THE AMERICAN WHIG REVIEW. No. XCIII. SEPTEMBER, 1852. MOVEMENTS OF THE ENEMY. --- THE Platform adopted by the rump of body of political jobbers, has continued to the Democratic Convention of June, after separate itself more and more from the the hasty flight homeward of the "tainted "people; until now, without so much as askNorthern delegations, as it is the elegant ing leave of its constituents, "and considstyle of modern politicians to name them;-ering no imposture too enormous for the after the hasty flight, we say, of the putres- popular credulity," it sets aside the popular cent delegations, this Platform opens with candidates, and nominates a person of no the declaration, that "the American Demo- influence or reputation for the Presidency. cracy place their trust in the intelligence, the patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the AMERICAN PEOPLE." 66 The distinction is just. The self-styled Democracy" are not "the people ;" and they recognize it in their Platform. They are a body of men who propose to defeat all the desires and purposes of "the people;" that is to say, of the substantial, responsible citizens, the farmers, mechanics, traders, &c., of the United States. The second article of the "Platform" is a no less just recognition, namely, that a full reliance upon the virtue and good sense of the people is in contrast with the creed and practice of "Federalism, under whatever name or form, which seeks to palsy the will of the constituent, and conceives no imposture too monstrous for popular credulity." From the time when Mr. Buchanan and the body of the old Federalists moved into the camp of General Jackson, of which movement we gave our readers a full account in January, 1849, that party, considered as a VOL. XVI.-NO. III. 66 Entertaining these views," we quote, and then proceed to resolution third: the rump, after giving full time for the escape of the "tainted" delegations, goes on to present itself in all its fair proportions. First, it declares, "that the Federal Government, [being] one of limited powers derived solely from the Constitution, it is inexpedient and dangerous [for it] to exercise doubtful constitutional powers." The prudence of the Free-soilers and Abolitionists, in escaping before this plank of the platform was laid down, is obvious; but, in our humble opinion, the Annexationists and Nullifiers ought to have fled out at one door while the Western and Northern delegations made their escape at the other; the Convention, rump and all, should have made its exit, never to return. There is not a Whig in the Union who would object to the resolution, as there is not one who does not maintain the integrity of the Constitution, not only in the letter, but equally in the spirit. It is not necessary to say that 13 the Constitution is as truly abused and violated by defeating its ends, and neglecting to accomplish the work which it began, as by nullifying its commands. It was intended to combine a number of feeble States into a powerful Republic, by concentrating the resources of the whole upon such public works as one, two, or three together could not undertake. Resolution second declares, "that the Constitution does not confer power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvements;" a power which it would have been pedantic and silly in the framers of the Constitution to have conferred. Common sense directs these matters. The rule is, that whatever is best done by individual enterprise, should be left to the citizens; what is best done by States, it is clearly unconstitutional to intrust to the General Government; what is intended for the good of many States, or of the nation, it is constitutional to do. As for the adoption of a "general system," we know nothing about it, and care only for the particular instances. If the lake commerce, or the trade of the Mississippi, require protection, either from pirates, tempests, snags, or freetraders, it is the duty of the Central Government to give it. The particular nature of the injury it were stupid to inquire; as stupid as to talk about a general system. Every sentence of this devil's decalogue begins with "thou shalt not;" and by forbidding what there was no intention to do, earns a cheap reputation for integrity at the expense of very gross dishonesty. Thus, resolution fourth says, that the nation must not assume the debts of States "contracted for State purposes :" a proceeding grossly unconstitutional, and which it is needless to say was never countenanced by the Whigs; the most remarkable instance of it being the assumption of the debt of Texas. Resolution fifth, that " one branch of industry ought not to be fostered at the expense of another" an equally gross and wicked insinuation; the prime necessity for the protection of manufactures being to provide a home market for produce. Resolution sixth, that economy ought to be used in the expenses of government, and no more revenue raised than is necessary to defray the costs of government, and cancel the public debt: a very roguish and impertinent resolution, which leaves the managers of the second Mexican war at full liberty to contract, in future, as large a debt as they may please, and throwing upon the Whigs the responsibility of paying it. Then follows the usual denunciation of a national bank, an institution several times projected and twice carried into effect by the Democratic party. The charter of a bank will not again be offered by either party in the ancient shape, the art of