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THE

AMERICAN REVIEW.

No. LXXXVI,

FOR FEBRUARY, 1852.

LIFE AND TIMES OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD.

[CONTINUED FROM THE JUNE NUMBER, 1851.
1.]

WE are glad to be able to announce the return to our pages of Colonel J. B. Cobb, of Mississippi, the author of able articles on Jefferson, Macaulay, Irving, &c. &c., which have appeared in the Review. The following paper will be read with no common interest, not only as probably the best extant narration of one of the most exciting chapters in our political history, but as throwing new light upon Whig principles and their great champions. And especially in view of the presidential struggle which this year will witness, and which may present many features analogous to the one here related, we commend it to the attention of the party. The father of our valued contributor, it will be seen, was a warm participator in the scenes described. The name, indeed, seems to be synonymous with high principle and sterling patriotism.-ED.

PART THREE,

IMMEDIATELY on his return from France, of a monarchical, or strongest form of govCrawford was appointed by President Madi-ernment, with Hamilton at their head, had son, Secretary of the War Department. His so far surrendered their original opinions as distinguished services abroad had justly in- to fall into its ranks, determined to test faircreased his popularity with the people of his ly and fully the present Constitution. The own country, and his reputation as a states- Virginia politicians, represented by Madison man rose to its zenith. He had been, for and John Marshall, and the conservatives of many years anterior to his departure for New-York, represented by John Jay, formed France, preeminently the leading member its main pillar, The ultra and radical Deof the Senate, and his opinions and influence, mocrats had not then been gathered into as we have already seen, had not only given that fierce and impracticable phalanx which tone to the politics of a large portion of the was marshaled and controled, a few years country, but had actually opened the way to afterwards, by Thomas Jefferson, though the formation of a new party organization, they had already organized upon the basis that seemed likely to absorb all the better of opposition to the Constitution. This inelements of both the Federal and Democratic strument was adjudged by them to be too parties, as also to reconstruct, in all its ori- centralizing and latitudinous in its main ginal purity, the true Republican party of features, to harmonize with their crude no1790-92, of which Washington had been tions of State sovereignty and independence. the leader. The government was then in There were many who desired to be free its chrysalis state, and this last-named party from all national government, but a large had been formed on the basis laid down by majority decided that there must be some the writers of the Federalist. The advocates permanent confederation of the States. The VOL. IX. NO. II. NEW SERIES,

7

discussion, in convention and in the public papers, on the powers to be given and the powers to be reserved, became zealous and rancorous, and divided the country into two great parties, which were designated as Federalists and Anti-Federalists. The first favored a strong government, and the last insisted upon a weak government, or rather, no government at all. The general sentiment of the country settled upon a compromise of these extreme opinions. Hamilton and Madison united in support of the present constitution, and the Democrats of the ultra school were left in a hopeless and deserved minority. This union between these two great men, with Washington as their common head, formed the foundation on which was erected the National Republican party. The high-toned governmental theories of the Federalists were so attenuated and modified as to harmonize with the conservatives of the Virginia school, although the latter yielded many of the ascetic and refined tenets of their sect.

This controversy

signature of Helvidius.
between the chiefs of the constitutional or-
ganization of 1789-90, effectually broke up
the composition of parties which originated
at that date, and Madison continued stead-
fastly to coöperate with the Jeffersonians
until the era of 1816. It is not for us now
to inquire minutely into the history of the
rival factions which soon sprang up after this
disruption between the adherents of Jeffer-
son and the elder Adams. The former,
however, carried off with them the designa-
tion of republicanism; and through the pres-
tige of this name, Jeffersonian democracy
acquired an influence with the nation, which
has, for much the largest portion of the time,
controled its destiny from that day to the
present. But the inherent, vital energies
of the government, combined with every
natural element of greatness, as also with
the strong collateral influence exerted by a
conservative national party, have saved the
institutions of the country from a contami-
nation of Jacobinism, which otherwise might
have been fatal to their health and existence.

