Western members had been urging this as a predicted it would be. Parties still conreason why they ought not to support him tinued immovable and uncertain. It was in preference to Adams. His illness, and difficult to tell where either had lost, or the serious afflictions with which he had been where either had gained. Calhoun had visited, were well known to Clay. He been elected Vice-President by a large maspoke of them often, and always with un- jority, and refused to take part or mingle feigned kindness and sympathy. Anxious in the election either way. He was known, and interested partisans had, it is true, sent however, to be bitterly opposed to Crawford, abroad through the country very exag- and he afterwards declared that he had no gerated accounts of his convalescence and preference as between Adams and Jackson, improving state of health, but in Wash- though his friends were already zealous ington the whole truth was known. But for the latter. Clay maintained a steady his immediate friends attempted no con- and decorous reserve, which many whose cealment, although they were sincere in the anxieties were zealously excited, characbelief that he was rapidly growing better, terized as mysterious and politic. The Crawand would soon be sufficiently restored to ford party no longer expected his coöpeenter profitably into the discharge of any ration, and the Adams party, relying on his official duty to which he might be called. well-known distrust of Jackson, and fully Under this illusory impression, in order as informed of Crawford's wretched health, conwell to confute the malicious as to convince fined their electioneering efforts to an interand persuade the doubtful, they resolved course marked only by cordiality and reupon a course which, though corroborative spect. There is not on record the least parof their sincerity, resulted fatally to their ticle of evidence that they ever made any hopes and expectations. It had been now overtures to Clay's friends, or approached a long time since Crawford had mingled himself improperly. But the partisans of with the public. He had not been present Jackson pursued a different policy altoat any of the numerous festive and social gether. It is in proof, on their own testimeetings for which this season is famous. To mony, that prominent members of their drawing-rooms and soirées he was an utter party consulted frequently as to the prostranger. Only a select and intimate few priety of coaxing Clay's friends to support were in the habit of visiting him, even at Jackson by an intimation that, in the event his home. A few days previous to the time of the latter's election, the "second office of of election, however, and to the surprise of the government" would be tendered to nearly all Washington, his friends conveyed Clay. They even went so far, in guarding him to the Capitol, and kept him there in against the rumor that Jackson had decompany for several hours. The old man clared his intention of continuing Adams in looked much better than was generally ex- the State Department in case of election, to pected, and deported himself with accus- persuade Jackson to allow them to announce tomed amenity and dignity. Many who publicly and by his authority, that he had saw him only from a distance, were most made no such declaration, that he had not agreeably disappointed. Those with whom decided as to any official appointments, and he shook hands and spoke, however, were that, if elected President, he should be free observed to leave him with grave faces, and to fill the offices of government as he chose. with all the signs and tokens of a melan- While doing this much, however, Jackson choly interview. Among these last was took very especial pains to denounce all Clay himself; and it was afterwards re- attempts at intrigue or improper collusions, marked by one of Crawford's friends, who and expressed himself with characteristic was present, that his manner on that occa- emphasis and honesty of purpose. We sion told plainly enough that their hopes of must candidly say that we believe Jackson his coöperation and support were at an end. himself was intent on running the race with "Defects were but too evident," as Cobb had Adams for the Presidency fairly and indewritten to his friends, and these sounded the pendently; although we must further say funeral knell to his chances for the Presidency. that his subsequent conduct showed a vinThe contest was at length narrowed down dictiveness that is wholly irreconcilable with to the issue between Adams and Jack- the general frankness and manliness of his son, as nearly every one had, from the first, I disposition. It has not transpired whether these decla- [ admonished him to do nothing without rations were ever formally communicated to advice. That he was a mere tool of others, the friends of Clay. But when the Jackson is seen by his original letter, in which he party found that Clay's resolution was still makes charges that he afterwards denied fixed not to sustain the pretensions of their were charges of either bargain or bribery, and favorite; that neither persuasion, nor flatter- about which he evidently understood nothing ing intimations, nor attempts to intimi- at all. That he was a vain-glorious blusterer, date could move him from his purpose; is proven by his vaunting reply to Clay's that the star of the hated Adams was card denouncing the charges of his letter as rising to ascendency; that Clay and his false. That he was a driveler, if not a fool, is friends would certainly make Adams the evidenced by his whole subsequent conduct. President, their rage seemed to know no His cringing denials, his bolstered reäffirmabounds. Their execrations were uttered tions in the face of those denials, his verbal without regard to decency or propriety. confessions to Clay's friends, his written stateThen it was that the first hoarse whispers of ments given to Clay's enemies, his challenge the "bargain and intrigue" were