banking having made a great advance in the employment of the public securities of States as the basis of circulation. The resolution of the Convention displays an equal ignorance and malice. The next proposition for a national banking system will come from the Democrats. After the customary laudation of the SubTreasury system, follows a declaration that all attempts to abridge the privilege of becoming owners of the soil, at present enjoyed by foreigners, ought to be resisted: a sentiment with which every Whig will cordially concur, while at the same time he will not fail to express his amazement at the impertinence and falsehood of incorporating a Whig sentiment in a party Democratic platform. Then follow the usual protestations against the agitation of the slavery question, peculiar to no one party, and with equal insincerity presumed to be exclusively Democratic. The Veto power, to be used without restriction, is demanded for the Executive. This is natural in a party whose entire policy is obstructive; which intrusts the making of a President to half a dozen managers, and which will need all the credit that can be obtained by the government, (applying the veto to all other appropriations,) for the conduct of the second Mexican war;—a party, also, which consists of a few men, managing an immense bulk of ignorant voters; liable, therefore, to fall at any moment into a minority, by sudden defection from its ranks, and forced to rely upon the arbitrary power of the Executive in resisting the will of the majority. We look in vain for the causes of Democratic success, in the adoption of any tangible or definitive principles by the leaders of the party. It is not impossible that the name of Democrat alone, ingeniously assumed by the old Federalists, when the majority of them passed over to the party of General Jackson, may have an efficacy su- | merchants and traders of the Atlantic States, perior to any system of principles which and by those who have the advantage of the could be put forward by the leaders of the great lines of internal communication, conparty. For the emigrant, newly arrived in structed by companies with private capital. America, the name of Democratic has a To abolish this advantage, and place the force which neither reason nor argument, Western producer and trader upon an equalnor hardly experience itself, can overthrow. ity with his more wealthy and fortunate It is too late, however, to quarrel about fellow-citizen of the East, it is proposed names. Let Whigs call themselves Whigs; that a certain portion of the revenue shall the other party are at liberty to take what be appropriated for the improvement of name they choose. We are ready to con- Western navigation. It is a measure of tend with them under the name of Demo- equization strictly democratic, and is incrat, Loco-foco, Red-republican, or any other tended for the majority who suffer by the appellation of their many-headed faction. opposition to it. Measures of this character Argument against a name is argument reduce the price of food in the Atlantic wasted. The American people, as a whole, States, and give facilities to every kind of are Democratic in their sentiments. The industry in the Western. They are demoWhig party have the policy and the feeling cratic in the right sense. of American democracy; the Democrats the name and the vices. No less especially and peculiarly Whig is the opposition to a monopoly of land, which has created the party of the Land Reformers. It is unnecessary to repeat what has been already said upon this subject in a recent article in this journal. Measures for the diffusion of knowledge and the establishment of schools have been almost invariably originated and sustained by Whigs, in a spirit of democratic opposi tion to that monopoly of knowledge by the few, which is one of the principal means of oppression and abuse of the poorer classes in the United States as well as in all other parts of the world. But there is a phrase invariably introduced in all the platforms and resolutions of the self-styled Democracy, which has a powerful and injurious effect upon the Whig cause, and which they should be careful always to attack and demolish as a mischievous falsehood. The platform of the Democrats assumes that it is a maxim of their policy "to resist monopolies and all exclusive legislation for the benefit of the few at the expense of the many." The appropriation of this fundamental maxim of the Whig system as a part of Democratic doctrine ought to be resisted by every Whig, and The most extensive monopoly in the the falsehood of the pretense made clear to world, and without its parallel in history, is the people. Resistance to monopolies in the monopoly of manufactures retained by every shape has characterized all the mea- the capitalists of Great Britain. The Whig sures of the Whig party, and their principal party of the United States claim that the attacks have been against exclusive legisla- privilege of conferring the last and highest tion "for the benefit of the few at the ex-value, by the application of intelligent labor, pense of the many." Had it been our duty to prepare a platform for the Whig party, or for any minor section of it, we should have been careful to place the opposition to monopolies, and all exclusive legislation, as the first resolution of the platform. The Democrats have stolen our best thunder, but that is no reason why we should suffer them ought not to be enjoyed to their injury by that small portion