To make a bad policy popular, it is ne- | pride of personal freedom, the sympathy of cessary to associate it with generous impulses and courageous sentiments. Equally true is it of the wise and sound; good and bad alike require enthusiasm and the warmth of passion to extend them and communicate their power. Society being based upon the hearts of men, if we wish to move it, we must appeal to the passions of the heart; be the cause holy or unholy, it matters not. The same fire impels both. Such is the power of glory and of sympathy, men will not only rush headlong to certain ruin, destroying all before them in pursuit of some imaginary good, which they are to achieve for others; but they will, with incredible subtlety and patience, fabriricate for themselves compact and well-jointed systems of philosophy and faith, whose premises are laid in sheer pride and fury. The most powerful leader of the people is he who moves them by the mightiest and most enduring of all passions, the pride of personal liberty, and who associates this power with emotions of brotherhood and the sanctity of religious faith. These mighty arguments overthrow all the calculations of prudence and of interest. By these only can the spiritual oneness of men be made the lever of political enterprise. Whether the premises of those potent arguments, those magnificent and solid reasonings, by which the great orator, Kossuth, so moves the people, are the subtle contrivances of ambition, or the convictions of an honest mind; whether his appeals to the VOL. IX. NO. I. NEW SERIES. national brotherhood, and the sanctity of religious faith, are the rhetorical delusions of a demagogue, or the exhibitions of a truly great and self-sacrificing spirit; whether he is leading us headlong into folly and destruction, or rousing us from a pernicious lethargy; whether the fire of his soul has kindled ours in a vicious or a holy cause; in fine, whether he is making a bad cause popular, by touching the hearts of the people, or awakening in them their ancient spirit of freedom, large, magnanimous, and now fortunate in the power of a great empire; these questions, continually asked and agitated, are now, almost to the exclusion of all others, engrossing the attention of the people. The leader of the Magyars, taken from captivity by the people of the United States, through the agency of their government, from the condition of a humble exile, dependent upon our hospitality, has achieved by his eloquence, delivered in a language foreign to himself, a reputation and an influence here, which leaves no room for wonder at the power he exercised by native eloquence among his own countrymen. The event of the Cuban invasion, unequalled in the history even of republican valor-five hundred men attempting the conquest of a powerful state, and falling at the last, with a courage worthy of the highest patriotism, like men misled and deceived, and not like buccaneers-had served only to convince the people of the United States 1 that their courage and audacity, surpassed the consecrated valor of. Thermopylae, and left them without equals for enterprise in the estimation of the world:. This unlawful. and unfortunate expedition, which a powerful opposition and the authority of government had been unable to suppress, served as a warning to the more active sympathizers, that in movements of so great magnitude the preparation also must be great, not only in men and arms, but in the public mind. Success in that expedition, had it even revolutionized the island, and rescued the Creoles from the despotism under which they suffer, might have inspired our people with a wild and reckless audacity, and carried us away in a tempest of foreign wars and adventures. While the horror of the Cuban catastrophe continued to depress and subdue us, rumors reached us of the expected liberation of Kossuth. Our government, although determined to suppress the schemes of our own adventurers, was yet willing to show itself republican before the people of Europe, by giving a rescue to the patriots of Hungary, whose remote position made it seem possible to offer them an asylum, without thereby compromising the policy of this nation. We were satisfied with having in this manner vindicated our character as republicans, and awaited with complacency the arrival of Kossuth. We received him with acclamations, not only as a republican, but as a man of genius and notoriety, who had been the subject of all tongues in Europe. He, on the other hand, accepted what we offered, with the air of a man quite used to the approbation of a multitude, and returned our salutations in speeches which seemed to develop a new policy for the nation. Such was the first impression made the coming of Kossuth. He gave us time for reflection. With all the appearan of magnanimity, he accepted what we offer not for himself, but for the cause which represented. More than this; he seemed open anew the principles of our fundam tal law, and with sublime reasonings 1 captive our understandings. From the spi of our own laws, he attempted to establi for us a law of nations, and a basis of publican diplomacy. He touched our pri and awakened our ambition. the young giant of Democracy out of t uneasy slumber into which he had falle after his luckless clutch at the Spanish islan He did not do this after a consultation wi our sages and great lawyers, but with nati logic and spontaneous eloquence. He rous If we adopt the principles of the Magya we admit also their consequences, with th reservation only that we ourselves are to a cide upon the time and circumstances their application. Kossuth affirms, That sovereign stat ought not to be interfered with in the reg lation of their internal policy. He adds, That Hungary is a sovereig state, and, consequently, ought not to prevented by the Czar of Russia, or by ar other power, from adopting a republica and constitutional form of government. That the people of the United States, b ing themselves a sovereign and indepen ent nation, ought not seem indifferent, whe the liberties of any other nation are enda gered by foreign intervention. That in the grand struggle between de potism and constitutional government, it just and necessary for the people of th United States to recognize the position a signed them by the consent of all nation as the vindicators of the rights of sovereig That America should no longer be th asylum only, but the stronghold of liberty. That the efforts of an intelligent and hu mane people, suffering under oppression, an stimulated by liberty of soul, demand no only the sacred sympathy, but the aid c the people of the United States. To the majority of the people, it was mere amazement to hear the language of Hamil-states. ton and Jefferson spoken freely and eloquently by the leader of an Asiatic tribe, and breathing anew into their hearts the fire of liberty, the flame of '76. "The people of the Danube were then also freemen, like our fathers, and were enacting a second time the scenes of Concord and Bunker Hill. Their orator, their inspirer and leader, driven by the treachery of a second Arnold into exile, had taken refuge among us, his brothers in spirit and faith, and now beseeches us to become his brothers in arms." That combinations of arbitrary power against the liberty of single states may b rightfully opposed by equal combination of constitutional and republican States fo their protection; and that the aid extended |