Washington, "to command all the continental forces raised, and to be raised, for the defence of American liberty." It was upon that nomination the father of his country was unanimously elected. How many reflections are here excited! But we must not now indulge in them.

This interesting circumstance does not appear on the printed Journals of Congress. It would seem to have been the practice not to give the names of those who made either nominations or motions. But it is stated upon the most respectable authority, whence also are derived some particulars which it may not be uninteresting to mention. The person who had been previously thought of for this high station, was General Ward of Massachusetts. As he was of the same colony with Mr. Adams, it must have been a sacrifice of feeling thus to pass him by. He generously and readily made it to advance the great, good cause. A striking example of disinterestedness!-Washington, not aware of the intention of Mr. Adams, was in his seat in Congress at the time of the nomination. The instant it was made, he rose and left the hall. A beautiful instance of unaffected modesty!

But we must not dwell too long on these particulars, however delightful and refreshing. The march of events was rapidly disclosing the important truth, that submission, unconditional submission, or victory, were the only alternatives. Already had blood been shed at Lexington, at Concord, and at Bunker's hill. Already had the freemen of America, as if guided by a common impulse, met the veteran troops of Great Britain in the field, and encountered them with a determined courage which nothing but a deep conviction of their rights could have inspired. Already too, as we have seen, had the Congress appointed the immortal Washington to command the troops raised, or to be raised, for the defence of American liberty. Already had they declared with the utmost solemnity, "We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as volunta

ry slavery." Our cause was armed with the triple armour of justice; but as yet it wanted, perhaps, a more definite purpose, a visible standard and a character that should give us a station among the nations of the earth.

On the 7th June, 1776, resolutions were moved respecting independence.* On the 10th June, a committee of the whole reported a resolution; "That these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; and that all connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." On the same day the consideration of this resolution was postponed to Monday, the first of July; and it was resolved, "that in the mean while, that no time be lost, in case the Congress agree thereto, a committee be appointed to prepare a declaration to the effect of this resolution." On the following day a committee was appointed, of which Mr. Jefferson was the first named, and Mr. Adams the second. The remainder of the committee were Dr. Franklin, Mr. Sherman, and R. R. Livingston. The duty of preparing the draught was by them committed to Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adams. Thus were they associated in that immortal labour. On the 2d July, the resolution of independence was adopted, and on the ever memorable 4th July, 1776, the declaration reported by the committee, with some slight alterations, was agreed to and promulgated. It is now a nation's creed.

There is a point of resemblance, in the lives and characters of these illustrious men, which must not be overlooked in its bearing upon the present subject. To the natural gift of great talents, they had both added the advantages of constant laborious culture. They came forward, disciplined and prepared by previous study, for the service and

*The motion was made by Richard Henry Lee, in pursuance of instructions from the Convention of Virginia, and is understood to have been in the terms reported by the committee of the whole.

the ornament of their country. The deep and extensive learning of Mr. Adams is familiar to all, and none of us are ignorant of the varied and uncommon acquirements of Mr. Jefferson. The late venerable Charles Thompson, a chronicle of the times of the revolution, has told me, that he well remembered the first appearance of Mr. Jefferson in Congress; that he brought with him the reputation of great attainments, particularly in political science, which he always well sustained. They had both diligently studied the history of man and of government. The examples of generous devotion in ancient times, inspired their hearts with lofty patriotism. The records of ages since, showed them how accident, and fraud, and force, had sunk the great body of mankind under grinding oppression, justified at length by maxims essentially false, but which the solitary speculations of writers, however undeniably true, were unable to correct. Here then, with prophetic wisdom they perceived, and blessed be God who put it into their hearts to perceive-here they perceived was the great occasion. which the patriot and philanthropist had rather wished than hoped for, at once to fix the end and aim of the revolution by raising the standard of the rights of man.

It was no longer a mere contest for separation. National independence was indissolubly connected with civil and religious liberty. The same venerated instrument that declared our separation from Great Britian, contained also the memorable assertion, that "all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, and that to secure these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." This was the text of the revolution-the ruling vital principle-the hope that animated the patriot's heart, and nerved the patriot's arm, when he looked forward through succeeding generations, and saw stamped upon all their institutions, the great principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence. It is

not a charter-we hold by no charter. Freedom is coeval with our national existence, derived to us from no man's grant or concession, but received from the Author of our being, and secured by the valour, and toil, and blood of

our ancestors.

These sacred principles, thus solemnly inscribed upon the banner of the revolution, are still borne aloft by the strength of increasing millions. They have not been defaced nor obliterated, nor even their lustre dimmed, by lapse of time or change of circumstances. When the war of the revolution was ended, and the god of battles had crowned our country's cause with victory, the gallant soldier who had endured every privation, and exposed himself to every hazard in the field, laid down his arms in submission to their acknowledged authority. An armed nation which had conquered peace in a seven years war, was changed in an instant into a nation of citizens; and the men who had fought and bled in the cause of their country, were seen in the walks of private life, confessing by their conduct, their voluntary allegiance to the truths which had been proclaimed on the great day of independence.

When, from the experience of a few years, the inefficacy of the articles of confederation had been demonstrated, these sacred principles were solemnly reiterated in the introduction of the Constitution of the United States. They are the basis of every state constitution: and, like the air that we breathe, they belong to our very existence. He would be justly deemed an apostate, and a traitor, who should seek to destroy or weaken them. He would be held up to opprobrium and scorn, as the enemy of his country, and the enemy of mankind.

Nor has their kindly influence been confined to our own country. Throughout the world, the friends and advocates of human freedom and of human rights, have found consolation and encouragement in the example thus set before them. The standard was raised for ourselves-but itwas

raised on high, and it has floated in triumph, visible to the nations of the civilized world, for their assurance that man is competent to self government. Long established error has been rebuked by their practical excellence. Systems apparently consolidated by ages, have been modified by their influence. A knowledge of the rights of man has been universally disseminated. Whenever and wherever, by any crisis in affairs, the people for a moment recover a portion of their lost power, their eager demand is for the acknowledgment of first principles in written constitutions. Whenever a sovereign, alarmed by foreign menace or pressure, would rouse his people to uncommon exertion, he appeals, not to the obsolete errors which he loves too well to renounce whilst their preservation is possible; but, in such an exigency, he is obliged to speak to their own sense of their own rights, and to promise to secure them by written constitutions. This we have witnessed in our day. Monarchs and their subjects have marched forth together under this assurance, animated with unwonted energy. The last, the greatest, the most powerful incentive to vigorous exertion, has been found in that knowledge which the principles of the Declaration of Independence have diffused so extensively. Such promises, it is true, have often proved delusive. "Ease would retract vows made in pain." But the knowledge exists-the feeling is there-it cannot again be smothered or subdued. It will go on, conquering and to conquer. At this moment, such has been its mighty progress, that no man will dare to assert, even though a princely diadem surround his brow, what, fifty years ago it would have been thought impious to dispute. That "governments are instituted for the benefit of the people," is already established-" that they derive their just powers from the consent of the governed," cannot fail soon to follow, to the utter extirpation of the absurd heresy of the divine right of kings. In this hemisphere, a "fraternity of freedom" has been founded. The colonies of Spain, afflict