Were France in danger of the Czar, could not now offer to engage in a Republ can war on her behalf. The Czar, it is sai governs France by diplomacy. If it is tru that the Jesuists, and Emperor of Russia, es the people that made the first Napoleon state has not reached the lower classes Emperor, and it seems probable that their the interior. actual suffrage will confer the same dignity upon his nephew. It is clear the republic of France is a form only, while ours is a reality; that is to say, it exists in our individual hearts and wills. We do not establish a republic by our vote; it is already estab-ercise a joint dictatorship over the French pec lished in us. We are born and educated freemen; our liberties are not conferred upon us, nor outwardly guaranteed to us. We are the sovereigns, our rulers only the agents of our sovereignty. If a choice were given to us, by "universal suffrage," whether this or that man should be our emperor, we should reply simply, “We have no need of either." In our families, our villages, our States, we exercise sovereignty. "Where, then," exclaims the Frenchman, "is the guaranty of your freedom, the sanction of your laws?" "In our weapons, Messieurs; we are familiar with the use of arms from infancy, and we learn by heart the Declaration of Independ ence. In France, all interest and all power emanates from the centre; the people revere Paris, they despise each other, they have no confidence in themselves. Either by nature or through inexperience, they suffer the power of the state to fall away from them toward the centre. In America, on the contrary, each man is the state. L'etat c'est moi, "I am the state," says the surly Democrat: and he is indeed the state; there is at least no other state. In him lies the family, the sovereignty, the church, and the empire; his heart is a focus of grand passions, and a radiating centre of all powers: and thus are we, the people, a well-founded republic, a well-developed organization, firmest and broadest at the root, whose vitality is in millions of living centres, cohering by spiritual unity. Our faith in the republicanism of Europe has been shaken by the unfortunate issue of successive French and Italian revolutions. We discover at last that, though the educated talent of Europe is eager to follow our brilliant and successful essay at republicanism, the masses of the people, through ignorance or incapacity, either do not understand or fail to sustain these movements. Society has profited in a thousand ways; population has increased; trade, industry, and knowledge have advanced; but the idea of selfgovernment and individual interest in the ple, through Louis Napoleon, and if it hap pens that this Louis Napoleon is elected by the universal suffrage of the people of Frane during the coming year, would any aid o ours be rightfully demanded by a people so little able to manage their own internal interests? To extend such aid against the intervention of the Czar, we must first know that the nation desires it for purely republican ends. To intervene in favor of a small republican party, unsupported by the masses, would be to destroy that party by exciting the hatred of the lower orders against ourselves and it. But we are bound, as we revere our ancestors and respect ourselves, to propagate the creed of republicanism, and to extend the glory, the knowledge, and the benefits of freedom. How are we to do this? If we interpose directly in the affairs of other nations, it must be with a definite understanding of the true interests of republicanism in America, where at least it has a solid existence. Let us suppose again that the news has reached us of a revolution in Great Britain, and we are called upon by a portion of the people of England to assist them in subverting the monarchy and founding a republic. We must be sure before we render aid that we shall not be received as enemies and interlopers by the body of the population, and that this jealousy may not react upon the cause we came there to support. And yet it is our bounden duty, in all things, to sustain the good cause. How, then, are we to do this? It is necessary to make good the cause at home, or we cannot decently offer aid to it abroad. The failure of our aid would throw us backward with violence into a state of inaction and self-disgust. By the doctrine of Kossuth and of the Democratic party of the Union, gratuitous intervention in the internal affairs of sovereign states is a crime. Why is Abolitionism a detestable policy? Because it is a policy of intervention. Why does the Emperor of Russia merit | tration, "that every state shall mind its and receive our execrations? Because he is own business," we might then demand of the patron of intervention. the world that the principle remain inviolate hereafter. Why do the people of America protest against the intervention of Great Britain in A series of powerful remonstrances, statesthe affairs of the Central and South Ameri- manlike, and altogether high-toned and corcan states, unless it be that such interven-rect, could not fail to have a powerful effect, tion violates the liberties of states? when issued by a nation of twenty-three millions, resolved upon "the maintenance of order." If we take the position of defenders of state sovereignty, it must be with the assurance that the doctrine is well and solidly established among ourselves. Before committing ourselves to a war of principle, in behalf of nations on the other slope of the hemisphere, it will be necessary