CHAPTER XXVI.

POLITICAL.

THE

HE failure of the Charleston Con- I paid the lobby. I asked, "Who are vention to nominate a candidate for the lobby ?" He gave me a list conthe Presidency - the nomination of taining names of some of the clerks in Messrs. Douglas, Breckinridge, and the departments, and of the committees Bell at Baltimore, and of Mr. Lincoln of both Houses of Congress. I was at Chicago, verified my worst appre- told that they were an organized body, hensions.

combined with members of Congress, I had been requested by the Presi- who, under their influence, voted for or dent of Mexico to make an arrange against measures, or for or against ment with our government, by which, claims, as arranged by this combina instead of sending specie to Mexico to tion of irresponsible persons, whose pay the balance on the Mexican in- business it was to support or to oppose demnity, our government should ac measures or claims pending before cept the bills of exchange of that gov- Congress, and that they combined to ernment, payable in New York for the defeat measures and claims on which amount. As the arrangement would the parties interested would not pay have saved to each government sev- them a stipulated sum or percentage for eral hundred thousand dollars, it was their influence; and united in support approved by General Taylor and Mr. of measures and claims upon which Clayton, then Secretary of State, and the parties interested would agree to the bills of exchange were forwarded pay for their services. I refused to to the Mexican minister in Washing- employ them-they combined against ton, in accordance with the arrange- me-the proposition of Mexico was ment thus made. The death of General defeated, greatly to the loss of our Taylor made Mr. Fillmore President, own government as well as of Mexico. and Mr. Webster Secretary of State; A few days after the nomination of and, for reasons which I was at no Mr. Douglas, I was going from Washloss to comprehend, Mr, Webster dis- ington to Philadelphia, a leading Westavowed the act of his predecessor, and ern partisan of Mr. Douglas took a gave the contract for the payment of seat by me, and said: "Green, you are the indemnity to the Messrs. Baring a great fool." I replied, "That may be and their associates. I appealed to true, but it is not very polite in you to Congress, when, for the first time, I say so why do you say so?" "You," ascertained the powerful organization said he, "are wasting your time and of the Washington lobby. Conversing energies, and in support of Southern with a gentleman who had been very railroads why don't you unite with successful in measures before Con- us in the Central Pacific? There is gress, he told me that I could not ob- money enough in that for us all." tain the sanction of Congress unless I afterwards read the report of the

committee, and the "Bill to secure of it. After much consideration, your comcontracts and make provision for the mittee have adopted the plan of advancing more speedy transportation, by rail- government thirty-year bonds, bearing five road, of mails, troops, munitions of war, military and naval stores, between the Atlantic States and those of the Pacific, and for other purposes," and found that the bill provides that,

per cent. interest, in payment for telegraph and transportation service, which is to be executed during the progress, and after the completion of the work. To secure the government they are to be advanced only as sections of fifty miles are completed, beginning at each end with what is supposed "There be, and hereby is, granted to to be only enough to aid capital; the amount William H. Swift, Samuel T. Dana, and John per mile is to increase as the work proceeds Bertram, of Massachusetts; Moses H, Grinfrom both ends towards the centre of the nell, Benjamin Chamberlain, Hamilton Fish, John A. Dix, Daniel C. Eaton, Azariah Boody, As a further security, these advances are to line, where the expense will be greatest. Joseph Harrison, George W. Cass, Anthony be a first mortgage lien on the road and B. Wofford, Joseph H. Scranton, Morton equipment; so the effect is an advance of McMichael, of Pennsylvania; Edmund Pendleton, of Virginia; Benjamin H. Latrobe, would seem to be ample security. We have government credit for thirty years on what Ross Winans, and Thomas Swan, of Mary-stated the annual service now required by land; Henry D. Newcomb, of Kentucky; Wil- the government (which could and would liam Case, S. S. l'Hommedieu, and Henry B. be far better performed by a railroad), at Curtis, of Ohio; Thomas A. Morris, Jesse L. Williams, and David C. Branham, of Indiana; Joshua Cobb, of Tennessee; E. 0. Grosvener and William J. Wells, of Michigan; John Wentworth, A. B. Judd, John Moore, and Charles G. Hammond, of Illinois; John How, James H. Lucas, William Gilpin, and Willard P. Hall, of Missouri; Charles Mason, Lucius H. Langworthy, Hugh T. Beid, and Hoyt Sherman, of Iowa; Samuel J. Hensley, T. D. Judah, and Louis McLane, of California; Herman C. Leonard and J. C. Ainsworth, of Oregon, and to such persons as a majority of such grantees shall admit as their associates, every alternate section of land within one mile of such railroad line as such persons may adopt."