of the population of Great Britain who at present have the entire monopoly of it; and this monopoly, which is an injustice and inequality of so great a magnitude as to affect the entire business and prosperity of the American people, they claim should be abolished by the interference of the General Government, interposing Every measure of the Whigs is directed a barrier of legal protection between the against enormous and ruinous monopolies. American democracy and the mercantile At the present moment, for example, there is aristocracy of Great Britain. The measures a bill before the House of Representatives, in of protection which they demand for the favor of extending facilities of navigation to the abolition of this monopoly are calculated farmers of the West. A monopoly of these to secure an equal distribution of benefits benefits is held at present by the farmers, I through all classes of the community. It is to retain it. the only tangible and useful opposition which | anti-monopoly, foisted by ingenious manathe American people, in their character gers into the Baltimore Platform, is a palpable as republicans, can make against that Eu- falsehood, and placed there expressly to deropean system of aristocratic privilege and ceive the people. There is not a grosser autocratic despotism toward which they are instance of monoply on the continent than every day expressing so violent a dislike. the present monopoly of the governmental Under the names of Democracy and Free- power of the United States by the Demotrade, they have sold to the transatlantic mo- cratic cultivators of cotton. We would nopolists more of their substance and their caution our Whig friends to use every means freedom within the last ten years, and with- in their power to expose this gross contraout a shadow of return,—for what return can diction between the stolen theory and the be made for the sacrifice of nationality and instinctive practice of the Democratic party. the privilege of labor?-than could be recov- The very first requisition which they make ered for them by twenty years of the strict- upon us, namely, that the veto power shall be est defensive legislation. unrestricted and absolute, is monopoly itself in its quintessence. Since they have started the question by again incorporating the protest of anti-monopoly into their platform, they shall not soon hear the last of it. They shall not appropriate to themselves the first and fundamental principle of the American System without a sufficient protest, and perhaps something more forcible and effective than a protest. It is against these immense and overwhelming monopolies, which keep the entire people in a secondary and subordinate relation with the rest of the world, and disarm and paralyze in them the influence which they wish to exert for accelerating the progress of republicanism in Europe, that the Whig party have directed all their forces. But hitherto European influence has been too strong for them, and the nationality of the United States, in regard to other countries, is a benefit and an honor more hoped for than realized. We shall hereafter place this opposition to monopolies first and foremost in our system of Whig principles, in the place where it belongs of right; and let us hear what Southern Democracy has to say against it. In the State of South Carolina, where this doctrine of anti-monopoly is particularly claimed, and directed, on all occasions, against the industry of the North, there is no Presidential election; the people have no voice in the choice of the national Executive. This privilege and right, of all others the most precious to the citizen, as it is his final defense against every species of oppression, is retained by the few wealthy individuals, owners of great estates, who compose an aristocratic Legislature. Again, while the policy of the United States shall continue to be controlled, as it has been to so great an extent, and for so many years, by those cultivators of cotton, few in number, who force their own principles and policy upon the Democratic party, and who insist and make it a condition with that party to oppose, to their own detriment, every measure of protection for the national industry, we shall claim that the doctrine of The three last resolutions of this document contain the whole pith and policy of the Convention managers, and therefore deserve our serious attention. The first of these three begins by defending the causes of the Mexican war. Now, as the same causes are in existence at this moment, namely, the determination to extend our boundary by a war, as the only positive measure of policy in which the barbarous and ignorant obstinacy of the party will permit it to engage, we infer without the least hesitation that this resolution and those which follow are intended as preparatory to the second Mexican war. The second of these important resolutions "congratulates the people of America on the results of the war." The Whigs have certainly cause to congratulate themselves that they put an end to it, and forced the payment of fifteen millions for the territory acquired; but we are at a loss to know what cause of congratulation the Baltimore Convention can find in the premises. The shocking effrontery of the drawers of these resolutions is seen in their quotation of the words, "indemnity for the past, and security for the future:" when the indemnity was paid by the people of the United States, and "security" of honor given by them, that they would not allow |