heard. before the committee, and his subsequent They were hissed serpent-like through the disgraceful retreat, at one time boasting, at political circles of Washington, though the another time begging, and always blindly venom was first discharged within the bosom obedient to his dictators, all these show clearly of a quiet and obscure rural district in a that. he was much better fitted to mould neighboring State. No one doubted then, cheeses and to manufacture sourkrout than no one doubts now, the source from whence to conduct a plot or discuss state affairs. His those charges sprang. It is one of the in- only redeeming quality is to be found in firmities of our nature to judge others by our- Clay's own admission, that "he may have selves. They who had so cautiously dis- possessed native honesty." cussed the policy of illicit overtures within their own cabal, were naturally unable to account for their defeat upon any other than the ground that they had been outbidden by their wittier adversaries. But they directed their attack behind a masked battery, and attempted to resolve the controversy into a personal issue between Clay and an old, simple-minded Pennsylvania Dutchman, by the name of Kremer. Kremer was a member of Congress, and from his character, habits, and standing, was evidently selected with special reference to all these, as the instrument to fire the train of this infernal machine. It seems that he was notorious for ignorance, insignificance, and vulgarity. In his address to the House, Clay alludes to him with a species of kind contempt, implying less of malevolence than scornful indifference; and afterwards he tells his constituents that to have held such a man responsible would have subjected him to universal ridicule. Nobody believed that Kremer composed either his original letter charging Clay with corruption and bribery, or the subsequent elaborate letter which was sent to the committee raised to act on those charges. The only thing he himself did write, which was a positive contradiction of his original charge, was seized and pocketed by one of his friends, who at the same time Such was the man and the instrument which was thrust forward by the contrivers of this atrocious plot to confront and accuse Henry Clay. Having failed to flatter or to frighten him into the support of Jackson, they now assailed him through the more trying medium of his sensibilities. They endeavored to compel his support by leaving to him only a choice between compliance and the chances of political destruction. Their scheme failed as to the first, as every body knows. Clay was not shaken for an instant, but challenged investigation and defied conviction. At the same time he caused his friends to assert publicly and positively, that he had resolved not to sustain Jackson under any circumstances short of the most extreme and improbable necessity. But the conspiracy, especially in view of its subsequent identification with Jackson himself, who endorsed the accusations in the very zenith of his gigantic popularity, did indeed result in the destruction of Clay's chances for the Presidency. The strongest armament of proof that was ever before arrayed in a similar case, (and that, too, the proof of a negative,) has not been sufficient to clear him, before the masses, of these groundless charges. Every effort to make him President, from that day to this, has failed, solely in consequence of the unwelcome fact, that his friends have been met at every corner with these deathless charges of the bargain and intrigue of 1825. It was in vain that they were disproved; that all proof was invited and challenged; that it was shown no proof existed, or ever had existed. One letter of five lines from the Hermitage, containing the mere declaration that the opinions of its revered and idolized master had "undergone no change" on the subject, was enough to confute a world of substantial evidence, and to stamp the baseless charge with the seal of divinity. It is a significant and an instructive fact that the friends of Crawford, so far from aiding and abetting this unworthy attempt to destroy the character of a high-minded opponent, with the view to force him to a course which his judgment and inclination both condemned, accorded to Clay their generous and steadfast support in all attempts which were made to obtain the action of the House on the charges contained in the Kremer letter. Forsyth came zealously to his aid, and put forth in his cause the splendid parliamentary accomplishments and abilities which made him the ornament of Congress. Crawford himself turned his face against the conspiracy, with feelings that appeared to have partaken of both horror and disgust, and afterwards wrote to Clay a letter expressive of surprise that he should ever have been thought capable of believing such charges, and assuring him that he "should have voted just as he did, as between Jackson and Adams." At the same time, the Crawford party, warmly devoted to their chief, never pretended to disguise their hostility to Clay, in consequence of his preference for Adams over their own candidate. They were mostly of a school of politics which repudiated the latitudinous constitutional theories of the day, and considered Adams as being more obdurate and unreliable on such score than Crawford. At length the day of election arrived. It was a cold, stormy day of February. The hall was beset and crowded at an early hour by every class of spectator. Every member was at his post, and the area was jammed with privileged dignitaries, senators, ex-members of Congress, members of State Legislatures, judges, and foreign ambassadors. Doubt was portrayed in every countenance, anxiety throbbed in every bosom. The galleries and lobbies, filled to an excess that almost stifled the eager multitude, presented a solid sea of uncovered heads; nor was there, perhaps, a solitary individual of that vast number who had not made a choice and a preference