It was to this original republican party, formed at a time when patriotism could not be questioned, and when the true principles and spirit of the Constitution could not be mistaken, that Crawford evidently looked in his efforts to direct the current and composition of party organizations, during his senatorial career. On his return from France, he clearly perceived that such a party had again assumed shape, and, under the lead of master minds, was rapidly advancing to in

It was under the guidance of this party that the Constitution was framed, and that the government went into operation. But its compactness was soon invaded. The dark and dangerous principles of the French revolution began to sow and scatter dissensions in the United States. Early in the year 1798, war was declared to exist between England and France, and intense sympathy was excited for the latter, who had so recently been our ally and faithful benefactress in the war against the former, which resulted in American independence. The proclama-fluence and popularity. The Hartford Contion of President Washington, under date of the 18th of April, asserting neutrality to be the settled policy of the United States, encountered violent opposition, and soon led to a partial disruption and reorganization of parties. Under the auspices of Thomas Jefferson, a strong French party was formed in this country, and Philadelphia, then the residence of the general government, was scandalized by the organization of Jacobin clubs, or Democratic societies, which promulged doctrines subversive of the true principles of the Federal Constitution, and destructive to healthy political sentiment. About the same time Hamilton published his numbers of Pacificus, defending the executive proclamation. Madison, now thoroughly detached from his late associations by the in'fluence of Jefferson, answered him under the

vention had drawn down upon the factious remnant of the old Federal party a weight of infamy and obloquy from which it could not recover, and the lapse of a few years witnessed its final extinction. The Democrats had been seriously confused and disjointed by the events of a war which, although begun and carried on under their immediate auspices, had evidently demonstrated the inefficiency and impracticability of their political theories and experiments. They had been forced to abandon their absurd and silly preference for the gun-boat system of Jefferson, and to build up and rely upon an efficient naval system, such as, years before, had been recommended and advocated by Hamilton and John Adams. They were now forced, at the close of that war, to withdraw their opposition to the es

tablishment of a National Bank, and even to yield their constitutional opinions. Their leading champion of 1811, Henry Clay, who had then done more to defeat Crawford's Bank bill than any other senator, had openly changed his opinions, and was now in favor of the immediate charter of such an institution. Calhoun reported a bill to that effect early in the year 1816, and declared that a bank only was adapted to meet the financial exigency, although he had been raised in the strictest sect of Jeffersonism. Madison himself surrendered a long-continued opposition, signed the charter, and made Crawford, its principal advocate, his Secretary of the Treasury. In addition to this, they were driven to incorporate high protective features in the adjustment of the tariff of 1816, and that, too, not incidentally, but directly, and in so many words, if the speeches of Calhoun, and others of its advocates can be admitted as proof of the fact. The war had depressed all the industrial pursuits of the country, and these called too loudly for aid and protection at its close, to allow politicians to take shelter behind mere fastidious constitutional scruples, or selfish partisan policy. The emergency required enlarged and liberal legislation, such as was adapted to the growing importance of a great nation, and would prove the beneficence and practicability of our system of government. The statesmen of that day met the crisis boldly, and the crude theories of the Jeffersonian school (ever more taught than practised, even by their founder) received a decided check and rebuke at the very moment that the ancient monster of Federalism was finally beaten down and smothered. It was just the time to indoctrinate public sentiment with the safer, more reliable, and more vigorous constitutional theories which had been already foreshadowed and indicated by Crawford's great speech, in 1811. It was just the time, too, to erect a purer and more efficient party. There was a sufficiency of conservative material to be found in both the Democratic and Federal ranks, to form such party, without incorporating the radicalism of the first, or absorbing the rancorous elements which distinguished the last. The fruit of these events was the construction of the National Whig party, which, having thus taken root, gradually emerged into activity and compactness; and for the twelve succeeding years,

its healthful and invigorating influence imparted a tone and beneficence to the administrative policy of the country, which induced unparalleled prosperity, and which placed the United States in the class of the world's greatest nations. Nor was this influence entirely effaced even by the whirlwind of radical democracy, which tore through the land during the administration of Jackson; although the lustre of a military fame, too dazzlingly illustrated in the achievements of that victorious hero, not to win popularity among a grateful and chivalrous people, at any hazard to national interests, had well nigh totally obscured its milder radiance, while it did for ever eclipse and mar the political fortunes of the prominent Whig leaders.