to make a review and inspection of the hither slope. The SANCTION of our principle of non-intervention, within our own limits, is the army and navy of the United States, established for the "maintenance of order." "In point of fact," as they say in England, our "rule," without this sanction, would become a dead letter. Looking now into the policy of adminis As far as we are contaminated by the doctrines of conquest and of Abolitionism, (and it is claimed by many, that a consider-tration, in States and municipalities, we find able part of the nation is infected by the the sanction of non-intervention existing in one or the other,) so far we are incapable of our State militia, our volunteer companies, engaging in a crusade against monarchs for and our constabulary force. By these we the maintenance of state rights. compel the observance of " non-intervention" between man and man. While the doctrine of a balance of power arises by necessity among despotic govern ments, where the predominance of one endangers the existence of all, that of non-intervention, or of state rights, as certainly originates among republics. If rights are inherent, conquest is a violation of their inherence. Hence, we derive our favorite rule of NON-INTERVENTION, forbidding interference in the affairs of sovereign states. Let it be supposed that the governments of Europe, alarmed at the growing power of America, in the commerce and policy of the world, had formed an alliance against us, and had agreed among themselves upon a system of secret war upon the States and institutions of the Union. They would argue the necessity of such a system, under their own doctrine of a balance of power. The "Balance of Power," not now for Europe only, but for the civilized world, absolutely demands the breaking up of this immense and dangerous organization, which ought now to be divided into several portions, small enough to be played off against each other. The doctrine of non-intervention, on the other hand, will compel us to oppose all such inhuman conclusions. To carry out our doctrine in practice, as before observed, we must begin at home; and having first agreed among ourselves to hold it sacred as a rule of internal adminis The It appears to a philosophical eye, as though the entire system of the Republic, domestic and foreign, is, or, for consistency, ought to be, a mere ramification of this rootprinciple of non-intervention, with the sanctions necessary to its maintenance. reader will, consequently, understand us, when we suggest that the sovereign people of America, in coming forward before all the world as defenders of their fundamental law or rule, in the affairs of nations, come forward merely as republicans. The rule of non-intervention, with an adequate sanction, would become the cornerstone, or, more properly, the root-principle of a body of international law. That law has hitherto derived itself from monarchical codes, pending the several adjustments of the balance of power, that is to say, during the formation of the great empires of Europe and Asia. The opposition of the two principles, each pretending to be a root of all international law whatsoever, might occasion some confusion in the affairs of Europe, but could only settle and confirm ours upon a more enduring basis. Several ugly factions would probably be annihilated by it in the heart of the Union. The party of conquest, of which Mr. Polk was the representative, could not exist. That would be a good result. If we are indeed to begin a new epoch, as some have proposed, by reconstructing our foreign policy-in other words, by coming forward as the defenders of non-intervention-we have clearly a work of magnitude to accomplish. For, first, we have to establish for ourselves, in the mind of the entire nation, a true policy of intercourse. not only with monarchies, but with republics, If we rush into this affair without suitable preparation and agreement, we incur the danger of committing vast and horrible blunders, such as only republics commit, like a war without a reason, or a diplomacy of threat without a navy or an army to support it. It must appear, also, that what we do is undertaken in our own behalf, for it is not permitted to nations, much less to empires, to exercise a theoretic or an impulsive generosity. Our naval forces and our arms can be neither given away nor lent without consideration. Our "remonstrances" must be weighty and significant, drawing their strongest arguments from the salus populi, the good of the people. When it is considered that this new foreign policy is to come out as the antagonist of the "balance of power" principle-that is to say, as the enemy of conquest and of despotic intervention-republicanism against a corrupt world; that it is to lay a new foundation and raise a new structure of international law; that we have first to establish it on a sure foundation at home; that it must be tested first among nations, our im mediate neighbors, within a few days' sa us; when all this is considered, and necessity added of a radical and comp reformation of the consular and diplon system of the United States in every clin of the globe; adding to all this a thorou organized office of foreign information, t established at Washington, independen party, and open at all times to the press the people ;-when all this, we say, is sidered, we may with all earnestness upon the men of the Whig party-the p of order and constitutional security, the p whose creed is positive and not negative, structive, not