long will there be for Europe neither peace nor | basely. Finding that the Peace Society is tranquillity, but a great boiling-up volcano, and averse from his views of wresting the freeEurope will be a great barrack and a great blood-dom of Hungary from the grasp of the field !" Thus does he sum up the fraternal obligations of the human brotherhoods, in a strain of the noblest morality and statesmanship: "I rely on England. I rely on it, in the name of all who suffer oppression and long for freedom, like my own people and myself-for all are my brethren, whatever tongue they speak, whatever country they call their own-members of the great family of mankind, the tie of blood is strengthened between us by common suffering. To be sure, I have not the pretension to play the part of Anacharsis Clootz before the convention of France. Humble as I am, still I am no Anacharsis Clootz. But my sufferings, and the nameless woes of my native land, as well as the generous reception I enjoy, may, perhaps, entitle me to entreat you, gentlemen, to take the feeble words I raise to you, out of the bottom of my own desolation, for the cry of oppressed humanity, calling out to you, by every stammering tongue, People of England, do not forget, in your happiness, our sufferings. Mind, in your freedom, those who are oppressed. Mind, in your proud security, the indignities we endure. Remember that with every down-beaten nation, one rampart of liberty falls. Remember the fickleness of human fate. Remem ber that those wounds out of which one nation bleeds, are so many wounds inflicted on that principle of liberty which makes your glory and happi ness. Remember there is a common, tie which binds the destinies of humanity. Be thanked for the tear of compassion you give to our mournful past; but have something more than a tear; have, in our future, a brother's hand to extend to us!" The reader is, doubtless, reminded here of the appeal of Adherbal before the Senate of Rome, against the tyranny of Jugurtha. But all the eloquence of Sallust cannot invest the character and cause of the African Prince with any thing of the greatness which belongs to those of the heroic Magyar; while an enlightened audience of Englishmen-or rather the audience of all England-may be pretty fairly taken to equal in dignity the Conscript Fathers of the Capitol. northern tyrants, if necessary, he most dexterously turned the flank of that Society, brought it round seemingly to his side, by showing that the best principles of Christianity and peace were involved in the effort to shield the weak and innocent from the bad and the strong. His suggestions concerning the diplomacy of England and other nations, exhibit his profound and farsighted views of European policy. Lord Palmerston, to whom he recommended the protection of his wife and children, when he went into Turkey, has apparently disappointed him, seeing that (as far as we are aware) his lordship did not see the ex-Governor of Hungary. Palmerston, as the Foreign Minister of England, must feel himself open to the reproach of not having interfered for the protection of Hungary. Kossuth, seemingly distrustful therefore of the ministry of England, advises the people to pay close attention to the management of their foreign affairs, and suggests that the business of the foreign office should be open to the knowledge of the press and parliament, and advises the reformers and all friends of freedom to try and bring this about. He says the diplomacy of tyrants is more to be dreaded than their open war. His powerful and direct mind deals with national principles in that simple manner which belongs to true greatness, and thus brings the philosophy of government to the level of all plain and honest understandings. The fine-drawn and complex diplomacy of the Talleyrands, Metternichs, Palmerstons, and all the arcana of politics, he disdains and puts aside with infinite boldness and scorn. As regards the mission of Kossuth to this country, it seems to be the conviction of the public that our government will and ought to give him, in future, a little more aid in In all his speeches, Kossuth has proved the diplomatic way than heretofore; that that his state manship is as large and wise our ambassadors at foreign courts will speak as his eloquence is of the finest and most more decidedly the wishes of a great nation powerful order. Never was oratory more of freemen, in behalf of the oppressed Euroaptly and happily suited to the objects of the pean family. America seems to have a orator. While, on the one hand, he spoke destiny before her, from which the stern to excite the noblest and most generous necessity of human progress will not allow emotions of our nature, he was careful to her to swerve. Providence has not placed conciliate the good-will, and even the preju-her-the only free nation on earth-on dices, of his English hearers. But never the highest level of all this world, that she may trade and grow fat merely, leaving the suffering millions of less fortunate countries to look up to her imploringly, with all the anguish of desire, and beseech her sisterly help, in vain. A nation of twenty-five millions, with the power and resources of fifty millions, need never proceed to very violent extremities, in a case like this. The expression of her will would be enough to influence those to whom she should address it. Her word would be more effective than another nation's blow. The timid may feel consoled in the conviction