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considerations [party feelings and party causes], and regarded only the vast interests of this whole people... If I had thought of myself, I should never have brought it (the bill)] forward. I know well the perils, to which I expose myself. I might have silently gazed on the raging storm, enjoyed its thunders, and left those who are charged with the vessel of state, to conduct it as they could... Pass this bill, tranquilize the country, restore confidence and affection in the Union, and I am willing to go home to Ashland, and renounce public service for ever... I have been accused of ambition. Yes, I have ambition; but it is the ambition of being the humble instrument in the hands of Providence to reconcile a divided people-once more to revive concord and harmony in a distracted land-the pleasing ambition of contemplating the glorious spectacle of a free, united, prosperous, and fraternal people....I say, SAVE THE COUNTRY-SAVE THE UNION-SAVE THE AMERICAN SYSTEM."

In 1834-'5, the French government and nation had taken offence at General Jackson's annual message to Congress, which recommended reprisals on French commerce, on account of the neglect of the French government to pay an instalment, due by the treaty of July 4, 1831, as an indemnity for spoliations of American commerce, committed between 1800 and 1817. The president was in favor of decisive and energetic measures, whereat the French were greatly incensed. The lightest breath might have kindled war, and the smallest drop might quench the spark. It was a point of honor. The failure to pay resulted from a disagreement between the French ministry and the chamber of deputies, the latter not having made the appropriation requisite for the fulfilment of the treaty. The king and his ministers were willing, but the deputies were unwilling. Both, however, were offended at the tone of General Jackson's message. The senate of the United States held in their hand the balances. Whereupon the GREAT PACIFICATOR (Henry Clay) was made chairman of a committee to report on this critical affair, which was made and read by him on the 6th of January, 1835. His report showed to the satisfaction of the senate, that by a little forbearance, in deference to the peculiar position of the executive department of the French government toward the legislative branch, peace could probably be preserved, with honor to both parties.

Mr. Clay, on this occasion, reported, in behalf of the committee, the following resolution :

"Resolved, That it is inexpedient, at this time, to pass any law vesting in the president authority for making reprisals upon French property, in the contingency of provision not being made for paying to the United States the indemnity stipulated by the treaty of 1831, during the present session of the French chambers."

In Mr. Clay's speech on the report before the senate, he said :"In speculating upon the probabilities in regard to the course of the French government, in reference to the treaty, four contingencies might be supposed to arise-first, that the French chambers may have made the appropriation to carry the treaty into effect before the reception of the president's message; second, the chambers may make the appropriation after the reception of the president's message, and notwithstanding the recommendation on this subject contained in it; third, the chambers may, in consequence of that recommendation, hearing of it before they shall have acted finally on the subject, refuse to make any appropriation, until what they may consider a menace, shall have been explained or withdrawn; or, fourth, they may, either on that ground, or on the ground of dissatisfaction with the provisions of the treaty, refuse to pass the bill of appropriation. Now, in any of these contingencies, after what has passed, an expression of the sense of Congress on the subject appears to be indispensable, either to the passage of the bill, or to the subsequent payment of the money."

The resolution reported by Mr. Clay was unanimously adopted by the senate, and the indemnity was paid, not, however, tillto save the feelings of the French, who were a good deal excited by President Jackson's course-the controversy was settled through the intervention of William IV., king of England. The country, on this occasion, was saved from war by the prudent counsels of Mr. Clay.

None will deny, that Mr. Clay was the choice of the whig party for the presidential campaign of 1840, or that his public services had fairly entitled him to the nomination. But foreseeing that the Harrisburg convention might be embarrassed in the selection of the candidate for reasons which it is unnecessary here to notice, Mr. Clay had written to the Kentucky delegates, in terms to discharge his friends from any such adherence to him as might tend to disturb the harmony of that body, or mar general unanimity in supporting its decision. When that decision was finally announced, the reading of this letter, the existence of which was known to a few, was called for. The following is an extract :"With a just and proper sense of the high honor of being voluntarily called to the office of president of the United States,

by a great, free, and enlightened people, and profoundly grateful to those of my fellow-citizens who are desirous to see me placed in that exalted and responsible station, I must nevertheless say, in entire truth and sincerity, that, if the deliberations of the convention shall lead them to the choice of another as the candidate of the opposition, far from feeling any discontent, the nomination shall have my best wishes, AND RECEIVE MY CORDIAL SUPPORT."

Considering the just claims of Mr. Clay, as universally acknowledged-but which he would be the last to put forward-and what must necessarily have been his motive in his letter, none can fail to be deeply impressed with a sense of his magnanimity and patriotism. Such was the preponderance and force of the popular desire for the nomination of Mr. Clay, there is every reason to believe, that the summons to the onset of 1840 would have failed, if Mr. Clay had not so magnanimously stepped forward, at the head of his own legions, to fight the great battle in favor of the nominee who had been selected.

On another occasion Mr. Clay said :

"If my name creates any obstacle to cordial union and harmony, away with it, and concentrate upon some individual more acceptable to all branches of the opposition. What is a public man worth who is not ready to sacrifice himself for the good of his country? I have unaffectedly desired retirement; I yet desire it, when, consistently with the duties and obligations which I owe, I can honorably retire. No veteran soldier, covered with scars and wounds, inflicted in many severe battles and hard campaigns, ever received his discharge with more pleasure, than I should mine. But I think that like him, without presumption, I am entitled to an honorable discharge."