Having read this list of names and the bill, I turned to the report of the committee, and found that they gave as

66 THE PLAN OF EXECUTION.

five millions of army and navy transports, and one and a half millions of postal service, which, together, amount to six and a half millions. It is proposed to advance, bonds, which may be increased by accruing as the work progresses, sixty millions in interest over service, as the work proceeds, would then be three millions five hundred to seventy millions; the annnal interest thousand dollars. The annual service, as above stated, six millions five hundred thousand dollars; so the annual service would exceed the annual interest, three

millions of dollars.

"This last sum would remain with the government as a sinking fund sufficient to extinguish the bonds in less than twentyfour years, and, therefore, before the bonds will become due.”

I saw that here was an openly avowed purpose, under pretence of a contract for carrying the mails, &c., to divide among the persons named, and to "such

“Your committee have found the greatest diversity of opinion as to the mode of accomplishing the object, and for years the persons as a majority of such grantees inventive genius of men has been directed might admit as their associates," to schemes for constructing a Pacific rail- seventy millions of dollars, with an road. It is generally conceded that govern- annuity of six millions five hundred ment must, in some way, encourage the thousand dollars, openly and shamework, to induce private capital to take hold lessly advertising the fact that the

proposed contract would pay the inte- struction of the Grand Trunk Railroad rest on the seventy millions of dollars of Canada. I saw that although Vanand give a surplus of three millions. couver's island and Puget's sound, had I saw that as an annuity of one dollar been the most remote part of the habitat six per cent. will, in thirty-two able globe to England, so long as the years give ninety dollars and eighty-mode of communication was by Cape eight cents, the purpose was to dis- Horn, a railroad and telegraph from tribute among the associates two hun- Quebec to the Pacific would so enhance dred and seventy-two millions, six their value that instead of surrenderhundred and forty thousand dollars, ing their claims to their possessions and that it was a solemn and melan- on the Pacific for a sum sufficient to choly truth, that there was money indemnify the Northwest Fur Company, enough in the Central Pacific Railroad the British government, who had arbill as presented by Mr. Curtis, for all rested the progress of Russia by the the associates. I was startled at the war in the Crimea, would not only facorruption, and not surprised at For- vor the construction of the Central Paney's assurance that if they could not cific Railroad, in connection with the elect Mr. Douglas there would be a Grand Trunk Railroad of Canada, by bargain to clect Mr. Lincoln. I was encouraging an advance of the funds not surprised at the charge of corrup- required to build it, but would, if it tion made by Mr. Dickinson as quoted were necessary, advance the sum rein my letter to the people of Pennsyl-quisite from their own public treasury. vania and New Jersey, nor am I now I saw, that the shrewd men who were surprised at the efforts made to pre- interested in competing lines in New vent the admission to their seats of England, New York, Ohio, Indiana, Ilmembers of Congress, who, if admitted, linois, and Iowa, were deeply interestwould vote against like donations of ed in preventing the control of the the people's money to the associates Pacific road from passing into the who have two other bills pending be- hands of men who would be interested fore the radical Congress, which, un- in making the Grand Trunk Railroad der pretence of building railroads to of Canada, the GRAND TRUNK of the the Pacific, will, if passed, add so Pacific Railroad, and I believed that much more to the public debt, and en- with them the election of members of able the "grantees" to divide among Congress and a President who would themselves " and such persons as a ma- favor their plan of building that road, jority of such grantees shall admit as was much more important than the their associates," several hundred mil-election of the candidate whom they lions more of "public plunder." had aided to put in nomination. With Advised, as I was, by the events of them, the question was not who ought the Crimean war, the repulse of the to be elected President, but whose British fleet in their attack on the election will enable the association to Russian fort at the mouth of the get the funds from the treasury of the Amoor river, and the movement of United States to build the Pacific Russian agents in Japan and China, Railroad, and give to them not only I was at no loss to understand the real motive for the encouragement given by the British goverument, to the con

the use of the seventy millions of dollars, and the annuity of six and a half millions of dollars, but give the con

trol of the travel and transportation asmuch as negroes are men, thereof the Pacific Railroad, and that by fore they should be free!

