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pellations we have only to express our regret ther he should or should not publish an exthat their zeal for our injury has resulted in plicit profession of his doctrine previous to such slight success. We intend to conduct his nomination, as the rule by which bis acthis journal for the benefit of the Whig party, tions should be gauged; and as a matter of and we hope with profit to all intelligent and opinion it should be estimated. sound-judging men; and those who do not Nor was it argued in any other light. Those believe in the utility of such a course will do who have carefully read the eloquent debates us a real and signal service by persevering -and there are few who have not-made on in their attacks. We have no apology to the floor of Congress by the members of the offer for this brief statement with reference two disputing Southern parties, of whom to the policy of the Review.
Messrs. Gentry and Stanly may severally be We return to the difficulties which ap- taken as the representatives, will recollect peared to beset the Convention. As the time that those who opposed the nomination of for the assembling of that body drew near, General Scott opposed him, not because he the troubles did not diminish. The peculiar had ever shown himself hostile to the Union position of one of the candidates—a position or the measures of 1850, but simply because, now explained, and indeed relieved of all its in a crisis like the present campaign, it was embarrassment by the preliminary action of better to adopt a candidate whose soundness the Convention-was the text on which a could not be by any possibility assailed, than great deal of argument was set forth by the to select one against whom the arrows of the different wings of the Whig party. enemy could be more easily directed. Fur
The opposition to General Scott was of a ther than this the argument was not carried. nature easily explained. In his own view it The personal preferences of a large body were was an act of political impropriety to give any with other candidates. Against such preferwritten pledges of future action before called ences no one objects, or has a right to object. upon to do so by a nomination to that posi- But had it been foreseen before the Convention which should make action necessary. tion that the resolutions there adopted by a With a reputation for high and steadfast in- triumphant majority would have been adopttegrity, for untiring devotion to his country ed so easily and by so large a preponderance as manifested in many a long and hard cam- of votes, the argument against General Scott paign of his soldier life, and with the pro- would have dwarfed at once into a personal foundest assurance that not one word of all preference for other candidates, such a prethat he had ever said or written could be ference as is at any time capable of being quoted to show that he was not keenly and merged in the will of the majority. constantly alive to the interests of the entire The resolutions passed by the Convention nation-with this reputation and conviction, preliminary to the balloting for candidates he felt himself, as an individual, under no did indeed place them all on a similar footobligations to give pledges until the time ing. But as these resolutions did not abate should come when to give the pledge and to personal preferences, so they could not at once maintain it before the people would be one remove those apprehensions which had been and the same thing.
so long suffered to affiliate with them that In private letters and in conversation no both seemed to share the same texture reservation has been expressed by General When a body of men have entertained opin Scott as to his views on national policy, or ions for weeks or months, and have spent on that framework of concession which grew much time in arguing them, they can by no out of the joint labor of the wisest statesmen process be at once delivered from them. If in the Congress of 1850. In his own judg- a single individual cannot change his opinment, therefore, it was unnecessary to affix ions at once, it is infinitely more difficult any further seal to the chart on which was for a consolidated body. There is a feeling of inscribed his love for his country. In the association, of pride in preserving a common event of his nomination he foresaw a neces- bond of sentiment, of unwillingness in the sity which did not, in his estimation, pre- case of each to yield before the rest, that viously exist. To any resolutions submitted goes very far towards perpetuating for a by a majority of the party he professed him- time any opinion or set of opinions forined self most cheerfully willing to subscribe. It by a group of intelligent and conspicuous became a matter of opinion with him whe- men.