destructive-to consider the pending change; and, if it must come determined that the new policy shall be structed in accordance with those princi which they hold to be vital, not only to t country, but to the cause of freedom throu out the world. It is no longer a time for visions in the great party of principle. I time that the great underlying sense conscience of the nation should be arou from its present lethargy, and throw off fr the surface of society the scum of fro politicians, who are manufacturing pul opinion, and obtruding names for the he of state in the coming storm, utterly ineom tent. The next President of these Uni States, to be elected in a few months, m be the greatest statesman in the world, if can be found among us. CELEBRATED LECTURERS IN PARIS. VILLEMAIN-COUSIN-GUIZOT-MICHELET-CUVIER. Ir was the good fortune of the writer, | turers?" any American gentleman cou when young, and at a later period, (one of give him very proper and full information. A the happiest recollections of his life!) to have American would be quite at home with t attended the brilliant lectures of the world- subject. But ask him what they are and ho renowned Parisian professors. We have had they are managed in foreign countries, an the honor to be personally acquainted and especially in France; unless he has travel to hold intercourse with many of them, and much, it is probable that he may be at to collect anecdotes and a correct knowledge loss for a reply, and that many mistak of their character and talent. Our account, should escape from his lips. The reason therefore, may contain something new; and, that a great difference exists between Fran whatever else it may lack, we can yet vouch and this country respecting this subject. for its perfect accuracy. In the United States, the lecturers If a foreigner should inquire, "What every kind are numerous-almost as num exactly are, in this country, lectures and lec-rous as flowers in the spring. In Franc they are, properly so called, very few. In | he is lecturing gratuitously for the commuthis country, every one can set up for a lec-nity at large. What chance, then, there turer, whatever may be the amount of under these circumstances? The chance of science, talent, and reputation of which he speaking to empty or very thin benches; s possessed, provided he be gifted with flu- which is, indeed, neither pleasant nor proency and copiousness of language. He is fitable. slmost sure to be welcome, and to meet with public favor and remuneration; for in this country, be it said to our praise, we are fond of lectures, and very kind to lecturers. adventurers, to quacks, and charlatans; by the other, the field is narrowed to untried lecturers, and they are smothered at the debût, though they may be gifted with talent and information. Disheartened by the difficulty, they dare not face a formidable competition, and turn their exertions in other directions—for instance, writing for newspapers, and giving lessons. Hence, the literary or scientific market is overstocked with reporters and sub-editors, who, under other circumstances, might have been successful lecturers. Which is the best of the two systems? It would be out of place here to enter into a full disquisition of their merits and demerits. Both have their advantages and their deIn France, voluntary lecturers can start fects. By the first, favor and encourageup on their own hook, as the Yankee phrasement, and sometimes success, are secured to s; but they find very little favor and support, that is to say, money or reputation,unless they appear before an audience, heralded by highly laudatory recommendations of the press; for every where the flourish of trumpets has, at least for a time, an admirable and magical influence. The real lecturers, however, are the patented lecturers, if we may use the expression-that is to say, professors of eminence, who, after a long probation, and proofs of scientific or literary merit, are regularly appointed to a public institution, or a Faculté des Sciences ou des Lettres, to give a series of lectures, carefully prepared, upon the branch intrusted to them, and who are entirely remunerated from the public treasury. Every one, either native or foreigner, can attend these lectures without paying a cent. Thus it is that the professor never need feel uneasy about pecuniary compensation, and he has only to take care of his reputation for superior lecturing. In the United States, moreover, the field for lecturing (and making money by it) is larger and wider. After an experiment of a fortnight or several weeks in some of the large cities, the successful lecturer may pursue a systematic course of travels and peregrinations over the States. Almost every where he is sure to find a taste for science or belles lettres, sufficient, at least, to give a few successful lectures, and to gather in his progress a certain amount of reputation and dollars. In France, it is not so. The field is narrow and limited. With the exception of Paris and some large cities, there is no prospect of very profitable lecturing. Indifference prevails in small towns. In the chief cities of the departments, he would find the patented lecturer (le professeur de la faculté des lettres ou des sciences) already established, under arms, and supported by public favor and esteem, more especially because We recollect that last winter an American gentleman living in Versailles, and writing to a newspaper in this city, somewhat angrily complained of his not having the