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their birth, or of their religion-but I melancholy and mortifying truth that did then urge, and propose now to re- in the late election, the vote for the ' peat, that the issue upon which the anti-slavery candidate was so great, future peace, welfare, and prosperity in most of the Northern states as to of this country depend, is not a sec- create, a sectional, political organizational conflict between the North and tion of such power and influence as to the South, in which the local and sec- give great encouragement to the abolitional interests involved in the ques- tionists. And this is to be regretted tion of the tariff and of slavery more, because there is an influential should be permitted to array the North and increasing party in the South who and the South against each other, but believe that there is no hope for the that it is, as it was before the adoption Scuth, but in a dissolution of the of the federal Constitution, an issue be- Union. While there is an influential tween all the states of the Union, as and growing party at the North who one people, on one side, and all the would greatly prefer a Union with the world, with whom we have intercourse, Southern slaveholding states. The as foreign nations, on the other. And public opinion of each section is being I saw, or thought I saw, in the Amer- trained to the belief, that there is an ican sentiment, which must necessarily irreconcilable conflict of interests and be embodied in an American party, of opinions, which will, in time, disthe basis upon which all Americans, solve the Union; and it is apparent native-born or naturalized, Protestant or Roman Catholic, might, by rallying upon the Constitution, make a united effort to harmonize and reconcile the local and sectional interests which it was the purpose of the Constitution to assert and maintain.

that the consequences of such a measure, and the manner in which it can or will be done, has become a question of serious consideration.

I repeat: This question is forced upon us, and although it may not appear, it will enter into and give color I repeat that the result of the late to the proceeding of the Southern Conelection proves the truth and force of vention, about to be held in Georgia, what I then said. The democratic of which I am gratified to learn that candidate is elected, but his majority you will be a member. How is it to would have been much greater, if the be met and disposed of? I would single issue had been, between a can- meet it by showing that there is no didate uniting all those who are Amer- cause for a conflict of sectional interican in principles and sentiment, and ests between the North and the South, who are ready and willing to make and that the legislation of Congress common cause in support of the rights in relation to the tariff, and to African and interests which it was the purpose slavery, should be such as to protect of the Constitution to assert and pro- and foster the interests of the North tect, as well those of the South as and the South. I do not use the word those of the North; and if this be "protect" here in the sense in which it so, it is our duty to promote that har- was used by Mr. Clay and the partisans mony of interest and of opinion which of his " American System," for he prowill give strength and permanence to posed high duties for the protection of such an American sentiment. It is a American manufactures, and to create

a fund to be appropriated by a corrupt quences of the contingencies which party Congress to sectional internal im- affect the money market of the Old provements. I propose that protection, World, so long as we give them the which it is the duty of Congress to facilities which they now have to exgive, by such regulation of our com- port our specie. I reserve the further merce with foreign nations, as will explanation of my views for another protect our currency from the contrac- letter. tions and expansions, which are now and will ever be the necessary conse

Very truly, your friend,

DUFF GREEN.

CHAPTER XXV.

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POLITICAL.

HAVE referred to the fact, that rendered the control of public affairs from the commencement of the to their opponents. I had noted the government there has been a funda- progress of events with deep anxiety, mental difference between the Repub- and as the questions of slavery and the licans of the South and the advocates tariff were made the issues on which of a monarchical government repre- designing men endeavored to organize sented by the Elder Adams and "the sectional feeling, I endeavored to show, British party in the United States." by numerous appeals, through the The Republicans of the South and the press, that the question of the tariff democracy of the North, insisting that was a question of currency rather than the authority of the federal govern- of duties, and that the North and the ment is limited by the powers given, South were alike interested in its and the reservations made in the Con- proper adjustment. stitution, while the monarchists, under That the reader may properly the name of federalists and such other understand the issues inaugurating aliases, as from time to time they have the late war, I reproduce from the deemed it expedient to assume, al- National Intelligencer the correspondthough driven from power themselves, ence between certain persons in Conhave contended for a "strong govern- necticut and Mr. Buchanan, then the ment," enlarging its power by impli. President, relative to the proceedings cation and construction. Such a in Kansas, and also from the Pennsyldivision of parties is an anomaly in the history of government, and is to be accounted for by the fact, that although apparently a government of the majority, in point of fact, ours was heretofore a government of concurring majorities. The slaveholding states, although a minority, and therefore vitally interested in limiting the powers of the government by a rigid construction of the Constitution, constituting the Southern republican majority, acting with the democratic majorities of the North, maintained a controlling influence in the government, until after the election of Mr. Lincoln, they unwisely abandoned and sur