But if our opponents imagine that the candidates, we should have been in the opposition expressed by Southern Whigs to right way to prove our political sagacity, General Scott's nomination before the Con- and perhaps might have got up a reputation vention is not now removed by the removal for President-making that would not have of its cause, they are most egregiously at been at all unflattering. But these considerafault, and are counting on finding the weak- tions were of no moment in comparison with ness of disorganization where they will find the duty which we felt was owing to that man all the power of united and determined ac- with whose name American greatness will tion. The resolutions of the Whig Conven- always be associated, and who, we are proud tion are at once explicit and national. The to think, will not be forgotten so long as the candidate who is nominated by that Con- noblest qualities of the statesman and the vention endorses, in his acceptance of the orator shall command the admiration of nomination, the entire series of the resolu- mankind. tions. In coming before the people, he only As & statesman long tried, laborious, appears in the attitude of a national candi- practical and profound; as an orator great date, who if elected will swear with the beyond all examples in American history; just solemnity of a Presidential inaugura- as a diplomatist feared by European montion" TO STAND BY THE CONSTI- archs, and successful in the most difficult of . TUTION,” and whose after course will all diplomatic schemes ; as an unyielding manifest the sincerity of his vow, as it will and efficient supporter of the various meabe consistent with all his previous life. sures by which the Whig party proposes to
And now, while on the subject of the can benefit the nation; as a friend to the emididate, we wish to say a word relative to nently national project of Land Reform; the course wbich this Review has pursued and as a zealous and unflinching Whig; in with reference to General Scott. We have not fine, as a man eminently fitted to guide the considered ourselves disqualified from having councils of this nation, to give dignity to its a preference in the matter of a Presidential domestic acts and foreign policy, and to candidate. The most remote and insignifi- hasten us on the path to our high destiny, cant newspaper of the country is free to ex- our preferences were naturally in favor of press its preference, and generally claims the Daniel Webster. We represented his serhonor of the Presidency for some individual vices in that light in which they deserved to within the limits of the State. We, of course, be placed; nor did we hesitate to say that are influenced by no such local prejudice, if any thing can entitle a citizen to the nomand regard principally the statesmanlike ination for the highest office in the gift of qualities by which a man is fitted for that his fellows, it rests first in that combination high office. Looking mainly at superiority of statesmanlike qualities which go so far to n these qualifications, we have an indispu- form the glory and renown of Webster. able claim to such a preference as we can In being just to Mr. Webster, we were just :xpress without disparaging the services of to his distinguished competitors. Never before thers—such a preference in short as any was a choice made to rest between three men ztelligent citizen feels himself at perfect so eminent, and so warmly backed by the inperty to entertain and freely make known. contestable proofs of actual service. Never
Our first choice therefore was not General was choice so delicate. One candidate was cott. Had we acted from selfish policy, already in the Presidential office. Another nothing would have been more natural than was his Secretary of State, and acting offio have made the Review a decided Scott cially under his direction. The other was ournal, since its circulation is very much engaged under his orders as a General of the arger in the States whose votes were re- United States Army. Each of the three ently cast for Scott than in those whose enjoyed the veneration and confidence of 'otes were cast for the other candidates. an influential portion of the Wbig party. Chere are few who will deny that the chances And never has there been a time when to f General Scott for the Presidential nomi- speak well of one candidate was to say so lation have all along been better than those little to the disparagement of the others. f the Secretary of State, or the present in suggesting, therefore, the claims of the ncumbent of the Presidential office. By sup- Secretary of State for the Presidency, we orting him, therefore, or by ignoring other felt that we enjoyed a peculiar immunity
from derogating from his competitors, since not so unworthy that they must be swept we felt that in this instance it was easy to from the decks to give place to an unknown be just.
subaltern. The "unknown man” game can It was with no blind and indiscriminate never be played successfully in the ranks of eulogy that we remarked upon the charac- the Whig party, and any attempts at such ters of Fillmore and Scott. "We recognized shameless imposition, should they ever take the claims of both to the warmest affection place, will be summarily and effectually put of the Whig party. The one had shown down. Let such manæuvring do for the us an example of a liberal, firm, and progres- Democracy.” It may suit their tastes, alsive administration; the other had rendered though time alone can determine this. The material services to the State, second only to prescription is a bitter one for them, but they those of Washington himself. We felt may swallow it. But it will never do for that they had merited the rewards they had the Whigs. The chances are infinite against already received, and were not undeserving its being attempted by any Whig Convenhigher honors. While we deemed the nom- tion, nor indeed can it ever happen until a ination of Mr. Webster an act at once of Convention of Whigs shall come together policy and justice, we argued that if he were with the pre-determined purpose of organset aside the choice should fall upon one of izing defeat for the party whom they reprethe remaining two of the illustrious group. sent. In either case we saw a good Whig, a na- In the most unequivocal terms, therefore, tional man, and an upright President; and and with pride and pleasure, speaking for when our preferences were overruled by the the National Whig party, both of the North majority of Conventional delegates, we felt and South, do we accept the nomination of that, however much the friends of Messrs. Winfield Scott. He stands before us on a Fillmore and Webster might endure disap- platform broad and firm; the representative pointment as individuals, the great Whig of principles national and enduring, untramparty was yet intact and harmonious, and melled by inconsistencies or political wrong. that its moral and political strength was in doing, attended by an unbroken prestige of no wise impaired by the discussion through success, and strong in the confidence of the which it had passed.