opportunity of attending various lectures for his evening amusement, and said, in the way of peroration: "Why do they not give us those interesting lectures to which I was accustomed in the States?" He was right in his complaints; but I suspect that, if he had lived in Paris, he would have found there plenty of enjoyment, and plenty of lectures of high interest. There was, and is still, I think, in Paris, an old and venerable institution called the "Athenæum," where since 1785 there have successively appeared men of brilliant attainments in science or belles lettres, and where lectures are given as in this country. But the stars have been few; the indifferent lecturers have been almost a legion; and hence the popular favor has never strongly supported the institution, and it is living more on the glorious recollections of the past than on the success of the present time. Some years ago, a literary gentleman struck on a new and happy idea. Availing himself of his numerous relations with the aristocracy and ladies of cultivated taste, he established des matinées littéraires, in which he lectured on the various branches of literature, reading with a superior taste and skill the most beautiful extracts from poets or orators, giving anecdotes and biographical sketches of the authors, &c. After exhausting the belles lettres, properly so called, he delivered a series of historical lectures on France and England. For many years both were quite successful. But the two great luminaries of science, literature, and learning are to be found in two institutions, entirely supported and paid by the Government, whatever it may be, le Collège de France et la Faculté des lettres, at Paris, with which are connected, as special professors and lecturers, the most distinguished men in every branch. It is on this stage that the illustrious writers, whose names we have prefixed, have appeared, and it is there that they have acquired a great part of the glory and popularity by which their names are hallowed. demned by public opinion. In fact, it not be attempted. The Faculté des Lettres (a branch perior learning of the Académie de Po under the direct jurisdiction of the M of Public Instruction. It embraces fro teen to eighteen special professors lettres et les sciences. A professor pointed by the Minister from a list of dates made up by the Corps de la Fo Here the same qualifications are requi in the College of France. Here are the same guaranties of permanency an same advantages. By the law of March, 1850, many ations have been introduced in the s of public instruction throughout Franc has established as many Académies as are départments, eighty-six in all. Th struction is superior, secondary, and pri The superior itself is divided into fiv cultés divinity, law, physic, sciences, literature. There are seven facultés vinity, (five Catholic and two Protesta for the law, 3 for physic, 11 for scie and 13 for literature. Collaterally to the Université, the sup learning is represented by institutions perform a great part in forwarding the College of France, the Museum of Na History, the course of archæology at National Library, the School of Living I ern Languages, the School of Vulgar A at Marseilles, the course of astronom the Observatory and the Bureau des gitudes, (a scientific committee,) and l'1 des Chartes. The establishment of the Collège de France may be traced back to the reign of Francis the First, three centuries ago. It has been modified, enlarged, and perfected, according to the progress of society and science. In our time, there are connected with it twenty-one professors or lecturers, whose duty it is to give, for six months, lec-gress of mind and of science. Such ar tures on the Greek, I oman, French, and oriental languages and literature, upon general history, poetry, eloquence, natural history, political economy, &c. Their chairs are awarded to them for life. They may choose, on account of ill health, or other good reasons, an assistant professor to fill their place, to whom they resign the half or more of their salary. The mode of appointment is wisely calculated to secure a good choice. A professor to the College of France is appointed by the chief of the State from two lists of candidates, the one made up by the professors as a body, the other by the Minister of the Interior. A genuine and public reputation is necessary in science or literature, even to have one's name put upon the list, and, à fortiori, to prevail over his competitors. Those two powerful engines in the affairs of the world, intrigue and favor, have very little to do in the selection. "Has such a one published remarkable works?" or, "Has he given proofs of talent and superior acquirements?" These are the sole questions asked. An indifferent selection would be promptly and without fail con Summarily, the Faculty of Letter Paris, and the College of France, const the chief establishments for the superio struction. There has been a period of ex ordinary splendor, (it is that, the histor which we intend to relate,) when thousa of enthusiastic young men attended the profound and brilliant lectures. is no more, though many courses are attended; but none of the actual lectu have attained the influence or the glory the former, with one exception. This t Among the illustrious men whose na I have prefixed, the first three belong to Faculté des Lettres, the other two to Collège de France. The peculiar period which the first three rose to so great influence and distinction begins with Deco |