that a firm tone on the part of our government would be very likely to effect all that Kossuth comes to our thresholds to implore on behalf of Hungary. He desires to unite England and America in the determination to warn the Czar against interfering murderously in Europe any more. If the exile can do this, Hungary will have one more chance. And certainly, neither England nor America can, in any case, lie under the dread reproach of allowing the high-handed injustice of Russia to be renewed. If the conduct of the European rulers be calculated to depress the hearts of the good, there is also much to rejoice them in the virtuous and fraternal demonstrations of the English and American people. Such demonstrations are more glorious to a nation than all the long emblazoned roll of its victories in battle. When the famous Marshal Haynau went to London, the other day, after his triumphs, the amiable populace rose upon him with a ferocious disgust that made all Europe either cheer loudly or ponder deeply. When the dungeon worn exile lands on their shores, this same people-the sturdy and historical commonalty of Englandrush to receive him as if he was a dear brother-though his name comes rather difficult to their Anglo-Saxon tongues-and give him all the tumultuous honors generally paid to royalty! That country sits firmly on its basis, where the populace can thus rebuke the wickedness of men in high places, and do homage to the worth of heroic patriotism in distress. And it is a thing to make one pause, with a feeling of awe and a looking-for of important change, to perceive how the people of our own potent republic are stirred by the coming of this poor exile among them. From the senator sitting in the Capitol, down to the hodman in the street, "is linked the electric chain" of this generous and enduring sympathy. All this seems to declare a truth as important to the world as that of Copernicus, and to point to the deep and general tendency of the age, under the controlling hand of God. That tendency is towards freedom, as Kossuth truly said; and it is fortunate and of good omen for mankind, that England and America are about to show themselves in the van of it; that the Anglo-Saxon family (we use the term as we use "Magyar" for Hungarian) is steadily pressing on to its old place, on the safe and solid pathway to better destinies. Fortunate, we say, for the world, which has been so harassed by the wild attempts of unqualified nations to renovate the conditions of humanity. France has tried to go first; but she has proved herself a bad pioneer, an unsafe guide. At one moment, full of a sweeping philanthropy, approaching to insanity; and the next, flushing into foolish enthusiasms at the feet of insolent homicides, she may be wondered at or pitied, but cannot any longer be followed. A breath of wind can send an avalanche on its march. The breath of this foreigner promises to give the kindred English-speaking peoples the impulse which shall direct them on a great course to some mighty issue. We should welcome the influence of Kossuth for the sake of liberty and civilization. But we must beware of fanaticism, and leave the grave question of peace or war to that calm legislative deliberation in which our wise Constitution has placed them. It will be remarked that Kossuth is not in favor of any of those impatient theories which have turned the brains of the French topsy-turvey, and sent them deplorably astray. When Kossuth says he would mould the government of Hungary after the model of our own, he may well be relied on, seeing that the polity of that country has always borne a strong resemblance to that of England; and the transition to ours would be the easiest, apparently, and most natural in the world. The freedom of Hungary would, therefore, create in the midst of Europe an influence kindred with the American, which would have the most important results in the history of progress-results which we can only faintly foreshadow, since they would make an Anglo-Celto-Saxon predominance in the heart of the European family. America must inevitably interfere in the business of foreign powers; so mighty a member of the human brotherhood cannot live sequestered; but it must be no meddling interference. To maintain the influence which has done so much for the progress of the world, she must not depart from her well-settled principles or policy. Certainly, the true part and glory of America will be, not alone to cover this continent with a prosperous network of railways, all paying noble dividends; but so to control the growing intelligence of Europe by the manly beneficence of her policy, as well as by the spectacle of her greatness, that the nations may be led to imitate what they must love and respect, and adopt the well-working institutions of our republic, instead of rushing wildly after vain theories of the closet. In this point of view, the duty of America would seem to be a high and grave one. W. D. OUR GENERAL REVIEW. AN ABSTRACT AND BRIEF CHRONICLE OF THE TIME. FRANCE-AS Louis Napoleon's term of office draws | this law was passed by the Assembly, and signed to a close, public expectation grows daily more in- by the President, it was aimed at the Socialists tense, while the movements of the contending pow- and Red Republicans; it was, in fact, a coalition ers, the Assembly and the Executive, are watched of all the other interests and parties in the country with the most painful anxiety. In the Assembly, against