between the three opposing candidates for President. It was the second time in the history of the government, and within a quarter of a century, that such a high duty and responsibility had devolved on the House of Representatives. Most of those present were alive and in political life when Burr and Jefferson came as contestants before the same assembly, and some had been actors in that memorable scene. They now recalled with misgiving the frightful recollections of those seven days' ballotings, which had been carried on amidst threats of rebellion and of armed interference. It was now to be tested whether the lapse of twentyfive years, years allied with glory, with greatness, and with unparalleled prosperity, had imparted the salutary influences necessary to dispel and subdue seditious resorts, and to substitute a spirit of allegiance for a spirit of anarchy. The foreign ministers present, observing the immense concourse, and the absence of soldiers and guards, seemed by their looks to have agreed that the occasion would fully confirm or disprove the republican theory of our political system. But there were no indications of a character that seemed likely to lead to any untoward development. At the usual hour, the Speaker ascended to his chair, and the rap of his hammer brought the House to order. The roll was called; and the first business being to proceed with the election for President, in conformity with the terms of the Constitution, tables were duly arranged, and tellers appointed. John Randolph presided at the table on the Speaker's left, and Daniel Webster at that on his right hand. The vote was to be taken by States, and amidst breathless stillness and the most painful suspense, the balloting commenced. When all the votes had been deposited and counted out, Webster rose, and with deep, sonorous tones, announced that, at his table, Adams had received thirteen votes, Jackson seven, and Crawford four. Scarcely had he again taken his seat, when the wild, shrill voice of Randolph was heard ringing high above the buzz which followed Webster's announcement, as he proclaimed a similar result at his own table, but so varying Webster's phraseology as to say that the respective candidates had received the votes of so many States, instead of so many votes. There being at that time but twenty-four States of the Union, and a majority only required to elect, it appeared that Adams had obtained just the complement, and was, of course, duly and constitutionally elected President of the United States. was there, but the same frigid and callous deportment which always belonged to him, was not exchanged for a manner of even seeming warmth. The bright and piercing eye alone gave token that deep feeling, and stormy passions, and acerbities of temper that partook of stern Jesuitism, dwelt within So soon as this result had been officially a bosom to all appearance so impervious made known, there was heard some slight and phlegmatic. The polished amenity and demonstration of applause in one of the gal- winning suavity of Jackson shone in marked leries. McDuffie, a member from South contrast with the less engaging manner of Carolina, and a fierce partisan of the Jackson his successful rival. There was not the faction, sprang to his feet ere scarcely the first slightest symptom of even a lurking disapsounds were distinctly heard, and in a man-pointment observable in his mild, dignified ner that indicated every symptom of anger deportment. He shook hands with and and keen mortification, moved that the gal- congratulated Adams with a cordiality that leries be instantly cleared. This motion, and seemed to defy scrutiny or question. No the corresponding order which was imme- one could have ventured to predict that the diately given by the Speaker, seemed to pro- frank and friendly courtesies of that evening duce great surprise among the foreigners would so soon be exchanged for a personal present, in view of the immense and excited warfare, vindictive beyond what has ever crowd which filled the hall. It seemed to occurred in the history of the republic. Yet them incredible that such an order at such no one will now question but that Jackson's a time could be carried out, and that, too, by behavior on that occasion was forced and an invisible force. But their surprise was insincere, and that his bosom was even then lulled, and their incredulity satisfied com- burning with wrath and the desire of venpletely, when the Sergeant-at-arms proceed-geance. How these were afterwards wreaked ed quietly to motion the crowd to the doors, and when that crowd quietly obeyed; and all skepticism, if any had really been entertained, as to the binding influence of law in the absence of physical force, must instantly have vanished, when, in a few moments, those spacious seats, which were so recently teeming with conscious, anxious spectators, presented nothing to the eye but the magnificent colonnade, and the long rows of empty benches. The House now soon adjourned, and every body quitted the Capitol, some filled with joy, and others struggling to conceal the defeat of expectations which had been more fed by hope than by reason. The important question had been irretrievably decided by a first vote, notwithstanding that many had anticipated that a struggle similar to that of 1801 was about to occur again. On the evening of the same day, the drawing-rooms of the Presidential mansion were thrown open, and all Washington flocked to witness the scene. The gathering was brilliant beyond parallel or precedent; and amid the universal exhibition of good feeling and apparent vivacity, it was difficult for a stranger to distinguish the victors in the morning's contest from the vanquished. Adams against both Adams and Clay, history has told with a particularity of detail more truthful than welcome. Crawford was not present; disposition and tastes would have withheld him from going, even had his state of health allowed. Besides, the