances that were indisputable and conclusive; and I may add, that this opinion has undergone no change.

"If General Hamilton, or any one else, has a letter from me on this subject, all that they have to do, is to apply to him for it. As for myself, I have no secrets, and do not fear the publication of all that I have ever written on this or any other subject.

"ANDREW JACKSON.

"To the Editors of the Nashville Union."

It will be perceived, first, that this CARD, dated May 3, 1844, recognises the FACT, that "ANDREW JACKSON" made this charge against Mr. Clay: "My attention has been called to various newspaper articles, referring to a letter said to have been written by me to General Hamilton, recanting the charge," &c. Secondly. the card RE-AFFIRMS the charge: "I formed my opinion from facts and circumstances that were indisputable and conclusive; and I may add, that this opinion has undergone NO CHANGE." Thirdly, General Jackson, in this card, by implication, DENIES that he has ever recanted, and challenges the proof: "I have no recollection......I do not believe. All they have to do, is to apply for it" - the proof. The charge, therefore, being reaffirmed by General Jackson, on the 3d of May, 1844, puts the whole matter again at issue, and compels to an examination of the subject, not less as a demand of public, than of private, justice.

.....

The charge, or charges, are briefly stated by Mr. Clay, in his address to the public, of June 29, 1827, as he understood them to be conveyed in General Jackson's letter to Mr. Carter Beverley, of June 6, 1827, as follows :

"First, that my friends in Congress, early in January, 1825, proposed to him [Gen. Jackson], that, if he would say, or permit any of his confidential friends to say, that, in case he was elected president, Mr. Adams should not be continued secretary of state, by a complete union of myself and my friends, we would put an end to the presidential contest in one hour. Secondly, that the above proposal was made to General Jackson through a distinguished member of Congress, of high standing, with my privity

and consent."

In another part of this address, Mr. Clay says: "General Jackson, having at last voluntarily placed himself in the attitude of my public accuser, we are now fairly at issue. I rejoice, that a specific accusation, by a responsible accuser, has at length appeared, though at the distance of near two years and a half since the charge was first brought forth by Mr. George Kremer. It will be universally admitted, that the accusation is of the most serious nature.