control enable them to transfer so They assume that such was the purmuch of that travel and transportation pose of the Congress of 1776, and urge, as may be transferable to the rail- as a duty, a perseverance in that sysroads in which they were interested, tem of measures which will make the instead of permitting it to go East, over slaves free men. Does any one pretend the Grand Trunk Railroad of Canada. that Mr. Lincoln would have been Alike interested in the construction of thought of as a candidate for the the Pacific Railroad, the Canadian and Presidency had he not been the oppoAmerican railroad companies were nent of Judge Douglas in 1858, and had competitors for the control of the he not then urged, as a matter of nerequisite funds, for upon that control cessity, the emancipation of Southern would depend contingent profits, of slaves-had he not urged that all the equal or greater value, great as was States must become free? Let us, for the bonus asked of the American Con- a moment, reason together. Is it true, gress. With this view of the purpo- in principle or in fact, that all men are ses and motives of those who had born free and equal? As a fact, we nominated Mr. Douglas, I appealed to know that it is not true; for, so far as my friend Gov. Fitzpatrick, and urged their birth determines their status, him to refuse to serve as their candi- many men are born slaves. Nor is it date for Vice-President, and exerted true that they are born equal, for we my influence to induce the friends of all know that some are born poor and Breckenridge and Bell to unite upon some are born rich-some are born to either, and thus prevent the election live in a republic, and some are born of Lincoln, With this view I wrote to live in a despotism-some are born the following appeal to the people of to possess the blessings of Divine rev Pennsylvania and New Jersey:

elation under the influence of the Gospel, and some are born in heathen

TO THE PEOPLE OF PENNSYLVANIA AND NEW lands and never heard of a Saviour

JERSEY.

some are born with a white skin, and The pretence on which Messrs. Sew- some are born with a black. It is not ard, Lincoln, Sumner, Hickman, and true, therefore, that all men are born others, urge the election of the anti-free, nor are they born equal. What, slavery candidate for the Presidency then, they ask is the meaning of the is, that there is a conflict between Declaration of Independence? We what they term slave labor and free labor. They, therefore, insist, that the measures and policy, and the power and influence, of the federal government, shall be exerted to confine slavery within the existing slaveholding States; that by so confining it it may "die out." The pretence for this war upon the South is, that the Declaration of Independence asserts that "all men are born free and equal," and that in

answer that we must look to the interpretation given to their own declaration by the men who made it. They tell us, in the words quoted by Mr. Jefferson, that the negro-slaves were not intended to be placed on an equality with the white man-that they were considered and held to be, and were taxed as property. Mr. Lincoln himself is compelled to admit that they are held as property, and so does Mr.

Sumner, and so does Mr. Hickman. Why is it that man was permitted to The question, even with them, is not know good and evil, and forbidden whether slaves are property; they to "put forth his hand, and take also admit, all of them, that they are prop- of the tree of life and live forever? erty, and were and ever have been Are not these things hidden in the inheld to be property in the states, scrutable will of the Creator? Whererecognizing them to be property. Mr. fore, then, do these men in their pride Sumner, in a single lucid moment, ex- arrogate to themselves to condemn the claims that he has no more to do with owners of slaves? Wherefore do they slavery in Charleston than he has to assume that slavery is sinful-a do with the slaves in Constantinople, wrong? Who made them to judge? and says further, that if the South will By what right do they assume that surrender to Mr. Lincoln, and to him, slavery "must die"?-that "all the and to their associates, the control of states must be slave or all free"? the power and patronage of the federal government, he will not disturb their right of property in slaves. Let us calmly, as men, as Christians, as patriots, and as statesmen, consider the issues involved.

I treat this subject in this wise, because I know that many persons in the North have been trained from infancy to believe that slavery is sinful-that it is an evil, and that it is part of a good Christian to wish that I appeal to you as men, and as Chris- the slave may be free; and because tians, is it not a fact that there is a this sentiment has enlisted the symdistinction so marked between the pathies of many pious and good pernegro and the white man that it can- sons, so that designing demagogues not be effaced? Is not the difference seek to make that sentiment a means such as to prevent an equality between of creating a sectional political party, the two races? Is the negro the equal of such strength as to enable them, by of the white man? If he is not, who its use, to usurp the powers and patronmade the negro? Why was he made age of the government. Is it not a to be inferior to the white man? strange feature of this delusion that the Can any one find, in all the scope men, who insist that they themselves, of creation, anything which was are no better than the slaves (for they not rightly and fitly made? and say all men are born free and equal, were not all things that were made suited to the purpose for which they were made? Who among all the men that live can know what was the purpose of God, when he made the negro? How can we comprehend his purpose? Is it not by an inquiry into the uses to which he has assigned his creatures? Why were not our railroads our steamboats houses our cities-our clothes, and I wish to satisfy all, every one, that our food, ready made for use? Why these men deceive themselves-they was man made subject to sickness, do not believe what they assert-they pain, hunger, thirst, labor, and death? do not believe that the negro is their

and therefore these slaves being their equals should be free, because they are equals). I say, is it not strange that such men should insist that we, the masters of these slaves, are so much degraded by being masters, that we are unfit to participate, as their equals, in the administration of government? We ask no more than to be treated as our fine equals.