party by whom he is supported. Already Our views might have assumed a more has disapointment passed from the feelings sombre aspect, had we suffered ourselves to of the supporters of rival candidates, and the contemplate any such unwarrantable despot- hearty and universal ratification of the nomism as was exercised by the “Democratic” ination has afforded an unmistakable sign Convention in its nomination of a candidate of that victory which, already organized, desired by none of its constiuents. But as the waits only the progress of time for its fulfilWhigs did not send their delegates to Balti- ment. more to nominate a third-rate man over the We are aware of the antipathy maniheads of wiser and more distinguished candi- fested by a few Southern men, forraerly dates, so we had no fear that such a suicidal Whigs, to the nomination, and their detercourse would be pursued. The choice of the mination to oppose it
. While we regret that Whig party lay palpably between Scott, we should be obliged to chronicle any withWebster, and Fillmore. That choice the dele- drawals from the Whig party at any time, gates were bound to respect and abide by, and and for any cause, we are not conscious of we congratulate them and the party that they any such feelings of dismay at this defection have done so. There would have been no as the opposition seem disposed to ascribe excuse for them had they done otherwise. to us. For, in the case of Messrs. Toombs, The candidates were disfigured by no false Stephens, and their more intimate political pretensions; they were hampered by no vile associates, this disaffection is not of recent associations ; they were dogged by no foul origin. It has existed so long that we have and blackening history. The party had not became quite well acquainted with it. We proposed them, after months of deliberation, have measured it by itself, by its precedents, and in the solemn faith of honest men, to and by concomitant circumstances, and we have them promiscuously thrown overboard. find in it little cause for alarm. We acThe ship was not so waterlogged to render knowledge a greater degree of concern in such an act necessary. The officers were the case of Messrs. Gentry and Williams, of Tennessee, whose names appear in a sort | visionary and impossible. We feel safe in of codicil to the document issued by Messrs. leaving the future to their honesty, which Toombs and Stephens. The gentlemen has been throughout unquestioned. from Tennessee do not intend to oppose In the nomination of William A. Graham General Scott, but they are not inclined to for the Vice-Presidency, we recognize a just support him. Heretofore known as true and tribute to the wisdom and purity of the Adleading Whigs, they have been scared by a ministration ; for, setting aside the high political bugbear into a position full of per-qualifications of the nominee for the office, plexity to themselves, of gratulation to the we see a principle involved in his nominaLocofocos, of antagonism to the sentiments tion which we would have the party bear in of their constituents, and of no profit to the mind. In the earlier days of this Republic, Southern Whig party at large. We sym- when presidential power and purity of action pathize with these gentlemen, as we sympa were synonymous terms, and when cabinets thize with any honest man who places him- were framed with a jealous eye to national self in a false and untenable position. We honor and well-doing, it was the custom to have no charity for the error itself, but rea- look to the cabinet of one administration for son teaches us to be considerate to its vic- the executive, or the substitute, of the next. tims.
Our fathers, with the punctilio of the old Reflect, gentlemen, that the votes of Ten- school, viewed this as by no means an unnessee were instrumental in nominating meaning compliment. As a testimony of General Scott. Remember, moreover, that confidence and high respect, it was held Scott could not have been nominated with most weighty and profound. Are we not out the help of Tennessee, and Kentucky entitled to claim a similar weight for the or Virginia; and that the votes given testimony which, in the present nominahim from the Southern States were given tion, we have seen so explicitly manifested ? with the true and profound conviction And may we not also find in Mr. Grathat he stood above the sectional atmos- ham's nomination a complete refutation of phere with which his enemies charged him the charge of sectionalism urged against the with being nourished; and that, by his Convention, and a convincing proof of the announcement in his letter read before the high nationality of the ground assumed by Convention, and in his warm acceptance of the Whig party? the resolutions of the Convention, he had But in the campaign on which we have removed that distrust which, in your Con- now entered, the contest, with thinking men, gressional speeches, you had asserted as will be a contest of principles. The Demoprevalent among your constituents. The cratic party can make very small personal nomination of General Scott is so far from capital on a candidate and representative of being a Northern measure, that he could not the negative renown of Franklin Pierce. have been nominated without a good share The question which has so long distracted of Southern votes; and never in the history our councils, we may regard settled by unanof the nation have Southern votes in Con- imous consent; or if ever hereafter agitated, vention been cast with so much deliberation, it can in no shape be made a party matter. care, and forethought
The issues of a past century cannot be The political life of Messrs. Gentry and trumped up to serve as rallying cries for either Williams has been up to this time consistent party, although by the resolutions of the and distinguished. They stand to-day al. | Democratic Convention, we might undermost alone among the Whigs of Tennessee stand that a different opinion is entertained in the tenacity with which they adhere to by our opponents. This we are perfectly an unhappy prejudice ; nor can we believe willing to leave open for national decision. that this prejudice will much longer con- It is simply the duty of the contending partinue to afflict their vision. The great Whig ties, as we read the indications and the neparty at the North, the Whigs of Louisiana, cessities of the times, to place before the Florida, North Carolina, Kentucky, and people of this nation, in clear and unambigtheir own State of Tennessee, are forcing it uous terms, what they intend to do, what upon their convictions daily that their eyes are their creeds, their policy, and their proslare gazing through a false medium, and that pective measures. On these a true and inthe dangers which they apprehend are telligent contest can alone be waged.
