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States Court room was rescued. At a late hour in the evening a mob broke into the court house, and, taking the prisoner from the possession of the officer, set him. at liberty. The negro made his escape and was not again arrested. While many were in sympathy with this act, committed in defiance of law, it was condemned by the great majority of the citizens, who felt that the supremacy of the Constitution and the laws passed in Congress, with its provisions, must be sustained.

There appeared at this time some men who encouraged a sentiment which, if it prevailed, would tend to the subversion of the Constitution and the government. They undertook to set up their private judgment of what the law of God ordained, in opposition to the positive commands of the fundamental law of the land. This dangerous doctrine, asserted in New England, and later in other parts of the Union by men aspiring to be leaders of the people, was absolutely incompatible with the administration of the government. Unhappily, it became afterwards so powerful as to array the North against the South, and to precipitate the country into a gigantic war.

Holland is protected by dykes against the sea; her safety demands that the billows shall not be allowed to break through a single barrier, for then must come the overwhelming ocean.

Such was the general condemnation of this infraction. of law, and of the unstatesmanlike and dangerous doctrine which led to it, that the tranquillity of the government was not disturbed. Looking out upon the whole extent of the republic, I rejoiced in the wide picture of peace and prosperity.

Several important meetings were held to commemorate national events, and the most patriotic spirit pervaded them. On the 22d of February, 1851, the birthday of Washington was celebrated in the city of New York as a

national festival. It was a grand tribute to the Union. I was honored with an invitation to be present, but finding at the last moment that I could not leave my seat in Congress, I wrote a letter to the committee expressing my hearty concurrence in the object of the meeting.

The influence of this great meeting upon the popular sentiment of the country was widely felt. The friends of the Constitution everywhere were hopeful.

Social life in Washington was at this time delightful. The hospitality of the residents of the city-a people inheriting the generous qualities of their Maryland and Virginia ancestors-was abounding.

Several members of the Diplomatic Corps entertained with elegance. Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer was at that time the English Minister at Washington. I enjoyed a friendly intercourse with him. The first day he took possession of his official residence he invited me to dine en famille. He excelled in conversation, and I was fortunate enough to meet him from time to time. On the occasion of this dinner he was very pleasing; I had represented the United States at Brussels, and had met in Europe persons connected with him, and in the service of the British government, and we found subjects to interest us both for conversation. Lady Bulwer was a daughter of Lord Cowley, and a niece of the Duke of Wellington. There was a natural frankness in her manner which made her very agreeable to our people. She gave me a warm welcome to her house. I met, too, at dinner Sir Edward Robert Bulwer-Lytton, a son of Lord Bulwer Lytton, a young gentleman who had lately entered the diplomatic service, and was an attaché and private secretary to his uncle, Sir Henry L. Bulwer. His career since that time has been brilliant in literature, and in the service of his country, being the author of "Lucile," and having been Governor-General of India, and Ambassador to France.

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Mr. Benjamin Ogle Tayloe, whose elegant residence, near that of Mrs. Madison, was situated on Lafayette Square, in front of the President's mansion, gave attractive entertainments. His dinners and evening receptions brought together the most agreeable people of the city; and there were to be seen at his house the most distinguished persons holding official places. I met there at dinner, just before the adjournment of Congress, a party of gentlemen who would have graced any table. I recall among the number, Mr. Clay, Mr. Edward Everett, Mr. Gales of The National Intelligencer, General Scott, and several others conspicuous for their public services and for their high culture.

There was another gentleman residing in Washington, who, without holding an official position, has attained the highest rank in social circles. Mr. W. W. Corcoran occupied his magnificent residence nearly fronting the President's house, which was the seat of a hospitality distinguished for its profusion and elegance. His dinners were unrivalled for splendor; and the eminent men of our country-statesmen, scholars, and those who adorned the bench-were invited from time to time for many successive years, and were entertained in a princely way. Mr. Corcoran used his great wealth up to the day of his death in a way so generous and beneficent as to earn for him that noblest of all titles-philanthropist. The last time I dined at his table I met a distinguished party of gentlemen, Mr. Clay among the number, but a little time before he retired from such scenes, and whose brow seemed touched, even then, with the rays of a setting sun.

Congress adjourned at the usual time without anything having occurred to disturb its deliberations.

In reviewing my course in Congress I wish to state that during the excited discussions which occurred upon the subject of slavery, I never attempted to argue it as a moral question. I forbore to treat it in that light, with

out any reference to my sentiments in regard to it, but upon the ground that to argue slavery as a moral question before Congress would be to admit the jurisdiction of that body over the subject. I took the ground that the institution of slavery existed within the Southern States before the organization of the general government, and that it was independent of its control. No powers conceded to the government granted to it any jurisdiction over that question. Powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, were reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. Always regarding this fundamental provision in the Constitution as of the greatest importance to the States throughout the Union, and especially to the States of the South, I steadily adhered to it. I never conceded the right of Congress to treat slavery as a moral question, or to discuss its policy. Always ready to recognize and uphold the powers of the general government in their fullest exercise, and believing that the interests of the people of the South were safer within the Union than they could be outside of it, I regarded it as the truest policy to resist firmly on every occasion any attempt on the part of Congress to transcend the authority which it derived from the Constitution.

Return to Montgomery-Decline a Re-election to Congress-Discussions with Hon. William L. Yancey-Democratic Convention at Baltimore, June 1, 1852-Whig Convention at Baltimore, June 16th-Death of Henry Clay, June 29th-Death of Daniel Webster, October 24thPresidential Election, November 2d-Administration of President Pierce-New Acquisition of Territory from Mexico-Organization of Two New Territories, Kansas and Nebraska-Repeal of the Missouri Compromise Act.

IMMEDIATELY after the adjournment of Congress I returned to Montgomery, and received a warm welcome from my friends.

I was urged to accept the nomination for re-election to Congress. Leading gentlemen of the Whig party in Montgomery and in the surrounding country, embracing the whole district, insisted that I should continue my public service.

Just before the opening of the late session of Congress I had published in the National Intelligencer a full letter, declining a re-election, and giving my views on the state of the country. Believing the measures adopted by Congress would be accepted generally as a settlement of the slavery question, and that the administration of Mr. Fillmore would be thoroughly conservative, I felt that I might, for a time, retire from the public service without the sacrifice of my obligations to the party which had so long and so generously trusted and sustained me.

Before entering Congress I had for several years represented the government at Brussels, and I felt a sincere