TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.

WASHINGTON NATIONAL MONUMENT OFFICE,
March 25, 1852.

est regard to economy. The materials and labor, with a sinall annual compensation allowed to the superintendent, and a still smaller to the architect, amount to the expenditure which has be enmentioned; and the Board of Managers are well satisfied that, had the work been undertaken by the government, it would have cost double the amount of the cost of the obelisk so far.

From two to three courses can be completed in a month, which require from four to six thousand dollars, while the monthly contributions have not ave raged for the past half year more than two thousand dollars. It will, therefore, be obvious that the work must necessarily be stopped if a more ardent and patriotic feeling does not prevail among the people of this country, and a more extended and liberal contribution be not made.

From the great decrease in the receipts of contributions to the National Monument during the last six months, the Board of Managers feel it to be their duty to make another appeal to the patriotism of the American public. They are unwilling to believe that the people of this country, under such deep and lasting obligations as they are to the founder of their liberties, and feeling, as they must, a profound sense of gratitude for the inestimable services which he rendered to them, will suffer a monument commenced in his honor, and to aid in perpetuating his name to the latest ages of the world, to remain unfinished for the want of the means necessary to complete it. It need scarcely To show with what ease this great object could be suggested that a fact like this in the history of be effected, it is only necessary to state, that three our republic would not fail to reflect lasting dis- cents from each white inhabitant of the United credit on the gratitude and patriotism of its citi-States would be sufficient to complete the monuzens, and prove to the world that republics are too apt to be forgetful of what is due to themselves and to the memory of those who, under Providence, have made them great, prosperous, and happy. It is often the fate of the most distinguished and illustrious to be nearly forgotten after they have mouldered in the tomb for half a century. In the busy and ever-changing scenes of the world, the stage of life is continuously occupied by those whose acts excite the interest of the living, and exclude the memory of such as have preceded them, though their reputation may have been more brilliant, and their deeds more glorious. But it was believed that Washington was one to whom the American people owed the greatest and most lasting debt of gratitude, and to whose memory every honor should be paid by his countrymen; that to honor him was but to honor themselves; and that they were willing and desirous to pay a just tribute to preeminent patriotism, and to unequalled public and private virtue.

Under this impression, a society was established, some seventeen years ago, in the city of Washington, for the purpose of erecting a magnificent monument to the "Father of his Country;" and the Board of Managers of that Society have, during that long interval, made gratuitously every effort in their power, from a pure feeling of patriotism and a desire to honor his memory, to obtain the means necessary to accomplish the object of its organization. By unceasing and untiring exertion they have succeeded in collecting a sum sufficient only to carry up the proposed structure to an elevation of one hundred and five feet above the surface, about one fifth of its intended elevation; and they now regret to say that unless the contributions are larger and more frequent than they have been for the past six months, it will be impossible to continue the work any further. The blocks of stone which have been sent from the different States, associations, &c., to be placed in the monument, have done but little to add to its elevation, though they may contribute to its interest. That the public may understand how expensive such a structure must necessarily be, it may be proper to state that each course of two feet in height costs upwards of $2,000, though executed with the strict

ment in a few years; and yet such appears to be the apathy and indifference existing in relation to this noble undertaking, that even that small sum cannot be obtained for so patriotic and glorious a purpose.

In Norway, three fourths of the amount necessary to erect a monument in honor of Charles XII. was raised lately by voluntary contributions in two days; while in the republic of the United States, brought into existence by the valor, perseverance, energy, and patriotism of Washingtonin a nation which now contains a population of nearly twenty-five million of souls, enjoying a freedom, independence, and prosperity no where else to be found one fifth only of the amount required to complete a monument worthy of the man in whose honor it is now being erected, has, after the most unceasing efforts for seventeen years, been contributed. To the people, the Army and Navy, Masonic, Odd Fellows, and other associations, the colleges, academies, and schools of the United States, banking institutions, city and town corporations, &c., applications urgently requesting pecuniary aid have been made by circulars addressed to all, and still the contributions received have been insufficient to raise the monument beyond its present elevation. This is a painful and mortifying fact. It will now become the duty of the different States of the Union to show the interest they feel in this noble undertaking, and to evince the estimation and respect in which they hold the character and services of Washington, by contributing to the completion of his monument, that the States as well as the people may have the honor of raising a structure to his memory which will be an imperishable memorial of their veneration and gratitude.

By order of the Board:

GEORGE WATTERSTON,

Sec. National Washington Monument Society.

The Clay Festival.-We do not think it out of place to mention somewhat at length the principal feature of the celebration of the birth-day of HENRY CLAY, which lately took place in the city of New-York. Aside from the many associations which connect themselves with the name of

that great man, an increasing interest attaches | when other hearts were quailing and trembling, itself to each successive anniversary of his birth which he is permitted to see.