vanian, a communication in reply to the censure of his conduct.

MR. BUCHANAN AND KANSAS. (From the National Intelligencer, Sept. 4, 1857.)

IMPORTANT CORRESPONDENCE.-We find

under this head, in the columns of the official journal of yesterday, the subjoined correspondence between certain distinguished citizens of Connecticut and the President of the United States with reference to the existing dissensions in the Territory of Kan

sas and the duties deemed incumbent on the general government in regard to their settlement.

We have no disposition to challenge the right of the memorialists to address their petition to the President, a right which the latter has conceded and honored

by awarding to it a respectful attention and dent yesterday, who has furnished us with a courteous answer, To apply to them, copies, and kindly consented to their pubtherefore, either as individuals or as a body, lication. the injurious designation of the 'Union,'

ident of the United States:

when it styles them 'reverend and imper-" To His Excellency James Buchanan, Prestinent intermeddlers,' seems to us no less disparaging to the President than to the gentlemen thus inculpated, since it places the former in the attitude of paying undue heed to a manifesto which he would, on the theory supposed, have better consulted his dignity by leaving unnoticed.

We may venture, however, to express our regret that the memorialists, in stating their complaints, should have assumed with so much positiveness their own theory, honestly entertained, we doubt not, of the protracted difficulties in Kansas, and manifested so little allowance for any possible

States and electors of the state of Connecti"The undersigned, citizens of the United cut, respectfully offer to your Excellency this their memorial.

"The fundamental principle of the Constitution of the United States and of our political institutions is, that the people shall make their own laws and elect their own

rulers.

"We see with grief, if not with astonishment, that Governor Walker of Kansas openly represents and proclaims that the President of the United States is employing, through him, an army, one purpose of which is to force the people of Kansas to obey laws not their own, nor of the United States, but laws which it is notorious, and established upon evidence, they never made, and rulers they never elected.

difference of opinion which might conflict with their own impressions. Their experience and observation, we think, should have taught them the fallibility of human judgment as in all moral questions, so especially in those involving political prepossessions, and induced them to admit a wider scope for the play of adverse, though equally sincere, convictions of duty in a case of admitted difficulty and embarrassment. The reply of the President, even though it may its most essential particular, the solemn

fail to change their views in the premises, will at least, we doubt not, suffice to vindicate the purity of his motives, and disclose the grounds on which, as a conscientious magistrate, he feels called to take a position quite different from that which they would assign him.

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"We represent, therefore, that by the foregoing, your Excellency is openly held up and proclaimed, to the great derogation of our national character, as violating, in

oath which the President has taken to support the Constitution of this Union.

"We call attention, further, to the fact held up to this nation, to all mankind, and that your Excellency is, in like manner, to all posterity, in the attitude of 'levylng war against (a portion of) the United States,' by employing arms in Kansas to uphold a " FROM THE UNION' OF SEPTEMBER 3. body of men, and a code of enactments, pur"The public had become apprized during porting to be legislative, but which never the past week that a correspondence of a had the election, nor sanction, nor consent peculiar character had taken place between of the people of the territory. a number of clergymen and others of the "We earnestly represent to your ExcelNorth and the President of the United lency, that we also have taken the oath to States, in relation to political affairs in Kan- obey the Constitution; and your Excelsas. What purported to be copies or ex- lency may be assured that we shall not retracts from this correspondence having frain from the prayer that Almighty God found their way into the newspapers, we will make your administration an example deemed it proper that such a publication of of justice and beneficence, and, with his it should be made as would relieve all terrible majesty, protect our people and our doubt in the public mind as to its genuine- Constitution. ness. To this end we called upon the Presi