those two dangerous classes. For Red an attempt was lately made to obtain for the pro- Republicanism is the vagabondism of society; the tection of that body the establishment of a distinct Arab element, with its hand against every man; military force, under the especial direction of the with nothing to gain from order, and all to hope legislature, and independent of the general super- from anarchy. But in France, where labor always vision of the President, as officially tête d'armée of presses on the means of subsistence, there is also the French Republic. For it was guardians the an immense floating population, that ebbs and deliberative body needed, and not jailers. This flows with the rise and fall of demand, from town rather anomalous measure was, however, defeated, to country, from the seaboard to the interior. As, leaving the President more firmly seated than be- for instance, in the vine-growing districts at the fore. Indeed, had it been successful, the conse- vintage season, there is an excessive demand for quences to the cause of constitutional reform would labor, which ceases entirely with the harvest-home have been more disastrous than the reelection of of the grape. The disbanded armies of working the present incumbent; its inevitable consequences men, thereupon, pour into the adjoining cities and being either a coup d'état on the part of Preis- rural districts, filling up the channels of employdent Bonaparte, or the military rule of a favor- ment, which have adjusted themselves to these ite parliamentary general,-a lord Protector,-or periodical drains. The number of those that lose a terrible civil war; not a mere emeute crowded their votes by change of residence, from this and into the space of three days, and confined in its other causes, is 3,000,000, out of the whole nummilitary operations to the bombarding of a part of ber of 10,000,000 voters. By this class, with whom Paris, and the assault and defense of barricades, the name Napoleon is still a tower of strength, but an organized contention of political elements, was the President of the French Republic helped into which the whole kingdom would have been into office. But Louis Napoleon, kicking down drawn, and every province, and village, and house- the ladder by which he rose, has since thrown hold divided against itself. In that day, France himself into the arms of the reactionists, and is may well pray for the advent of the Cossack. For now, in sad truth, the leader of the great principle she has dealt already too much in blood. Her ex- of despotic authority in the west of Europe, as the cesses and national instability have done more Czar Nicholas is in the east. In his recent mesharm to the cause of free institutions than a thou-sage, the French President speaks of a "vast desand years of despotism. The friends of freedom look at her with distrust, almost with aversion. France must work out her political salvation with other means than the bayonet, and in other scenes than the lamentable array of battling senates and first consuls. In his message, the French President proposes the revocation of the law restricting the electoral qualification to those who have dwelt for three consecutive years in any one commune. When magogical conspiracy, now organizing in Europe, which he will use all the means in his power to crush." This demagogical conspiracy, be it known, is the cause in which such men as Kossuth and Mazzini are now laboring. The sublime audacity of this tergiversation has met with only partial success, for in the very market in which Louis Napoleon offers himself for sale, he is checked by the competition of the Legitimatists and Orleanists. He now plays the game not unknown on this side of the Atlantic, of a popular candidate with a set | Thus beginneth the reign of the Emperor Naof principles for every party and section; com- poleon II. mending himself to the reactionist by putting his foot on the infant liberty of Rome, and by driving from the coasts of France the wandering Hungarian chief, while to the earnest republican he speaks of universal suffrage, and a constitution revised. A muzzled press, with a restricted circulation, ren ders a manœuvre comparatively easy, which is often successful, even in the United States, in the midst of the full glare of party and political intelligence. It is said that, in casting their votes for Louis Napoleon, thousands of the benighted French peasantry fancied they were voting for the Emperor Napoleon!! Be this as it may, the notorious political profligacy of their prominent public men shows a terrible lack in the means of obtaining correct general information among those whose votes hold them up in public station. For in politics, as in trade, the necessity of the case will, doubtless, create a certain factitious standard of honesty, however low the tone of a people's morals may be in other respects, providing always that the masses are not kept in barbarous ignorance by obstacles placed by Government in the way of a free circulation of political intelligence. By this seeming move of the President in the direction of republicanism, his prospects for reelection are materially brightening, and his partisans have already met with a triumph in the Assembly. After long discussion, a clause has been adopted, making the time of residence necessary to qualify a citizen to vote in the commercial or township elections only two years, instead of three, as it still is in the general electoral law. This is certainly a departure from the rigor of that law, and a step towards universal suffrage. Postscript.