The speech of Gov. Jones on this occasion needs no comment, and we cannot offend by placing it on permanent record.

and when freedom itself stood in consternation, not
knowing what the result might be, where did you
find Henry Clay? Do you remember the great
Missouri question? There he stood and vindicated,
not the cause of himself or of a party, but of his
country, his whole country, and nothing but his
country. [Tremendous applause.] And again,
sir, when the storm was louring, and when hope
itself had fled; when the friends of freedom wore a
gloom; when the ministers and ambassadors of
Heaven itself were wearing sackcloth, and looking
with fearful consternation to the coming crisis, in
1832, who was it that came forward and offered
himself as a sacrifice! Henry Clay, of Kentucky.
[Cheers.] Again, another fearful crisis came up in
the history of this country of ours. I, sir, and you,
sir, and all of us remember but two short years
ago, when the whole nation was convulsed from
centre to circumference, and when the proudest
hearts were made to tremble and to fear. Who
was the great champion then? Who was the man
that could come and stand on the shore, and say to
the angry waves, apart from passion and prejudice,

Gov. Jones, of Tennessee, was called on to respond to the toast, "Our Country." His appearance for that purpose was greeted with marked applause; three cheers were called for, and given him; and then three more, and then a repetition. He spoke as follows:-"I thank you most sincerely for the privilege which I enjoy of being present on this very interesting occasion. It always affords me a pleasure to meet with my countrymen in every part of this wide-spread Union of ours; but there is something-and I scarcely know what it is—which renders the present occasion one of peculiar interest to me. It is, certainly, one of the most interesting occasions of my life. Sir, it is a circumstance of the most pleasing kind; and yet that pleasure is mingled with a melancholy shade. You have assembled here, and for what? To pay honor to the name and to the character of an American citizen. And who is he, and whatThus far shalt thou go, and no farther?' Henry is he? The Mill-boy of the Slashes.' [Loud cheers.] Sir, what brighter commentary [here the orator pointed to one of the banners, representing the young Clay departing from his humble home] can be written on the character and the genius of American institutions, than are to be found in that illustration, and in this vast multitude? A boy, starting from the utmost obscurity of life-a poor mill-boy--and multitudes, and States, and empires -ay, and worlds, if they were-to do homage to his name. [Overwhelming applause.]

Clay, of Kentucky. [Immense applause.] Tell me of his services to the country; tell me of his honorable services; of his long years of devotion and sacrifice; of the pains and the anguish and the torture of public service; tell me of his persecution; tell me of his trials and of his triumphs; tell me of Greece, and of the South American Republics; tell me all the pride and glorious pictures of his character; but, away from all, tell me where was the man, living or dead, who thrice saved his country?"

"And is there not enough in the history, which "Tell me of the man that thrice, in three quarmay be traced from the state of the humble mill-ters of a century, was called of God to stand out boy to the proud and glorious height which none and save and redeem his country! [Great apbut angels may dare to tread-is there not enough plause.] That man is Henry Clay. Here is the in that, I say, to call forth the true and glorious old camp, here is the old guard; but as for myheart-felt devotion of every American freeman of self, I say I am ambitious; ay, write it down, I this country, which he says he knows alone, without say I am ambitious. I would rather be a member North or South, or East or West? [Loud cheers.] Is of that "old guard," endorsing the character, and there not enough in this country to fill the largest principles, and practices, and the memory of Henry desires of patriotic ambition? I come not here, Clay, than to follow in the train of the proudest sir, for the purpose of eulogizing Henry Clay. He man that ever trod the earth. And, sir, it is that needs no eulogy. The history of his country for sentiment, I know no North, no South, no East, half a century is one interminable, undying eulogy no West, nothing but my country,' which draws of Henry Clay. [Great applause.] Tell me of the Henry Clay to my heart. If I believed he was historian, and I honor him; but why should he at- a sectional man, I could not love him. If I be tempt to write the history of Henry Clay? It is lieved he had a sentiment in his soul which written on every American heart. It has a glori- would lead him to disregard the rights of one ous tradition. It needs no type; it shall descend part of the Union for the sake of another, I from heart to heart, and from generation to gene- would despise the man. [Cries of Bravo.] Is it ration, till time shall be no more. [Applause.] Sir, not strange, my countrymen-I had like to say, my instead of yielding to the suggestions of a moderate friends-that members of the same great family, ambition, he has loved his country, he has served having an identity of intellect, a community of his country, and nothing but his country has been feeling and sentiment, and who are bound to the the polar star by which he has been guided. And, same destiny, would cherish such miserable, such sir, when the storms and the tempest and the clouds low, such humiliating, and, religiously speaking, have loured around this country, and when other [bowing to the Rev. Mr. Chapin,] such damnable hearts were failing and trembling, where did you preujdices as sectional animosities, [great applause find this man of ambition? Ever true to himself, and approbation,] that we cannot live together ever faithful to the great vital and cardinal principles harmoniously, and as members of the same family, which he professed, standing by his country through without discord? What have you to gain by good and through evil report. [Applause.] And, quarrelling with me? What have I to gain by sir, in the darkest hour of our country's history, quarrelling with you! Your interest is my in

acquisition, and assist in the purchase of the most essential articles of husbandry and housekeeping. But philanthropy, that assists the poor laborer to leave the city, that he may find employment in the rural districts, would have a double motive for liberality, if a homestead rather than a hireling employment were to be obtained. But at most, Mr. Chairman, if the poor of the cities and crowded portions of the Atlantic States could not reach these lands, then the argument that the passage of the bill would deprive the country of its lands falls to the ground.

