all of this State, that, during the last two and a half years, there have been but three strikes authorized by the district organization, while not less than one hundred and fifty cases have been dealt with. This includes only those in which the nature and extent of the difficulty seemed to justify a conference, while a large number have been discouraged at once, because it did not appear that the grievance complained of was sufficient to warrant action.

It should be stated that a considerable number of strikes have been ordered during this period by local assemblies of the Knights of Labor which have not been authorized by the Executive Board of the District Assembly, but the strike of a local assembly does not involve other assemblies in any obligation to join in the strike, or in any way to aid the strikers. It will be readily seen how the conservative influence of the Executive Board holds in check the temptation to a precipitate use of this most exasperating and dangerous method of adjusting difficulties.

Careful attention is invited to the remarks of Hon. Thomas H. Kehoe, Master-Workman of this district, on this subject, in his paper published in this report.

It would seem that the interests of employer and employed would be mutually advanced if they would join in fostering these conservative tendencies.

Not only is there need of a better understanding between employer and employed, but between the great laboring class, as such, and the other citizens of our State. Neither class understands the feelings, purposes, and governing motives of the other. Intercourse with the laboring people has opened to the Commissioner a great field, of which before coming into personal and confidential relations with them, he knew but little. They feel that they are not understood, that their cause is misrepresented, that their motives are misjudged, and the feeling of bitterness which so frequently manifests itself in their utterances, in conversation and in print, is largely grounded on this fact. On the other hand, they have failed to apprehend the good purpose and intent of

those whom they blame, and know little of their real disposition towards themselves. It is a pleasure to refer to the readiness with which prejudice and distrust on their part have given way before a spirit of fairness in meeting their complaints.

Many times the expression has been used by intelligent men in meetings which the Commissioner has attended, that it was the first time that they had ever been met, by a person coming from the class which he is supposed to represent, to discuss with them in a fair spirit the subjects which are of such vital interest and importance to them.

It seems to be all important that the voice of so large a portion of our citizens should be heard, and that their complaint should receive from the public the consideration and the intelligent treatment which their cause demands. Many of their leading men have complaind that they have never had the opportunity to give free expression to the views which they entertain on the labor question; that their labor papers do not reach the people generally, while they have no means of reaching the public ear through any other channel; that their views are considered unpopular, and so are brushed aside and laughed down as unworthy of serious consideration, and condemned without a hearing. Whatever may be thought of the justice of these complaints, it is the conviction of nearly every laboring man. That there is ground for the complaint is shown by the fact that in meetings in all parts of the State, with employers and employed, representatives of each class have often asked the question "Do you know what these men want?"

There is beyond question a class ignorance of each others' thoughts and purposes that is lamentable. To assist in its removal it has seemed that nothing could be better than a plain, frank statement of their thoughts and purposes, by men representing the various classes in the State. Such statements appear in this report. They come from five gentlemen who are believed to fairly represent the laboring, capitalist, employing, and professional classes. They were invited to write upon the subject:

Discontent among the laboring classes; Its extent; Its causes; Its remedies; What legislation would you recommend?

Their replies are published in this report without emendation or alteration. Each must be understood as speaking for himself and his class, and in no sense as representing the views entertained by the Bureau. However distasteful the differing views of these gentlemen may be to those who do not agree with them, it seems certainly best that the views which are widely current among large classes of our citizens, should be clearly stated to the public by these representative men. Practical information on this subject is the need of the hour.

LEGISLATION.

There is a prevalent opinion among laboring men that the difficulties complained of can be remedied by legislation. Comparatively little is known of what has been done by the State in previous industrial legislation. The opinion seems to prevail that legislation as a rule has discriminated in favor of capitalists and employers, and against the laboring people.

It seems desirable that intelligent people of all classes should be fully informed on this question. We have therefore prepared a careful and comprehensive review of our industrial legislation, from the settlement of the colony, more than 250 years ago, to the present time, with the hope that our laboring people, as well as all others, will give the subject candid and careful study, and then judge what the disposition of the State has been toward all classes, but especially toward the laboring people.

This may seem to be of a very elementary character, but there is need of light on the subject. There is much ignorance as to what the policy of the State has been in the past, the spirit and matter of our legislation, the efforts that have been made to grapple with and remedy evils, some of which it may be found do not make their appearance now for the first time.

On the first day of June, 1887, I assumed the duties of Commissioner of this Bureau for the unexpired term of Prof. Hadley, whose resignation took effect on that day. My regular term commenced on the first day of July following. On taking possession of the Bureau, it was found that no investigations for the present year had been undertaken. The last General Assembly had left no specific instructions for the Commissioner. The information collected by Prof. Hadley had been exhausted in his report of December 1, 1886:

The law defines the duties of the Commissioner as follows: "The Commissioner shall collect information upon the subject of labor, of hours of labor, and the earnings of laboring men and women, and the means of promoting their material, social, intellectual, and moral prosperity." The law also provides that the Commissioner shall make a report to the Governor not later than the first day of December of each year. As no preparation for such report had been made during the first six months of the year, it was necessary to begin at once such investigations as would be required for a report which must be issued only six months later.

Intelligent men, among employers and employed, were consulted, in order to ascertain the feeling entertained toward the Bureau and the line of work which would promise the best practical results. I attended the meeting of the National Convention of Bureaus of Labor Statistics of the several States and of the United States, which met in Madison, Wis., June 8th to 10th, consulted with statisticians of experience, familiarized myself, as far as the time permitted, with the work that had been done by my predecessor in this Bureau, by the Bureaus of other States and of the United States, and