"Nathaniel W. Taylor, Theodore D.Wool

certained that they were well founded. If not, they will rebound with withering condemnation on their authors. Have you

sey, Henry Dutton, Charles L. English, J. H. if well founded, ought to consign my name
Brockway, Eli W. Blake, Eli Ives, B. Silli- to infamy. But, in proportion to their
man, Jr., Noah Porter, Thomas A. Thacher, gravity, common justice, to say nothing
J. A. Davenport, Worthington Hooker, of Christian charity, required that before
Philos Blake, E. K. Foster, C. S. Lyman, making them, you should have clearly as-
John A. Blake, Wm. H. Russell, A. N. Skin-
ner, Horace Bushnell, John Boyd, Charles
Robinson, Henry Peck, David Smith, J.
Hawes, James F. Babcock, G. A. Calhoun, performed this preliminary duty toward
E. R. Gilbert, Leonard Baker, H. C. Kings-
ley, B. Silliman, Edward C. Herrick, Charles
Ives, Wm. P. Eustis, Jr., Alexander C.
Twining, Josiah W. Gibbs, Alfred Walker,
James Brewster, Stephen G. Hubbard,
Hawley Olmstead, Seagrove Wm. Magill,
Amos Townsend, Timothy Dwight, David
M. Smith."

“WASHINGTON, August 15, 1857. "GENTLEMEN: On my return to this city, after a fortnight's absence, your memorial, without date, was placed in my hands, through the agency of Mr. Horatio King, of the Postoffice Department, to whom it had been intrusted. From the distinguished source whence it proceeds, as well as its peculiar character, I have deemed it proper to depart from my general rule in such cases, and to give it an answer.

the man who, however unworthy, is the Chief Magistrate of your country? If so, either you or I are laboring under a strange delusion. Should this prove to be your case, it will present a memorable example of the truth that political prejudice is blind even to the existence of the plainest and most palpable historical facts. To these facts let us refer.

"When I entered upon the duties of the Presidential office, on the 4th of March last, what was the condition of Kansas? This territory had been organized under the act of Congress of 30th May, 1854, and the government, in all its branches, was in full operation. A governor, secretary of the territory, chief justice, two associate justices, a marshal, and district attorney, had been appointed by my predecessor, by and with the advice and consent of the "You first assert that 'the fundamental | Senate, and were all engaged in discharging principle of the Constitution of the United their respective duties. A code of laws States, and of our political institutions, is had been enacted by the territorial legislathat the people shall make their own laws, ture; and the judiciary were employed in and elect their own rulers.' You then ex-expounding and carrying these laws into press your grief and astonishment that I effect. It is quite true that a controversy should have violated this principle, and, had previously arisen respecting the validthrough Governor Walker, have employed ity of the election of members of the terrian army,' one purpose of which is to force torial legislature, and of the laws passed the people of Kansas to obey laws not their by them; but, at the time I entered upon own, nor of the United States, but laws my official duties, Congress had recognized which it is notorious, and established upon this legislature in different forms, and by evidence, they never made, and rulers they different enactments. The delegate elected never elected.' And, as a corollary from to the House of Representatives, under a the foregoing, you represent that I am territorial law, had just completed his term openly held up and proclaimed, to the of service on the day previous to my ingreat derogation of our national character, auguration, In fact, I found the governas violating, in its most essential particular, ment of Kansas as well established as that the solemn oath which the President has of any other territory. Under these cirtaken to support the Constitution of this cumstances, what was my duty? Was it Union' not to sustain this government? to protect "These are heavy charges proceeding it from the violence of lawless men, who from gentlemen of your high character, and, were determined either to rule or ruin? to

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