As the Presidential term of Mr. Madison was now drawing to its close, the eye of the nation was directed to James Monroe as his successor. But the leading politicians of the party to which both Monroe and Crawford belonged, did not pretend to disguise their preference for the latter. Crawford peremptorily declined; but when the Congressional caucus assembled, and proceeded to ballot for a nominee, Monroe obtained only a few more votes than Crawford, notwithstanding this prompt declination. This result was exactly what it should have been. Crawford possessed and showed more discernment as well as more disinterestedness than his friends. The pertinacity of these was both impolitic and untasteful. Monroe was much the more experienced, both as a man and a statesman, had served with credit in the Revolutionary War, and was evidently the choice, as also the favorite of the nation. It may be true, as Mr. Dudley says in the sketch before us, that "it has often been confidently asserted by a great number of experienced politicians of that day, that if Crawford had permitted his name to have been put in nomination at that time, he might have been elected with perfect ease." We even think it is probable, from all we have heard, that Crawford might have been of such opinion himself. Still, we cannot agree that such hypothesis will quite bear out Mr. Dudley's inference, when he says, that "the event showed the influence of such a nomination, as it resulted in the election of Mr. Monroe." It is our opinion that the nomination would not have resulted in the election of Crawford; for the reason

that we do not believe, under the circumstances, that the people would have been satisfied with such nomination. There is abundant reason to believe, in view of what we have stated, that electoral tickets would have been formed for Monroe, despite the caucus nomination of Crawford. Besides his long experience and revolutionary claims, Monroe had lately won upon the affections of the people by superadding to the arduous duties of the State Department those of the Department of War, and through this had directed the latter operations of our arms to a brilliant and triumphant close. There would have been great difficulty in resisting such appeals as these, before a nation whose first impulse has always been to reward with civic honors those who have gained even a moiety of military fame. The superior qualifications of Crawford as a statesman would not have weighed in the balance with Monroe's military prestige, inconsiderable as it was, when compared with the dignity of the award which he was about to receive from the popular voice. Nor has the "event" always showed that a caucus nomination “ sulted in the election" of the nominee. Eight years later than this, Crawford did receive the caucus nomination for President, and yet he barely obtained a sufficiency of electoral votes to find his way to the House of Representatives with Jackson and John Quincy Adams.

why he should have withheld such from the public. The public have a right to know all that can be known of the political connections of such men as Crawford. It is the duty of those who do know to make all such known, especially when, in response to a public call, they essay a biographical sketch. But there is a cogent and special reason why we regret that Mr. Dudley should not have been more explicit. It was during the last term of Monroe's presidency that the policy of the United States respecting foreign nations was so elaborately discussed. It was then that the doctrine of intervention was so seriously mooted among American statesmen, and measured by precedent and by the terms of the federal Constitution. The struggle of the Greeks and of the South American republics elicited then deep interest in this country. Hungary and other European nations form now the basis of much political sentiment among the people of the United States, and there is an evident tendency to depart from the safe maxims of the early fathers of the republic, and to change the re-policy of the government. The opinions of such men as Crawford on such questions, and in times like the present, would doubtless exert efficient and salutary influence on a great portion of the public mind. We cannot doubt that these opinions were in accordance with the policy of Washington's proclamation in 1793, though there existed considerable differences in the Monroe Cabinet on this subject. We know that John Quincy Adams was quite latitudinous, and that Cal

On the fourth day of March, 1817, James Monroe succeeded James Madison as President of the United States. He immediately tendered the office of Secretary of the Trea-houn was very conservative. The President sury to Crawford, and the tender was accepted. For many years afterward, we lose sight of him as an active politician. The labors of a ministerial office are wholly incompatible with party intriguings. Its incumbent is removed from the sphere of political attraction, and is measurably overshadowed. Consequently, we are wholly unable to trace our distinguished subject in connection with the numerous important and startling questions which arose during Monroe's administration, nor do we find such connection even so much as hinted at in the sketch of Mr. Dudley. We do not think that it is unreasonable to find some fault with such omission. Nobody can doubt that Mr. Dudley is possessed of all such information; and, in view of the national character of his illustrious relative, we can see no good reason

himself had no settled opinion, if we may judge either by his language, his policy, or the conflicting testimony of Adams and Calhoun. Each member of his Cabinet, it would seem, puts a different construction on his language, and holds a different interpretation of his motives and his policy; whilst Hayne, of South Carolina, did not hesitate, in after years, to charge the language of Monroe as being non-committal, and as having been employed merely in the nature of a ruse de guerre. But history, of whatever description, is silent as concerns the opinions of Crawford. The only clue to these is to be vaguely gathered from the acts and movements of his prominent friends in Congress. Taking, of these, Macon, Randolph, Van Buren, and Cobb of Georgia, and such test would easily unfold his sentiments and views,