result of the morning's contest had both astonished and disappointed him. He had never, perhaps, shared the sanguineness of his friends, but we are told by one who had long stood in a very confidential relation to him, that he was evidently not prepared for so early and abrupt a termination of the struggle before the House. His friends were prepared no better for a decision on the first ballot. They had hoped and wrought for a protracted contest, conscious that Crawford's only chance lay in some sudden turn of the game which might spring from the animosity of the stronger factions, and finally benefit him as a compromise candidate. Consequently, they were astounded when the vote was announced, though they betrayed no outward sign of chagrin or mortification. Some of the most intimate of their party repaired to Crawford's dwelling shortly after the adjournment, and among. these were Macon, Lowry, and Cobb. The first two of these went immediately into the return home, and we must do the best we can with him. Should he and our friends wish that he should again go into the Senate, the way shall be open for him. I am sick and tired of every thing here, and wish for nothing so much as private life. My ambition is dead." room where Crawford was calmly reclining in his easy-chair, while one of his family read to him from a newspaper. Macon saluted him, and made known the result with delicacy, though with ill-concealed feeling. The invalid statesman gave a look of profound surprise, and remained silent and pensive for The events of this memorable campaign, many minutes, evidently schooling his mind and their consequences, afford an instructive to a becoming tolerance of the event which page of history, and may be easily traced to had for ever thwarted his political elevation. an intimate connection with the party poliHe then entered freely into conversation, and tics of the country from that day to the commented on the circumstances of the elec- present. They served to form the tempest tion as though he had never been known as which succeeded to the calm of the preceda candidate. He even jested and rallied his ing eight years. The absence of all princifriend Cobb, whose excess of feeling had for- ples from the contest, gave to it peculiar bidden him to see Crawford until the shock virulence and acrimony, and made defeat to had passed-for he knew that the enfeebled be far more keenly felt. It caused a genveteran would be shocked. The conversa-eral prevalence of the belief, that the cessation, on the part of these friends, was not tion of party strifes, based upon honest difuntinged with bitterness and spite, vented ferences of opinion on the fundamental theagainst the prominent actors in both the ad-ories of the government, was rather injuriverse political factions, but more especially ous and hazardous than beneficial to the against those of the successful party, as be- political safety of the republic. Hitherto, ing more immediately responsible for the since the day of Washington, on whom even crushing overthrow of their own beloved his opponents bestowed their suffrages, the candidate. Crawford himself refrained from conflicts of the political world had turned giving utterance to the least exceptionable on substantial and great principles. From sentiment, and behaved, during the remain- 1824 to 1848, competition has turned prinder of his stay in Washington, with a mild- cipally upon personal attachments and preness and an urbanity befitting one of his ferences on one side, and personal antipathy exalted station, who had just staked and and hatred on the other. lost his political fortune. As a proper con- was not the man to restore harmony; and clusion to this portion of our task, we again his advent, at such a period and crisis, must draw some extracts from the correspondence ever be regarded as having materially balked of Thomas W. Cobb, under date of the thir- and impeded the progress of the great nateenth of February, just four days after the tional interests, although no one can consistcontest had been decided in the House. ently question his honesty or his patriotism; while all must admit that, in the eye of the world, his administration gave a character and tone to the American name which the Andrew Jackson "The Presidential election is over, and you will have heard the result. The clouds were black, and portentous of storms of no ordinary character. They broke in one horrid burst, and straight dis-lapse of many future generations will not pelled. Every thing here is silent. The victors have no cause to rejoice. There was not a single window lighted on the occasion. A few free negroes shouted, "Huzza for Mr. Adams!" But they were not joined even by the cringing popu lace of this place. The disappointed submit in allen silence. The friends of Jackson grumbled at first like the rumbling of distant thunder, but the old man himself submitted without a change self changed not their looks. They command universal respect. Adams has caused it to be announced that they shall have no cause to be dissatisfied. Two days ago, the Treasury Department was tendered to Crawford, and refused. On the same day, General Jackson paid him a friendly and civil visit, but nothing passed but an interchange of civilities. Crawford will of countenance. Mr. Crawford's friends nor him alter or obliterate. His passions and his pride were alike unregulated, and the pernicious and corrupting principle of favoritism was a prominent element of his nature. He gave out to his friends to expect from him every thing in the way of patronage, and warned his opponents to expect nothing. He very seldom showed quarter in battle, never in the political world after his accession to the Presidency. These strong passions came to be mutual and reciprocal as between the leaders and followers of both parties; and they increased in intensity until, at last, the politics of the country was resolved into personal idolatry, a sort of |