From such a contest the Democratic party to demand and insist upon an equality of rights seem anxious to hold aloof. With a te- and privileges, and to complete and ample protecmerity for which we can find no example, lence or foreign aggression."
tion of persons and property from domestic vio. they come before the people without a creed, and without a man. They have miserably We suppose this resolution is aimed at a parodied the old game of 1844. Then there protective tariff, and we are confirmed in this was a show of reason for the course they supposition by the absence of any other aladopted. Now their action is but an un- lusions to the subject of a tariff in the entire broken infatuation. They have put forward body of the resolutions. no inflammatory sentiments, such as “An
No one will refuse to subscribe to the nexation" and the “whole of Oregon," and words of this resolution, and there is therethe deficiency is fearful and profound. They fore a peculiar malignity in its composition. have ousted their well-known men for an It is simply a very cunning and despicable image of straw, who represents nothing, and trick, by which the tariff Democracy are to for whom popular impulse is attempted to be deceived as they were deceived in 1844, be roused in vain. The claims they put and the anti-tariff Democracy are to propaforward for the votes of the nation sound gate their mongrel and destructive half-way more like the pretensions of professed men theory of free trade. Its ambiguous worddicancy than the demands of a definite politing, its studied non-committalism, and its ical organization. For what mendicancy can power of indefinite and manifold construcbe more shameless or complete than that tion, fix us more firmly in the belief of what which asks for alms as a right, and ignores we have so often avowed, and with increasthe necessity of acknowledgment by repu- ing definiteness of late years, that the docdiating all the obligations of gratitude or trine of protection is every day growing reciprocal service!
more popular in the United States; and That these remarks are true and can be that the Locofoco party, while professing to readily substantiated, will be seen from a believe in the utility of free trade, dare not survey of the platform adopted by the Dem- recommend it, dare not embody it in their ocratic Convention at Baltimore. A more written creed, and are even ready to disnegative body of resolutions were never pass- avow it wherever such duplicity will secure ed by any political organization in this coun- votes. We have proved this in the case try. The first resolution in that body could of the campaign of 1844, in which Pennsylwith propriety be adopted by either party, vania was carried for “Polk and the tariff of and the same may be said of the fifth, eighth, 1842,” and the covert spirit of the resoluand ninth. The second, third, and sixth are tion just quoted amply substantiates it. mere negatives; and the fourth and seventh It is evident then, that in this campaign, are cowardly evasions of negatives which the as the friends of protection to home indusparty do not dare to utter. Of the fossilife-try, and as adherents to the doctrine that rous nature of most of these resolutions, we have elsewhere remarked. They are indeed nomical administration of the Government, should,
“Revenue, sufficient for the expenses of an ecomemorable as specimens of what antiquarian in time of peace, be derived from a duty on imresearch is able to accomplish. But we are ports, and not from direct taxation; and in laying unable to see the justice involved in pro- such duties, sound policy requires a just discrimipounding for popular acceptance, a creed forded to American industry, equally to al classes which resolves itself upon examination into and to all parts of the country;" — negation and repudiation of long since dead and buried issues.
as adherents to this doctrine, we say, we Nothing in the entire series appears so shall be forced to contend with a duplicity contemptible and cowardly as the follow- and a meanness almost too great to be coming:
prehended. In Pennsylvania, the Locofoco
press and orators will assure the people in " Reso!ved, That justice and sound policy forbid the most solemn terms, precisely as they asthe Federal Government to foster one branch of sured their deluded hearers in 1844, that a industry to the detriment of any other, or to cher. ish the interests of one portion to the injury of an protective tariff is a measure dear to the other portion of our common country; that every heart of Democratic legislators, and one that citizen and every section of the country has a right I will not be overlooked in the event of tri