Mr. Clay opened his great speech on the subtreasury scheme, in 1838, as follows:

"If you knew, sir, what sleepless hours reflection upon it has cost me; if you knew with what fervor and sincerity I have implored Divine assistance to strengthen and sustain me in my opposition to it, I should have credit with you, at least for the sincerity of my convictions, if I shall be so unfortunate as not to have your concurrence as to the dangerous character of the measure. And I have thanked my God, that he has prolonged my life until the present time, to enable me to exert myself in the service of my country, against a project far transcending in pernicious tendency any that I have ever had occasion to consider. I thank him for the health I am permitted to enjoy; I thank him for the soft and sweet repose which I experienced last night; I thank him for the bright and glorious sun which shines upon us this day."

In his speech on Mr. Calhoun's land bill, 1840, he said:"Sir, I am not one of those who are looking out for what may ensue to themselves. My course is nearly run; it is so by nature, and so in the progress of political events. I have nothing to ask of the senator of the south, nor of South Carolina, nor yet of the country at large. But I will go, when I do go, or when I choose to go, into retirement, with the undying conviction that, for a quarter of a century, I have endeavored to serve and to save the country, faithfully and honorably, without a view to my own interest, or my own aggrandizement; and of that delightful conviction and consciousness, no human being, nor all mankind, can ever deprive me."

In his valedictory to the senate, 1842, he said :"Of the nature or the value of the services rendered during the long and arduous period of my public life, it does not become me to speak; but, whatever errors and doubtless there have been many-may be discovered in a review of them, I can, with unshaken confidence, appeal to the Searcher of hearts for the truth of the declaration, that I have been influenced by no impure purpose, no personal motive; have sought no personal aggrandizement; but that, in all my public acts, I have had a sole and single eye, and a warm and devoted heart, directed and dedicated to what, in my best judgment, I believed to be the true interests of my country."

It is impossible but that history should institute a comparison between Washington and Clay, as American patriots. It has already been done. The former has found his niche in the temple of fame, as "first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen," and he can not be dislodged, nor have a rival. The whole world have pronounced on the character of Washington as one of the best and greatest men that have ever lived, and that decision will neither be revoked, nor modified. Henry Clay awaits his place in the opinion and regard of his countrymen, and of mankind. That he will not be less respected, or his character less esteemed, by posterity than by contemporaries, is morally certain, in consideration of the chastening influence of time, in the abatement of enmities, and of the proneness of men to do justice to the virtues of distinguished individuals of the race, who have passed through trials and been abused, and who are no longer in a field of competition. It has been said, that, while men live, their faults are written in brass, and their virtues in sand. But time throws faults out of sight, and emblazons virtue. There were many that tried to find fault with Washington. He was even defamed in his lifetime, and it has been said, if he had lived a little longer, he would have gone down to his grave broken-hearted-if so great a heart

could be broken-for the ingratitude of his countrymen. History shows, that a storm was gathering over his head, and his correspondence evinces, that he was himself advised of the fact. But he now rests in peace, and will have no more defamers.

The difference in character between the public exigencies of the times of Washington, and of the times of Henry Clay, and between the characters of the two men, is so marked, that a rivalship in fame between them, is hardly possible. Justice to each, will detract from neither, as the spheres of the two did not even border on each other. It has been regretted by some, that Mr. Madison's proposal to put Mr. Clay at the head of the American army, in the war of 1812, was not carried into effect, as it is believed, that Mr. Clay would have distinguished himself as much in the field, as he has done in the senate, and that his prolific genius, combined with his personal valor, energy, and command over men, would have compelled the foe to terms of peace at an earlier period, with less expense and greater honor to the country. It has also been suggested, that an epaulet would have carried him into the presidency by acclamation, whenever put forward, and thus have saved the country from long misrule.

Speculations of this sort, however, aside, it will probably be agreed, that, as in the EIGHTEENTH CENTURY Washington, by his sword gave freedom to America, so in the NINETEENTH CENTURY, Henry Clay was summoned to fight anew the battles of freedom, and to illustrate its practical operation in another, loftier, and more comprehensive sphere of influence, without derogation from the merits of "the father of his country." While the SWORD, not less famed in civil, than in military command, associated with a peerless sagacity, with consummate prudence, and with dauntless valor, in war and in peace, is girt to the side of the one, to denote his functions; a STATESMAN's laurels, won in long and high debate, for the weal of his country and of mankind, and not less deserved for unrivalled tact in the management of men, crown the head of the other. One cleared the field of tyrants, and aided in erecting the temple of freedom; the other furnished it, and filled its storehouses with wealth. It may be allowed, that both were actuated by "that patriotism, which, catching its inspirations from the immortal God, and leaving at an immeasurable distance below, all lesser, grovelling, personal interests and feelings, animates and prompts to deeds of self-sacrifice, of valor, of devotion, AND OF DEATH ITSELF."

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