-The long-dreaded collision has at last taken place. The opposition had finally decided to demand the arrest and impeachment of the President, and their leaders were gathered, and in the very act of confirming their decision, when they were themselves arrested, and conveyed to Vincennes. Thiers, Changarnier, and Lamoricière, were among those seized. The Assembly was dissolved, and Paris declared in a state of siege. The temporary building in which the Assembly had held its meetings was pulled down, and whenever any of the members attempted to meet officially, they were ordered to disperse, and arrested if they refused. The preparations of the President for this dashing affair were carried on with the greatest skill and secresy. On the same morning, proclamations were posted throughout the city, and dispatched to the provinces, restoring universal suffrage, and declaring that the President only held the power thus forcibly attained until the will of the people could be known. The election was to come off during the present month for a presidential term of ten years, Louis Napoleon promising faithfully to bow to the will of the people, even if adverse to himself. This stroke, although long expected, seems at last to have taken all by surprise. No preparations were made for resistance, and but a few barricades were erected, which were soon carried by the troops. Order is, for the time at least, completely restored in Paris. VOL. IX. NO. I. NEW SERIES. AUSTRIA. A conspiracy has been discovered and frustrated in the Austrian army, chiefly among those officers and privates that were forced into the Austrian service out of the disbanded revolutionary troops of Hungary. At the close of the war, numbers of the Hungarian officers were reduced to the ranks, and, together with the private soldiers, over whom they naturally retained their habits of authority, were scattered in large detachments among the forces of their hereditary tyrants. This rash experiment showed how little the Cabinet of Vienna understood the Hungarian temper, and what absolute ignorance of the free nature of man befogs the comprehensions of those who, from birth or position, fancy the servility of caste and court to be the natural growth of the human heart. The Hungarian_ranks were filled neither by raking together the dregs of the popu lation, nor yet by conscription-the two ordinary sources of replenishment for standing armies neither from the nation's misery nor from its vice, whereby kings justify the black proverb, "the worse the man, the better the soldier." But in the rank and file of Hungary flowed the undefiled blood of Asian plains-strong, bold hearts, that are patient under oppression, but not degraded by it. And at this very moment, even in these dark days, they are waiting cheerily for the "hour and the man." Well, it was Germany taught old Oxenstiern the lesson, quam parva sapientiâ regitur mundus; and now very shortly will many a sadfaced upholder of the divine right of kings con the same task through his tears, writ in blood. Of all the autocrats that ride down the liberties of Europe, the young Francis-Joseph of Austria sits the least securely in his seat. In the midst of the half million bayonets that are the only sup port of his throne, he finds disaffection; his broad empire is an ill-cemented conglomerate of discordant nationalities; and the finances of his kingdom are hopelessly overloaded with debt; for at this very moment the secret revolutionary loans of Mazzini and Kossuth find more success in the enthusiasm of the masses, than does the proposed Austrian loan with the European capitalists. AMERICAN INTELLIGENCE. As the American steamer Prometheus was leaving the port of San Juan de Nicaragua, on the morning of the 21st November, she was fired upon by the British brig-of-war Express. The cause of this occurrence was the refusal of the Prometheus, for several successive trips, to pay the usual harbor duties. San Juan is a free port. All articles exported or imported are free of duty, with the exception of the ordinary harbor duties, which are imposed by a city council, consisting of the English Consul as chairman, two Americans, one Scotchman, one native of the coast, and one Frenchman. On the refusal of the owner of the steamer (who was on board at the time) to pay these charges, the commander of the Express was applied to for assistance. The brig immediately got under weigh, and, as the Prometheus was dropping down towards 6 the mouth of the harbor, compelled her to return the proceedings by which a foreigner born becomes to her anchorage, by firing first a blank cartridge a citizen of this country, and renounces allegiance and then a shot across her bow, and another astern. to any foreign Government. It may be doubtful The American vessel thereupon paid, under pro- also whether, if he were to be regarded in all retest, the demand of the authorities, and was perspects as an American citizen, the provisions of the mitted to put to sea. A letter has since appeared treaty have been violated in his case. in one of our daily papers, from certain American merchants dwelling at San Juan, stating that these are the customary port charges that all vessels are expected to pay, with the exception of the British mail-steamers, which are exempt because they bring and receive a mail to and from San Juan; and