Crawford served as Secretary of the Trea- | monious party strife, consequent on the exsury during the entire period of Monroe's tinction of the Federal party, and the dispresidency. We can add nothing to what memberment of the original Democratic Mr. Dudley has so well said of this period party, rendered it unnecessary to assume of his career, and shall therefore dismiss this any distinctive appellation. Still they acted branch of the subject by quoting that gen- steadily together, in opposition alike to the tleman's language:extremes of Federalism and of Democracy, respectively represented on the floor of Congress by Rufus King and John Randolph ; and the great American system progressed gradually to a happy consummation. There was a vitality and an energy then discernible in the legislation of Congress, which diffused life and spirit into all departments of business. The nation looked to its government for proper encouragement and relief under the yet depressing influences of the war, and soon the whole country smiled with prosperity, and gave token of speedy release from the thraldom of cramped legislation. The spirit of the brooked no fastidious obstruction. Even when the Executive halted and wavered, the majority of Congress came off victorious from every trial of strength between them.

"Much of the period during which Mr. Crawford acted as Secretary of the Treasury," says Mr. Dudley, times were very doubtful; our domestic relations embarrassed, pecuniary difficulties pressing upon the people, home and foreign commerce fluctuating commercial capital deranged, a public debt to be managed, and, above all, a miserably depreciated and ruined currency had to be dealt with. The political essayists of those days agreed that it required ceaseless vigilance and profound ability to preserve the national estate from bankruptcy. But the public credit was never better at any period of the republic than during his administration of the affairs of the Treasury. The national debt was faithfully discharged, and the burdens of government upon the people were light and inconsiderable. At the time of the greatest difficulty the estimated and actual receipts of the Treasury only varied ten per cent., while the estimates of his distinguished predecessors had varied from seventeen to twenty-four per cent. But the best evidence of his fidelity, zeal, and ability as a Cabinet officer in this department, was the length of time he served; the unbounded confidence reposed in him by Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe, during the whole period of his service; the great interest manifested for his retention in that office by Mr. Gallatin, and Mr. J. Q. Adams' opinion of his merit, as evinced in his tendering him that office during his administration. Such men are rarely deceived in their estimate of character and qualifications."

age

The black clouds arising from the Missouri question, in 1820, shed a passing gloom over the bright prosPect; but patriotism triumphed over fanaticism, though not without an unwary sacrifice. The internal health of the country otherwise was never so great; and it is a fact worthy of notice, that this very period, when genuine Whig policy and principles were decidedly in the ascendent, is now looked back to by all parties as the age of good feeling and of golden times.

But the elements of strife were not long wanting. The great Presidential contest of 1824 afforded ample material with which to reconstruct a system of party warfare, although it is remarkable that no solitary political principle was involved in the contest. There was no attempt to keep up, but every effort to keep down, old party organizations. The Federal party, as we have already remarked, had been extinguished. The Democratic party had been dismem

An almost unnatural lull in political strife followed on the election of Monroe, and party dissensions and animosities ceased to disturb the course of legislation for many years. The President himself owned no distinctive party creed. A majority of his Cabinet were Republicans, though not allied with the Jeffersonian or Democratic school, further than by association. The Secretary of the Navy rather inclined to the Federal tenets, while Mr. Calhoun inclined to the Democratic, though his course of action in Congress had been widely variant from the as-bered. It had become rude and unfashioncetic teachings of that sect. In both houses of Congress, the Republicans of the Crawford school of politics were in a decided majority, controlled the legislation of the country, and were under the lead of Henry Clay. They were not then, nor for many years afterward, known by the name or appellation of Whigs. The absence of all acri

able to couple the name of Federalist with that of any gentleman. A Democrat was considered no better than a Jacobin. The words were never heard in political circles. It was almost impossible to draw a line of distinction between the aspiring politicians, or to set up any distinctive party standard by which to judge their opinions. Old mea

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