what States the largest number of acres of the public land have been donated, and for what purposes. I will not go into the figures in detail. "All I desire to show in this connection is the extent of the public domain, and that out of the fourteen hundred millions of acres unsold and unappropriated, one hundred and sixty millions might be well donated to actual settlers.

have never seen and will never see their vast and cheaply acquired estates.

"It must be evident that we have reached a point where these public lands must cease to be the means of direct revenue to the nation. Claims of various kinds multiply; liberality towards those "But then it is objected that these lands will who have served the country, enlarged encouragego to the Western people, and not enure to the ments to public enterprises, and charity to afflicted benefit of those of the East. Well, so it will, Mr. emigrants, are placing these possessions of the Chairman, if the East will not or cannot profit by nation in a position that forbids a hope for the it. The land will certainly not come down to us; Treasury from them; and that, Mr. Chairman, is we must go up to that. But what then? Sup- not all: The liberality of the government, that pose, at the worst, that the Western men should bestows so much public domain, or rewards therealone seize upon the privilege of these grants, and with so many entitled to public consideration, is alone directly profit by them; what then? not inducing settlement, but generally it is placing "But suppose, sir-for this is the argument-millions of acres in the hands of speculators who suppose nobody should be helped but the Western people? It is something to help them, especially as we shall not injure others thereby. It is something to help them; for I reckon them among the American people. And to know that we have given a sturdy Western man one hundred and sixty acres, which he accepts on the condition that he shall cultivate them, is to be certain that we have established at least one family. Besides, sir, the Eastern States vote land to the Western railroads, that custom may come to them from the far West. May we not, then, vote land to the Western men, that we may have permanent Western customers? It is an argument in favor of the grant of alternate sections to railroad companies, that the greater chance of settlement increases the value of the sections retained. If that is so, then it is more true that the settlement, the real occupancy and cultivation of one quarter-section, will give additional value to the others. The argument, sir, is cumulative.

"The number of acres undisposed of on the 30th of June, 1851, may be seen from a statement which I have had prepared by the Commissioner of the General Land Office, as follows:

Acres undisposed of.
302,195,62

1,049,680.91

8,219,628.72

8,849,165,11

13,579,384 47

"What we need as a compensation for our land (for at any rate the price, when sold, is nominal) is settlement; and the plan proposed in this bill is, that no man shall come into possession of a single acre of the soil until he enters upon its occupation and improvement. This I consider one of the strong points of the case. If without public claims, without military service, these lands were to be given in undivided masses, no benefit to the public could result, because the right of settlement and the benefit of preemption already exist. I therefore am led to regard this disposition of a portion of the lands as presenting a means of assisting public police, promoting public good, and gratifying a most natural and laudable longing of the human heart.

"If the views which I have taken of the main provisions of the bill now under consideration are not incorrect, then I think we may conclude that the plan of granting quarter-sections of land to actual settlers comes to us with the following, among many other negative and positive claims upon our favorable consideration:

"First. It is not in violation of any provisions of the Constitution of the country.

"Second. No power of Congress is exceeded by such grants.

"Third. It grants no favor to one which is not 26,635,5-9.32 free to all. And if the granted lands are less ac15,486,849.23 cessible to the Eastern than to the Western resident of these States, that is only the result of 20,011,143.77 accidental location, and is fully balanced by other general legislation, which, from similar causes, 25,661,550.27 operates to the advantage of the East. 24,506,294.83 "Fourth. It assists the unfortunate, and multi120,447,840,00 plies private comfort, domestic happiness, and social 50,975,931,85 206,349,333.00 propriety.

22,303,746.72

32.863,518.66

376,040,960.00

87,488,000,00

127,383,040,00 "Fifth. It tends to free the cities from a too - 113,589,013.00 crowded population, always unfavorable to order. "Sixth. It wastes no domain, but rather, if fair119,789,440.00 ly carried out, gives additional value to the contiguous unoccupied portion; and while it confers on the citizen the real title of lord of the soil,' which the Constitution allows in theory, it secures his

1,400,632,305. 48 “From this table it may readily be seen to

CRITICAL NOTICES.

The Operatic Library. New-York: S. French, was a triumphal march so triumphant as that of 151 Nassau street. 1852.