further, that the steamers of any other country are offered the same exemption on the same conditions. However much the avarice of the owners of the Prometheus may have placed them in the wrong in this matter, the firing upon the steamer is a question of entirely a di 'erent sort. According to the express terms of the Bulwer and Clayton treaty, Great Britain is to hold no protectorate or armed occupation of any kind upon the coasts of Central America. Neither is the fact of any avail, that the assistance of the British commander was requested by a town council composed partly of Americans, since the council had no right to act at all, except as officially citizens of Nicaragua. Directions have been given by our Government to Commodore Parker, of the home squadron, to proceed in the frigate Saranac to San Juan de Nicaragua, for the protection of American commerce on that coast, and to notify the commander of the British naval forces there to that effect. At the same time he is instructed to assure the local authorities of the port that the United States will not justify the non-payment of any lawful port duties on the part of their merchant-vessels, and that they desire the most friendly relations with the Government of Central America, and will faithfully maintain on their part the stipulations of the above-mentioned treaty. Instructions have also been sent to our Minister in London, which the Government, in the present state of the case, do not deem it proper to make public. In a dispatch from the Department of State to our representative at Madrid, relating to the imprisonment of John S. Thrasher by the Spanish authorities, Mr. Webster states that it is to be regretted that no communication whatever has been made by Mr. Thrasher to the Department respect ing the circumstances of his case, so as to enable the Government to see what are the precise grounds of his complaint. It is stated by the Spanish authorities that Mr. Trasher had long been a resident in Havana; had become domicil d there, and had taken the oath of allegiance to the Spanish Crown, and therefore, as they suppose, was answerable to the ordinary tribunals of the country for any criminal act committed by him. His frin is, on the other hand, insist that on his trial he was deprived of certain privileges secured to citizens of the United States by our treaty with Spain. But it may be doubtful, says Mr. Webster, whether, after having sworn allegiance to the Spanish Government, he can longer claim the privileges and immunities of an American citizen, as the oath of allegiance is the consummation of Mr. Webster thinks that probably the most useful course for our Government to pursue in his case is to make the same application for Mr. Thrasher which has been made for the persons connected with the expedition of Lopez, and instructions are in consequence given accordingly. In Northern Mexico, Carvajal and his co-revolutionists have been repulsed from Matamoras, to which they had laid siege, and are now fast disbanding. Carvajal has retreated along the Rio Grande with a few Mexicans, and is using every effort to draw out to his standard the malcontents in that section. The Texans, however, who had joined him, and were his main reliance, had nearly all deserted him, and at the last accounts, were crossing the river on their way homewards. Difficulties have occurred in Utah between the Mormons and the United States' officers. Part of the money appropriated by Congress for public buildings has been taken by the Mormons to pay off the debts of the Church, and an attempt was made to get possession of the remainder. The Secretary, in whose hands it still remained, persisted in retaining it, and, in company with the Judges of the United States Courts, was compelled to leave the valley. In the correspondence between the Secretary of State and the Spanish Minister, Don Calderon says that "apprized of all the facts, her Majesty's Government has ordered the undersigned to persist in asking, as he again asks, in the name of said Government, for full satisfaction for the ag gravated insults committed upon the Spanish flag, and upon her Majesty's Consul in New Orleans; and also, that the Spaniards residing in that city shall be indemnified for the losses they have sustained at the hands of an infuriated and licentious mob." Mr. Webster, in reply, admits the justice of the demand for reparation to the Consul, and promises that he, or his successor, shall be received with honors, but refers the Spanish residents to the laws for indemnification. The arrival of Kossuth has for the last few weeks driven almost every other topic of merely local interest out of the public mind. His landing at Staten Island, his triumphal entry into NewYork, the banquets tendered him by the municipal authorities, the press, and the bar, the deputations from all classes and from all sections of the country, constitute one of the most extraordinary spectacles the new world has ever yet beheld. His remarkable powers of oratory, his delicate tact, his mastery of the English tongue, the wisdom and the earnest purpose of the man, which impress all that behold him, show that Louis Kossuth is the great man brought forth by this era of revolution. And it is not merely the more inflammable portions of the community that feel the strange fascination exerted by the Hungarian chief; not alone hose that harness themselves to the cars of operaancers, and pay court at the levees of public |